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Chapter 5 presents the story of how Iran finally turned the tide, of how the revolution progressed to the point that it could help instead of hinder the war effort. What the IRGC authors term “the epic of Khorramshahr”—Iran’s retaking of that city after months of Iraqi occupation—marked the culmination of the reversal. For the Guards, the liberation of Khorramshahr represents a case in which faith could be used effectively against firepower. Though the Iraqi forces retained their advantage in firepower, the Iranians’ faithful determination gave them the ultimate edge in their fight to retake the city. The liberation of Khorramshahr signified a turning point both in the war and for the Revolutionary Guards. The campaign marked the IRGC’s most substantial participation in the war to that point and initiated its transformation into the powerful and professional military that experience has allowed it to become.
Chapter 1 introduces the book’s main protagonists, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) or Sepah, Corps. It examines the Sepah’s emergence, formal establishment, mission and duties, early institutionalization, and role in fighting counter-revolutionary and ethnic separatist groups. It traces how the Sepah formed from groups brought together by the shared goal of protecting what they saw as the revolution’s most important principles. It emerged in the days after Ayatollah Khomeini’s return to Iran on February 1, 1979 and in the midst of the Islamic Revolution’s turbulent and precarious transitory phase, which was characterized by political and violent struggles over the nature of the new regime. A particularly contentious issue, and one especially critical in the Sepah’s formation, was the fate of the Artesh, Iran’s regular military, and the nature of military power in the new regime.
Chapter 7 examines the numerous difficulties Iran faced following the invasion of Iraq. In its last six years, the Iran-Iraq War became more and more difficult for the Islamic Republic to prosecute, forcing Iranian political and military leaders to come up with ways to keep the war going. The liberation of Khorramshahr had greatly bolstered morale and popular support and had generated enough initiative to drive the war into Iraq. But that initiative began to run dry after the invasion, as successive Iranian operations failed to produce the desired results – a decisive victory that would force the acceptance of Iran’s ceasefire terms and ensure the security of the country. In addition to these military challenges, in the later stages of the conflict Iran was forced to confront the war’s pluralization as the parties to and the scope of the conflict expanded.
Chapter 8 completes the chronological analysis of the IRGC’s history of the Iran-Iraq War by examining how the Revolutionary Guards assess the conflict’s conclusion. As the indelible declaration from Supreme Leader Khomeini made clear, deciding to end the war was agonizing for Iran, akin to drinking from a poisoned chalice. The assessment of the IRGC sources presented in this chapter reveals why that was so and why the decision was finally made. Understanding the disquiet that surrounds Iran’s acceptance of the ceasefire also reveals the IRGC’s view of the conflict as unfinished, a view that represents one of the ways the Iran-Iraq War continues to have a profound impact on the Islamic Republic.
Chapter 4 continues the examination of how the IRGC analyzes the war’s early stages, and turns to Iran’s response to the Iraqi invasion. That response, according to the Guards, was characterized by a combination of willingness and inability. Just as Iran’s Islamic Revolution provided the underlying catalyst and opportunity for the Iran-Iraq War, it also had a definitive impact on the war’s early stages. Though many Iranians scrambled to repulse the attack on their territory, their nation, and their Islamic Revolution, they generally proved unable to do so. That dynamic exposes another of the connections between the Iran-Iraq War and the Iranian Revolution. One of the central arguments the IRGC authors make in their publications is that Iran’s ability to prosecute the war depended in large part on whether the revolutionary conditions in the country helped or hindered that effort. In this initial stage of the fighting, the disorder left in the revolution’s wake debilitated the Islamic Republic, rendering it unable to prevent Iraq’s occupation of parts of its territory.
Chapter 11 examines the ongoing processes of how the war has continued to shape the IRGC and how the IRGC has continued to shape the history of the war. The former is discussed in the first half of the chapter, which assesses how the war transformed the IRGC into a more complete and professional military and how the organization has used its contributions to the war effort to justify its growing power in the years since; and the latter is discussed in the chapter’s second half, which examines how the Holy Defense Research and Documentation Center has expanded and promoted its projects.
Weight cycling is prevalent in sports/professions with body composition standards, and has been associated with weight management behaviours that may contribute to suboptimal diet quality and weight gain. US Army Soldiers may be at increased risk of weight cycling relative to civilians due to mandated body composition standards. However, the relationship between weight cycling, weight management behaviours, BMI and diet quality among Soldiers is unknown. In this cross-sectional study, 575 Soldiers (89 % enlisted, 90 % male, 23 ± 4 years) at Army installations at Joint Base Elmendorf-Richardson, AK, Joint-Base Lewis McChord, WA, and Fort Campbell, KY completed questionnaires on food frequency, health-related behaviours and history of weight cycling (≥ 3 weight fluctuations ≥ 5 % body weight). Weight cycling was reported by 33 % of Soldiers. Those who reported weight cycling reported higher BMI (27 ± 4 v. 25 ± 3 kg/m2, P < 0·001) and higher prevalence of engaging in weight management behaviours prior to body weight screening but did not report lower dietary quality (Healthy Eating Index-2015 (HEI) scores 59 ± 10 v 59 ± 11, P = 0·46) relative to those who did not report weight cycling. Results of mediation analyses suggested that weight cycling may affect BMI both directly (c’ = 1·19, 95 % CI: 0·62, 1·75) and indirectly (ab = 0·45, 95 % CI: 0·19, 0·75), and HEI scores indirectly (ab = 0·69, 95 % CI: 0·20, 1·35) through the adoption of weight management behaviours. Weight cycling is common in Soldiers and is associated with higher BMI and higher prevalence of engaging in weight management behaviours that mediate associations between weight cycling, BMI and diet quality.
The concluding chapter revisits several broader issues regarding the emergence of money in historical societies, drawing conclusions from the historical contexts explored in this book. Emphasis is placed for example on the distance through which objects are constructed as valuables in exchange, making them appropriate as a form of money, and the effect that developing state institutions could have had on the use of money. In the framework of these and other issues connected to the early development of money, several novel insights are outlined, while highlighting the need for additional questions, and pointing to opportunities for future research.
What happens to state bureaucracies when authoritarianism emerges? How do autocrats seek to use the administration to their ends? This chapter addresses these questions, analyzing Venezuela as a typical or representative case. Venezuela has been a (more or less) functioning democracy since 1958. Within the system of the so-called "Puntofijismo," major parties agreed to a consensual model of democracy, sharing offices and distributing revenues of the oil rent. The public administration supported and managed the distribution. This led to stability and wealth in regional comparison. In 1998, Hugo Chávez, a former military officer and failed putschist, assumed the presidency in Venezuela. In the following years, but especially under president Maduro, Venezuela experienced a severe decline of democracy and is today clearly an authoritarian regime. In this chapter, we analyze the strategies of the Chavista governments vis-à-vis the administration. We identify three main strategies to sideline the established bureaucracy: first, repression and firing; second, circumventing and neglecting, which means creating a "parallel state"; and third, militarization of the "civil" service.
The prevalence of adult Attention Deficit and Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD) has been investigated in the general population by multiple studies. However, few studies have focused on identifying its prevalence in the military population, particularly among military parents of children with ADHD.
The aim of our study was to screen for adult ADHD among military parents of ADHD children followed-up at the child and adolescent psychiatry department in the Military Hospital of Instruction of Tunis, Tunisia.
This prospective study was carried among military parents (one or both parents belonging to the national army) of ADHD children. Children were diagnosed with ADHD based on the 5th Diagnostic and Statistical Manual ADHD criteria and the Conners Comprehensive Behavior Rating Scale. Whereas adult ADHD was screened for using the Adult ADHD Self-Report Scale-V1.1.
Fifteen children and twenty-nine parents were included in the study: sixteen of the parents were military members and thirteen were civilian spouses. Eight (50%) of the sixteen military parents, and four (30,7%) of the civilian spouses were screened positive for ADHD. Whereas 73% of these children had at least one parent screened positive for ADHD, and 53% had at least one military parent screened positive for ADHD. These results suggest a high prevalence of adult ADHD among this population.
ADHD occurs in childhood and may persist into adulthood. The findings of this study indicate that ADHD symptoms are not limited to the youth and are common in military population. Implications on screening, management, preventive measures and research should be discussed.
This chapter traces the establishment, and evolution of military slavery in north India between ca. 1000-1500. It will moreover investigate the interaction between war and society when it involves enslavement of captured civilians. Lastly, it will argue that the expansion of agriculture and the rise of a large peasant population that served as a potential source of mercenaries that eventually competed with slaves as a source of recruitment.
In this book, Hedi Viterbo radically challenges our picture of law, human rights, and childhood, both in and beyond the Israel/Palestine context. He reveals how Israel, rather than disregarding international law and children's rights, has used them to hone and legitimize its violence against Palestinians. He exposes the human rights community's complicity in this situation, due to its problematic assumptions about childhood, its uncritical embrace of international law, and its recurring emulation of Israel's security discourse. He examines how, and to what effect, both the state and its critics manufacture, shape, and weaponize the categories 'child' and 'adult.' Bridging disciplinary divides, Viterbo analyzes hundreds of previously unexamined sources, many of which are not publicly available. Bold, sophisticated, and informative, Problematizing Law, Rights, and Childhood in Israel/Palestine provides unique insights into the ever-tightening relationship between law, children's rights, and state violence, at both the local and global levels.
Chapter 1 lays the theoretical, methodological, and contextual foundations of this book. First, an overview is provided of the book’s key arguments, as well as its contribution to existing studies and debates. The chapter then offers a detailed rethinking of conventional wisdom about each of the book’s central themes: childhood, law, and human rights. Children, it argues, are not simply a preexisting group with inherently unique traits and needs but, rather, are a category largely manufactured by social forces. Key among these forces are law and children’s rights, both of which, for reasons explained in this chapter, have been complicit in state domination and violence. From there, the chapter places the subject matter in its political context. This is done by outlining the varying modes and degrees of control that Israeli authorities exercise over each of the following territories: Israel “proper” (within its pre-1967 borders), East Jerusalem, the rest of the West Bank, and the Gaza Strip. The methodology of this study is then discussed, and the book’s sources are described, along with the decisions that were taken in interpreting them, as well as the inaccessibility of some sources. Finally, an outline of the next chapters is provided.
Chapter 3 focuses on relationships and accountability and looks at the role of colonial rule in contributing to continuing state fragility in Africa today. This chapter also considers colonialism from the perspective of internal and external relationships. The implications of colonial governance and legal structures for accountability and recourse in instances of harm are also discussed.
The chapter focuses on the role of civil society as a determining factor in the Arab Spring uprisings and their outcomes in the seven country case studies. It begins by revisiting the literature on, and debates over, civil society and its relationship to the state and political change, distilling two approaches. In one, civil society is a separate and autonomous sphere essential to democracy; it protects individuals and groups and gives them voice vis-à-vis the power of the state and, in some interpretations, the market. The other more skeptical approach posits that civil society is either an extension of the state apparatus or a sphere that provides legitimacy to the status quo and thus helps to reproduce it; civil society may be able to compel the ruling elite to enact some reforms, but it has neither the capacity nor the will to produce large-scale systemic change. We argue that both have merit and that each is context-specific, and we distinguish civil society in advanced capitalist democracies from that in authoritarian settings. We examine the strength and capacity of civil society prior to, during, and after the uprisings in each of our cases, showing that the strongest were present in Tunisia and Morocco.
The chapter examines macro- and meso-level variation in the institutional and structural conditions that galvanized popular mobilization, it and maps their trajectory a decade following the uprisings. Although the protests were a culmination of an enduring struggle for political liberalization and democratization, years of stalled growth and high unemployment structured citizens’ grievances against their states. The chapter offers a mapping of regime type, institutions, and governance trends across the seven country cases. Although all seven countries were autocratic prior to the uprisings, variations in institutional development and capacity help explain why violence and repression prevailed in some cases and not others, why Morocco adopted the path of constitutional amendments, and why Tunisia embarked on a democratic transition. The chapter also shows that a decade after the uprisings, the Arab Spring’s socioeconomic grievances and demands remain unmet, leading to renewed protests in 2018–20.
The British surprisingly faced no military resistance when they captured Asante in 1896. Previous works have focused on the agency of actors like Prempe and Frederick Hodgson to explain why. This paper, in contrast, approaches this epoch in Asante history from the context of the sociopolitical power structure within which the precolonial Asante state operated. It asserts that Asante's independence was contingent on having a strong military. But since it had no standing army, the state used Asante's ‘social contract’ to coerce its subjects into ad hoc armies to meet military threats. Starting from the 1874 Sagrenti War, however, the state disregarded the social contract. This unleashed a series of events that undermined the state's power to coerce Asantes into military service. The article posits further that this erosion of the state's coercive power ultimately prevented it from countering the British with armed resistance in 1896 to maintain independence.
This chapter shows, even more vividly, how difficult it is to pass power on in a Leninist system. Jiang Zemin only allowed Hu Jintao to succeed to office because of the decision of Deng Xiaoping. Even then, Jiang manipulated the “rules of the game” so that Hu Jintao could not consolidate power. Even in his second term, Hu Jintao, though stronger, could not consolidate power. He was able to promote a significant number of his followers, but few of them were able to attain positions of real significance. Hu was never able to control the military.
This article assesses the Liberal and Fascist administrations’ shifting attitudes towards colonial concubinage during the years of the repression of the anti-colonial resistance in Italian Libya (1911–32). Also known as mabruchismo, concubinage in Libya closely resembled its counterpart in Italian Eastern Africa, as it involved middle- to upper-class Italian officers coercing colonised women into engaging in often exploitative intimate relationships. During the first 20 years of colonisation of the territory, the colony's military administration employed an ambiguous stance regarding the practice, condemning it discursively to ingratiate itself with the local elites while unofficially allowing it to provide safe sex to its officers. When the resistance was defeated in the early 1930s, and the Fascist administration began its demographic colonisation plans, colonial concubinage was prohibited as out of place in a racially segregated settler colony. This article employs an analysis of official archival sources to trace the regulatory framework that shaped the lives of the Libyan women and Italian officers engaged in concubinage in a shifting colonial society. The colonial administrations’’ regulatory efforts toward colonial concubinage testify to the crucial role that Libyan women and racially ‘‘mixed’’ relationships played in shaping categories of race, class, and gender relative to the Italian colonial context.
Research on disaster behavioral health presents significant methodological challenges. Challenges are even more complex for research on mass violence events that involve military members, families, and communities, due to the cultural and logistical considerations of working with this population. The current article aims to inform and educate on this specialized area of research, by presenting a case study on the experience of designing and conducting disaster behavioral health research after a mass violence event in a military setting: the 2013 mass shooting at the Washington Navy Yard, in Washington, D.C. Using the case example, the authors explore methodological challenges and lessons learned from conducting research in this context, and provide guidance for future researchers.