Alexis de Tocqueville, writing in the mid-1800s, perhaps best described the outlines of the legislative history of decentralization that began with the Revolution of 1789 when he suggested that, time and time again, there was “in the beginning, invariably, a push toward decentralization … in the end, an extension of centralization. In starting one follows the logic of one's principles; in finishing one follows that of one's habits, of one's passions, of power. In sum, the last word always remains with centralization which, to be honest, increases in depth at the same time it diminishes in appearance.” The reason for this recurring pattern, he found, was that legislators' only real concern was for their own power and incumbency, whether they argued in favor of centralization, claiming that it was necessary for national unity, or against it. For “the majority of those who in France speak against centralization… do not basically wish to destroy it, some because they hold power, others because they count on gaining it.” On the question of decentralization, political principle continually gave way to the pragmatism of those who, once in power, saw their political interests furthered by continuing, or even increasing, governmental centralization.

This pattern of recurring centralization reflected a continuing and understandable, distrust of the local population by those in power who had gained power as a result of local upheaval in most instances, but feared losing it in consequence of such upheaval.