‘Scottish answers to Scottish questions’ is probably the over-riding rationale for the Scottish Parliament. John Curtice (Chapter Fifteen) argues that if Scottish voters’ concern is primarily instrumental (improving the quality of decision making in areas directly affecting Scotland), then people would vote according to the policy priorities they wish the Scottish Parliament to pursue. However, if they see the Scottish Parliament largely in symbolic terms, then we might expect them to vote according to their national identity. John Curtice examines whether the relative importance of policy preferences and national identify differ between the first Scottish General Election (in 1999) and the first Westminster Election held since devolution (in 2001). Individuals who feel ‘Scottish rather than British’ were found to be more likely to vote for the Scottish National Party in the Scottish Election than in the UK General Election. He concludes that the Scottish Parliament is indeed regarded as an expression of the country’s national identity and is not simply valued for the difference it might make to public policy. This suggests that public support for the Scottish Parliament will survive occasional policy disappointment, but also that the Labour Party will not improve its position in the Scottish Parliament simply by improving the operation of the Scottish Executive. To achieve this goal, he argues that it needs to show that it is delivering a ‘distinctly Scottish government’ too.

The Scottish Executive has limited powers in the field of economic policy making. It and Scottish Enterprise have attempted to harness national identity in pursuit of a Scotland exhibiting more ‘enterprise’, in which greater emphasis is placed on creating wealth than questions of spending or distribution. Alex Christie, Nicola McEwen and James Mitchell (Chapter Sixteen) argue that such ‘symbolic politics’ has taken a central place in devolved economic policy making in Scotland. Their analysis indicates that social class remains important in any attempt to understand both national identity and attitudes towards work, employment and enterprise. They conclude that, while both national and class identity were important in bringing about a Scottish Parliament, these identities are less likely to be successful in creating an ‘enterprise culture’ in Scotland.