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9 - Compound verbs and ideophones in Wolaitta revisited

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  07 May 2010

Mengistu Amberber
Affiliation:
University of New South Wales, Sydney
Brett Baker
Affiliation:
University of New England, Australia
Mark Harvey
Affiliation:
University of Newcastle, New South Wales
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Summary

Introduction: overview of the phenomenon

Complex predicates, subsuming what are known as particle+‘say’ verbs, compound verbs, and ideophonic constructions are widely attested in the Ethiopian Cushitic, Omotic, and Semitic languages. They are reported for Amharic (Leslau 1945, 1995; see also Amberber, this volume), Awngi (Hetzron 1969), Bench (Rapold 2006), Hamar (Lydall 2000), Qafar (Hayward 1994), Somali (Dhoorre and Tosco 1998), and Wolaitta (Adams 1983, Lamberti and Sottile 1997, Amha 2001, Amha and Dimmendaal 2006a, Amha, this volume), among others. Appleyard (2001) and Cohen, Simeone-Senelle and Vanhove (2002) have highlighted the importance of the construction for (historical)-comparative studies of Afroasiatic as it can account for a number of innovations in the verbal system of Cushitic, Omotic, and Semitic languages.

The construction involves two predicative elements, which could be labelled temporarily: P(redicate)1 + P(redicate)2. P1 is often represented by a verbal form with restricted inflectional possibilities, e.g. by the converb (also known as gerundive), ideophonic verb, or a derived verbal stem. In some languages, e.g. Qafar (Central Cushitic), P1 may be a noun, an adjective, or a postpositional phrase (cf. Hayward 1994). P2 is a fully inflecting verb if the complex predicate is the head of a clause.

Type
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Information
Complex Predicates
Cross-linguistic Perspectives on Event Structure
, pp. 259 - 290
Publisher: Cambridge University Press
Print publication year: 2010

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