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Chapter 6 provides a historical introduction to the origins of rules protecting people and property in war, in particular resulting from the development of the nineteenth-century laws of war into modern International Humanitarian Law (IHL). The chapter sets out the norms protecting property from unlawful appropriation in time of war (such as the crime of pillage) as well as the norms protecting labour against exploitation (including the crimes of enslavement and forced labour).
This chapter explores the centrality of community organizing to past anti-slavery movements and examines the continuing role for community-based activism, with a focus on the United States and the United Kingdom. The contribution of community mobilization to contemporary antislavery action is often overlooked, with emphasis falling instead on the efforts of legislators, policy-makers, and NGOs. In arguing for a broader perspective we identify the historic role of three "convening" forces - faith, commerce, and place – in drawing individuals together. We argue that such forces played a core role in stimulating changes to existing social and cultural norms and underpinning a developing consensus on the human right to be free from slavery. We assert that such processes of "moral redefinition" start with individuals but are sustained and given momentum by groups – leading by example, suggesting and sharing, working together to express moral choices through considered action. We also find that faith, commerce, and place continue to offer significant convening role for antislavery organizing. The challenge facing community organizers in the present anti-slavery movement is clarifying and naming the diverse social and cultural norms underpinning contemporary forms of exploitation, as well as creating consensus on the best path for decisive action.
This chapter analyses the growing use of ethical certification schemes as a strategy to fight forced labor in the contemporary global economy. It draws on a large primary dataset from the Global Business of Forced Labour study, collected from 2016–2018, which sheds light into the business models of forced labor in the cocoa and tea industries as well as the effectiveness of ethical certification in combatting forced labor. Drawing on data that demonstrates that ethical certification schemes are failing to create worksites that are free from exploitation, I argue that ethical certification labelling is misleading consumers about the labor conditions involved in the goods they are buying. I explore the contradictions of selling "ethical" products that give the impression that goods have been made through labor standards that they are known to fall short of. I explore the challenge of modernizing historically successful strategies to combat slavery made-goods for use in the present.
In this chapter, I will argue that there is a political dimension to research, and that accounts of health research regulation that ignore political relations between stakeholders are therefore incomplete. The concept of vulnerability – particularly vulnerability to exploitation – provides the grit around which the claims are built. This is because vulnerability is an inescapable part of human life; because research participation may magnify vulnerability, even while health research itself promises to mitigate certain vulnerabilities (most directly vulnerability to illness, but indirectly vulnerability to economic hardships that may follow therefrom); and because vulnerability is manifested in, exacerbated by, or mitigated through, inherently political relationships with others, the groups and communities of which we are a part, and in the context of which all research takes place. I shall not be making any normative claims about research regulation here, save for the suggestion that decision-makers ought to take account of latent political aspects in their deliberations. For the most part, I shall simply attempt to sketch out some of those political aspects.
Vulnerability is widely accepted as a relevant concept in human research regulation. Reflecting this, influential international research ethics guidelines require identification of, and protections for, participants who are deemed vulnerable. Nonetheless, vulnerability is challenging to conceptualise and define, with ongoing disputes about the nature and extent of moral obligations to the vulnerable. This chapter maps the history of vulnerability in human research ethics guidelines and explores current debates regarding the role of vulnerability in guiding ethical deliberations about research participation.
This final chapter addresses the question of why we should care about the history of slavery in ancient Greece. The answer centers on the need to acknowledge not only the exploitation of thousands of enslaved individuals but also the contributions of enslaved individuals to almost all aspects of what is often celebrated uncritically as “Greek civilization.”
In Chapter 1, based on the notion of emerging adulthood, we define adult entrenched dependence as a failure to emerge. Children’s dependence on their parents can be characterized as functional or dysfunctional. We propose ways to differentiate between the two. We clarify that the goal of our approach is not fostering "independence" (which we view as a rather problematic goal) but helping transform dysfunctional into functional dependence. The main changes we try to promote are: (a) developing a time perspective that allows parents to strive for better functioning; (b) helping parents transition from personal effacement into presence; (c) releasing parents from their "sacrifice mentality" in favor of recommitment to wellness; (d) helping parents counter the adult-child's entitlement; and (e) identifying and resisting various forms of violence, blackmail and exploitation.
Contrary to the claims that global justice is for the benefit of victims of conflict, I propose that victims are exploited as the faces of global justice. The construction and reproduction (and normalising) of an ‘ideal victim’ brand is discussed. This chapter illustrates how the value of the victim rises or falls depending on how many marketable attributes the victim fulfils. The use and re-use of such attributes to define victimhood deepens and institutionalises existing stereotypes of a feminised, infantilised, and racialised notion of victimhood. The decision as to who is a perpetrator and who is a victim is presented, therefore, as reflecting political and economic power. Not only is the commodification of victimhood discussed, but also the alienation of victims as they inhabit notions of ‘ideal’ victimhood.
This chapter explores feminist contractarianism, which suggests that the morality of private relationships should be assessed from a self-interested point of view, in part because other-regarding concern may play a role in exploiting parties in intimate relationships. Variants of feminist contractarianism draw from both Kantian and Hobbesian strands of contractarianism (which I, respectively, call contractualism and contractarianism). I suggest that the feminist contractarian criticism of other-regarding concern overreaches. While other-regarding concern can indeed be connected with exploitation, systematically replacing it with a self-regarding stance goes too far. Other-regarding concern is an important moral attitude, not only in private relationships but also within social ethics and theories of justice, which cannot, in my view, satisfactorily account for the robust moral status of PSID without incorporating it. Showing how contractual theory underestimates other-regarding concern even in a context where it is most plausibly relevant informs us of why it could similarly fail in the wider context of justice between strangers.
What, if anything, is wrong with price gouging? Its defenders argue that it increases supply of scarce necessities; critics argue that it is exploitative, inequitable and vicious. In this paper, I argue for its moral wrongness and legal prohibition, without relying on charges of exploitation, inequity or poor character. What is fundamentally wrong with price gouging is that it violates a duty of easy rescue. While legal enforcement of such duties is controversial, a special case can be made for their legal enforcement in this context. This account distinguishes, morally, price gouging by corporations from that of individual entrepreneurs.
This chapter addresses the moral justifiability of some of the international legal rules that govern cross-border trade. The primary focus is on the moral standards that ought to be used to critically evaluate those rules or proposals for their reform. Thus the chapter investigates several moral arguments for free trade, such as the claim that it provides an especially effective mechanism for alleviating poverty, and several arguments in defense of restrictions or conditions on trade, including the moral permissible of partiality to compatriots and the right of those who cooperate to make international trade possible to a fair share of the benefits it yields. The chapter concludes with an examination of the argument that the import and consumption of oil and other natural resources from countries ruled by tyrants constitutes trade in stolen goods, a violation of existing international law.
Social media companies commonly design their platforms in a way that renders them addictive. Some governments have declared internet addiction a major public health concern, and the World Health Organization has characterized excessive internet use as a growing problem. Our article shows why scholars, policy makers, and the managers of social media companies should treat social media addiction as a serious moral problem. While the benefits of social media are not negligible, we argue that social media addiction raises unique ethical concerns not raised by other, more familiar addictive products, such as alcohol and cigarettes. In particular, we argue that addicting users to social media is impermissible because it unjustifiably harms users in a way that is both demeaning and objectionably exploitative. Importantly, the attention-economy business model of social media companies strongly incentivizes them to perpetrate this wrongdoing.
Two recent books consider the future of trade governance. Consent and Trade proposes reforms to trade agreements so that states can consent more freely to their terms. On Trade Justice defends reforms to the World Trade Organization, arguing that multilateralism is the foundation for a “new global deal” on trade. Each book describes trade's distinctive features and proposes a principle to regulate both trade and trade governance. Consent and Trade defends a principle of respect for state consent in trade agreements. On Trade Justice offers a theory of trade justice that requires nonexploitation. Consent and nonexploitation are important principles for economic exchanges. However, trade governance and trade itself are different forms of cooperation, with different agents and different interests at stake. Consent and nonexploitation are less compelling as principles for trade governance than for trade itself. Both books understate the conflict between their principles for trade governance and liberal justice.
In a recent article in this journal, David Faraci (2019) argues that the value of fairness can plausibly be appealed to in order to vindicate the view that consensual, mutually beneficial employment relationships can be wrongfully exploitative, even if employers have no obligation to hire or otherwise benefit those who are badly off enough to be vulnerable to wage exploitation. In this commentary, I argue that several values provide potentially strong grounds for thinking that it is at least sometimes better, morally speaking, for employers to hire worse-off people at intuitively exploitative wages than to hire better-off people at intuitively fair wages. Rather than suggesting that hiring badly off people at intuitively exploitative wages is permissible, however, I suggest that this gives us reason to think that employers can be obligated to hire worse-off people rather than better-off people and to pay them nonexploitative wages.
The heroes of the Homeric poems own many slaves, whose condition and legal status did not essentially differ from slaves in Greece during the Classical and Hellenistic periods. The labor of these slaves provided the basileis of the Iliad and Odyssey the surplus they needed to maintain their leading position in society.
If political sociology centers on relations between the state and civil society, then it is fair to say that those relations are now marked increasingly by state repression and racial and ethnic violence. The turn of the twenty-first century witnessed the rapid rise of antiglobalization protests around the world followed by even larger antiwar demonstrations as the United States prepared to invade Iraq. Yet these movements faced intense crackdowns from increasingly militarized police and state security forces. Similarly, the 2010s saw deadly clashes between police forces and authoritarian regimes on the one hand, and popular movements such as the Arab Spring, Occupy, and Black Lives Matter on the other. Ethnic nationalism is now in the ascendant and with it has come a permissive attitude toward official and unofficial violence.
The decline of domestic natural gas production, increasing dependency on gas imports and lagging development of renewable energy production may pose serious challenges to the current high standards of secure energy supply in the Netherlands. This paper examines synergy between hydrocarbon- and geothermal exploitation as a means to reinforce energy security. The Roden gas field is used as an example to demonstrate potential delay of water breakthrough in the gas well and a resulting increase of recovered gas (up to 19%), by positioning of a geothermal doublet in the water leg of the gas field. The reservoir simulations show that the total increase of gas production primarily depends on the amount of aquifer support. An optimal configuration of gas- and geothermal wells is key to maximise gas recovery and strongly depends on the distribution of reservoir properties. The study also reveals that this option can still be beneficial for gas fields in a late stage of production.
Net Present Value calculations show that the added value from the geothermal doublet on total gas production could lead to an early repayment of initial investments in the geothermal project, thereby reducing the overall financial risk. If no subsidies are taken into account, the additional profits can also be used to finance the geothermal project up to break-even level within 15 years. However, this comes with a cost as the additional profits from improved gas recovery are significantly reduced.
Business actors often act in ways that may harm other parties. While the law aims to restrict harmful behavior and to provide remedies, legal systems do not anticipate all contingencies and legal regulations are not always well-enforced. This article argues that the logic of double effect (LDE), which has been developed and deployed in other areas of practical ethics, can be useful in helping business actors decide whether or not to pursue potentially harmful activities in commonplace business activity. The article illustrates how LDE helps to explain the exploitative nature of payday lending, the distinction between permissible and impermissible forms of market competition, and the potential wrong of imposing risk of harm on others. The article also addresses foundational debates about LDE itself. We offer the article as an illustration of the sort of “midlevel” theorizing that can address directly the needs of practitioners.
The focus of Chapter 3 is Mohammad Ali Jamalzadeh’s Ma’sumeh Shirazi (Ma’sumeh from Shiraz), in which he pits an ill-reputed sigheh/sex worker against an evil high-ranking cleric, highlighting the relationship between sigheh and the clerics. Ma’sumeh is a victim of the existing sociopolitical system that pushes her to marginalization, abuse, and violence. However, even though Ma’sumeh is stigmatized, she also takes up an important sexual position in the social imaginary of the novel’s world. Here once again, the sociocultural, political, and religious corruption of society is mapped out on the female body; and female sexuality is politicized through the interwoven network between sigheh/sex work and sociocultural and political institutions. These are the various sociopolitical and religious institutions that reduce women to the biological and corporeal, instrumentalizing the female body to political and religious advantage without viewing individual women as autonomous subjects. Nonetheless, by the end of the novel, Jamalzadeh desubjugates Ma’sumeh by giving her a voice to defend her rights and complain about the hypocrisy of the religious cleric to the Divine. Only within the realm of the divine court can she find justice. To have a voice, Ma’sumeh must rewrite the normative sociocultural, religious, and political scripts.
In Chapter 8, Farahbakhsh’s Zendegi-ye Khosusi (Private Life, 2011) also draws on ways that the political becomes personal. Farahbakhsh not only focuses on the political environment of Iran in the 2010s, but he also highlights the inherent double standards found within government-endorsed sigheh. Highlighting the importance of sigheh marriages and the unsettling balance of the political and the personal, the manipulation of religion, double standards, and gendered inequality, Zendegi-ye Khosusi demonstrates the inimical power of patriarchy to protect and maintain male dominance. The film calls attention to women like Parisa, who are desired and lusted after initially, but as they pose threats and demand equal rights, they have to be eliminated. To complete her eradication from his life and keep his moral corruption a secret, Ebrahim, who initially lusted after Parisa, now uses his agency as an autonomous subject to objectify, victimize, and ultimately murder Parisa. Similar to Afkhami, Farahbakhsh depicts the politicization of the female body and sexuality in the context of sigheh under the Islamic regime. He uses the figure of Parisa to lay bare the religious and political hypocrisy and gender-related double standards inherent in the practice of sigheh.