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Social policy research examining citizens’ welfare knowledge, which offers a gateway to their understanding of the policy context, has remained limited. Adapting the opportunity–motivation–ability framework borrowed from the literature on political knowledge to welfare knowledge, this article offers an analysis of new data from a nationwide survey to explore Turkish society’s knowledge of the composition of public social spending. Corroborating earlier findings in the literature, the article maintains that most people in Turkey overestimate the relative size of social assistance spending for the poor. However, different from previous findings, the majority and most pensioners are also ill-informed about the rank of public spending on old-age pensions, the most widely used social benefit absorbing the largest share of welfare spending. The article provides evidence of the social division of welfare knowledge in Turkish society based mostly on three opportunity-related variables: city of residence, gender and income.
On top of dealing with climate change impacts on rainfall and temperature, and rising populations and development, the Euphrates–Tigris basin also faces conflict and instability. The Syrian Civil War, the presence of many nonstate armed groups, and the lack of coordination between Turkey, Syria, and Iraq to manage the water resources can lead to continued political confrontation and economic disintegration. This complicates the existent issue of nexus in the Euphrates–Tigris basin. The conflicting needs of energy, water, and food require more coordination not just between countries but between sectors within the countries. Each sector must be allocated a certain amount of water based on the needs it fulfills for the country. If violence continues and instability in the region is not resolved, these demands may increase and further pressure the basin.
Turkey and Japan have comparable histories of modernization beginning in the nineteenth century. They have since then produced modernities that are considered a mix of “Eastern” and “Western.” Over recent decades, both faced the question of what comes after modernity and began manufacturing their versions of authenticities and cultural exports. This paper comparatively locates two symptoms of this process. “Neo-Ottomanism” refers to the increasing cultural consumption of Turkey’s imperial past while “Cool Japan” emphasizes popular products in entertainment, fashion, youth culture, and food, intending to shift Japan’s image to a “cool” place. Both projects, in different ways, are sponsored by the state; yet their reception in popular culture illustrates the vexed relationship between the state and culture: while states endeavor to colonize culture for their own interests, popular culture provides avenues to outwit the state’s attempts. Popular culture’s autonomy in both contexts has to do with the collapse of traditional hierarchies, which has paved the ways for the promotion and export of new identity claims. Local and global representations of neo-Ottomanism and Cool Japan differ. Internally, they are fragmented; externally, they are linked to international “soft power,” and offer alternatives modernities in Turkey and Japan’s regional areas of influence.
Since the 2012 sanctions that dis-embedded the Iranian economy from global markets, contraband commerce has become an explosive issue in Iran. Increasingly Iranians came to regard sanctions as enforced by both international powers and their own state officials, who criminalized certain kinds of cross-border trade, but not others. Although Iranian state actors distinguish between the trader—praised for contributing to the economy—and the traitor—denounced for undermining its integrity—what both unites and blurs the line between them is their shared struggle with a devaluing currency that some Iranians call nuclear. This article examines the “nuclear rial” by extending insights from anthropological scholarship on money to the study of sanctions to advance a dynamic understanding of currency. Studying Iranian trade in gold proves productive for understanding how people negotiate the effects of sanctions in an unevenly financialized world. At stake in the negotiations is a conditional articulation of monetary value that relies on contingent conversions between commodities and currencies and among currencies.
This article examines the Turkish State’s recent practice of removing pro-Kurdish mayors and appointing trustees in their place without holding new elections. By comparing previous cases of removals of pro-Kurdish mayors to post-2016 practices, it argues that the discursive shift in legitimizing recent anti-democratic governmental practices should be read in relation to authoritarian neoliberalism in Turkey. To this end, it analyzes a Twitter account dedicated to promoting public services of trustee-ran municipalities (oluyor.net) and 89 YouTube videos that feature the trustees themselves. By demonstrating the ways in which the trustees themselves promote their work in Kurdish-populated cities, it underlines the dangers of authoritarian neoliberalism in subordinating democratic mechanisms to economic development and providing better public services. However, by studying the results of the following 2019 local elections in these 89 trustee-appointed municipalities, this article shows that the local people mostly continue supporting democratic mechanisms by electing pro-Kurdish candidates even in unfair electoral conditions.
This article explains how the Turkish nation’s composition has changed under Justice and Development Party rule. Turkish nationalism and Turkish national identity have dramatically changed since 2010, when the Kurdish Opening process was started by former prime minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. The Syrian refugee crisis and the influx of Syrian refugees into Turkey created another change in Turkish national identity. Increasing religiosity in Turkey and the use of Islam by the Justice and Development Party created a flexible nation, where all Sunni Muslims can be considered members even though they are not ethnically Turkish. The author uses primary sources, such as President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s speeches since 2010, to show how his discourse became more embracing of non-Turkish Muslim groups and created a dynastic understanding of nationalism based on religion rather than the idea of an ethnically homogenous, secular Turkish nation.
This article examines the instrumentalization of women's rights and the transformation of the gender rights regime in the context of democratic backsliding in Turkey. I show how the Islamically rooted Justice and Development Party governments and their allies used women's rights in constructing authoritarian rule and promoting a conservative gender agenda. The governing elites had different needs at different political stages and instrumentalized women's rights to meet those needs. First, they needed to legitimize their rule in a secular context, so they expanded liberal laws on women's rights. Second, in the process of backsliding, they sought to construct and legitimize their conservative ideology, so they reinterpreted existing laws to promote conservative goals. Finally, they wanted to mobilize conservative women in support of the newly authoritarian regime, so they built new institutions and marginalized existing women's NGOs. The article contributes to the literature on regime types and gender rights by shifting the focus from regime type to regime change.
Agriculture is one of the high input energy using sectors which ultimately produces the output energy for the survival of human beings. Wheat is an important cereal in the agriculture production system. It is a major food crop and staple food for many countries in the world. Higher population growth has increased demand for wheat, and this demand has been met through the adoption of modern agricultural practices which are heavily dependent on energy. The current study was planned to examine the input energy use efficiency of rainfed wheat growers in Pakistan and Turkey (countries among the top 10 global wheat producers). A total of 119 wheat growers from the rainfed areas of both countries were randomly selected. The data envelopment analysis was executed to estimate the input energy use efficiency score of the growers. The results of the study revealed that almost a similar source of input energy is used in both countries in wheat cultivation. The largest input energy consumption in Turkey was nitrogen fertilizer (10,531.50 MJ ha−1), while in Pakistan was farmyard manure (12,837.32 MJ ha−1). The Turkish growers have higher energy use efficiency 2.42 as compared to Pakistani growers, whose energy use efficiency was 1.09. Results further revealed that there is a substantial potential for energy savings in both countries by optimizing energy use. The study concluded that the exchange of energy-efficient practices between both countries can significantly reduce energy use and improve the yield of wheat.
In the twenty-first century, Gothic pervades national literatures and cinemas even in some possibly unexpected parts of the world, such as the Islamic Middle East. Gothic texts and films from the region mainly aim to disentangle the genre from Western influence by including motifs from Islamic folklore and demonology such as the supernatural creatures known as ‘djinns’. While many Gothic texts from Islamic countries, such as Iran, are celebrated by Western audiences today for being politically progressive in outlook, a large number of Gothic texts and films from Turkey often tend to cultivate far more conservative values in correlation with governing political and religious orthodoxies. This chapter investigates the cultural origins of what might be called ‘Islamic Gothic’, highlighting its most common conventions concerning the representation of women haunted by malevolent djinns of Islamic cultures. Following a historical survey that sheds light on the development and popularity of Gothic in the Islamic Middle East, particularly in Egypt, Iran and Turkey, the chapter explores the role of the djinn, the mainstream monster of Islamic Gothic in Turkish literature and film, in establishing an ideological position that correlates with the rising popularity of conservative politics in the post millennium.
No insurgent movement can survive without some degree of popular support, but what does it mean to support an armed group? Focusing on the PKK (Kurdistan Workers Party), which has come to global attention in recent years for its efforts in resisting ISIS in Iraq and Syria, but has been present and active in the region for much longer, Francis O'Connor explores the first three decades of the PKK's insurgency in Turkey. Looking at how the relationship between armed groups and their supporters should be conceptually understood, how this relationship varies spatially and what role violence has in their relationship, he draws on Civil War, Social Movements and Rebel Governance literatures to outline how the PKK survived a military coup in 1980 and slowly won popular support through incipient forms of rebel governance, the targeted use of violence and a nuanced projection of its ideology and objectives. In doing so, it provides an historical narrative to an organisation which has managed to successfully resist NATO's second largest army with limited weapons for decades and has become a key player of Kurdish rights in the wider region.
The course of the epidemics such as COVI9 -19 and SARS has taught us that the management of the epidemic depends primarily on people’s adherence to and implementation of the recommended measures.
This study aimed to determine the knowledge and opinions of individuals about COVID-19 and transmission methods, sources of information, application status about protection measures and related factors.
1444 people participated into the digital survey between March 22-April 6, 2020 for this descriptive study. For data collection, a 12-questions questionnaire consisting of questions about the sociodemographic characteristics, information sources they used about the COVID-19, their thoughts the practices to prevent the transmission of COVID-19 was conducted. Using descriptive statistics and comparison tests, individuals’ perceptions about methods of protection from Covid-19 and related variables were investigated.
The participants have had sufficient knowledge about Covid-19 and measures.They were using social media platforms, official web sites and TV news to get information about the COVID-19. The rates of believing and applying measures such as staying distant from people, washing hands, staying at home, avoiding from public transportation, using alcohol disinfectants were quite high. The women, people living in large cities, healthcare workers, regular commuters to work believed in measures more, however, their level of anxiety and seeing themselves and their environment at risk were higher.
Despite all the positive results regarding coronavirus infection and protection measures, the fact that the epidemic is spreading rapidly indicates the need for studies to continuously evaluate what has changed in the process and as time increases.
Suicide is a public health problem which has biopsychosocial aspects. These three compartments function differently for women and men in terms of biology and gender inequality.
This study aims to investigate completed suicide rates in Turkey for women and men seperately considering age ranges for each, and their relationship with gender equality.
Sex and age specific data between 2015-2019 was derived from Turkish Statistical Institute. Utilizing Bağdatlı Kalkan’s study (2018) and Turkey’s Gender Equality Ratings (2019), 81 cities were seperated into two clusters (Table 1). Mann Whitney U and Independent Samples T Test were applied.
Young women’s (<30 years old) crude completed suicide rates were higher, when crude completed suicide rates for men over the age of 30 were fewer in the cities which equality index is low (Table 2). Regardless of age ranges, in better gender equality cluster, female suicide rates were fewer, male suicide rates were higher. The number of deaths by suicide in 1000 deaths didn’t differ for men, while the rate decreases for women in better gender equality cluster (Table 3).
Gender inequality may negatively effect young women’s mental health in more patriarchal cities in Turkey from the point of completed suicide.
Once populist forces win elections, they follow a similar blueprint to transform the constitutional structure. The populist forces obtain control over the institutions that are central to constitutional power. The steps typically include filling the public administration and apex courts with loyalists, control over the media and autonomous organizations, and increased executive power in the hands of the populist leader. Populist forces promise authenticity and a government (state) that will cater to the people. These are political projects; the constitutional aspects are secondary, and where constitution-making is possible, it has been used to enable the new state, serving the interests of the new elite formed around the Caesaristic leader. The trajectories and exercise of power depend on the availability of a new constitution.
Woven textiles from Çatalhöyük in southern Anatolia are among the earliest-known examples of weaving in the Near East and Europe. Studies of material excavated in the 1960s identified the fibres as flax. New scanning electron microscope analysis, however, shows these fibres—and others from more recent excavations at the site—to be made from locally sourced oak bast. This result is consistent with the near absence of flax seeds at Çatalhöyük, and suggests there was no need for the importation of fibres from elsewhere; it also questions the date at which domesticated flax was first used for fibres. These findings shed new light on early textile production in the Neolithic, suggesting that tree bast played a more significant role than previously recognised.
The prevalence of human immunodeficiency virus/acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (HIV/AIDS) is increasing day by day in the region, including Turkey. The study aimed to examine AIDS-related deaths in Turkey between 2009 and 2018 according to the national death registration system records. In this descriptive study, data on AIDS-related deaths were obtained from the Turkish Statistical Institute. The data consist of the cause of death codes, year of death, age and gender. Findings were presented using numbers and percentages. Seven hundred twenty-one AIDS-related deaths were reported in Turkey between 2009 and 2018. AIDS-related deaths in Turkey increased more than twice at the end of 10 years. The male/female death ratio is 4.5. Deaths under the age of 15 were 4.2% in total; however, they were increased to 10.2% in 2018. AIDS-related deaths are decreasing in the world but increasing in Turkey. The data from the Ministry of Health do not match the data of the national death registration system. Establishing a strong and accurate HIV/AIDS reporting system and identifying the causes and risk groups of this increase in AIDS-related deaths are critical.
Chapter 14 analyzes the political-economic context of Tinbergen’s work as development planning expert in Turkey between 1960 and 1966. Tinbergen was brought in against the will of the Turkish government, at the urging of the OECD and the IMF. After the military coup later that year, he played a key role in the founding of the State Planning Office as well as its institutional design. The SPO was modeled after the Dutch CPB, and how its political setting differed from the planning bureau in the Netherlands is analyzed. Many of the development planning efforts of the SPO were met with hostility in Turkish politics and in the economy. The chapter traces how Tinbergen sought to navigate these tensions, frequently unsuccessfully. He hoped to create space for economic expertise above the parties, as he had successfully done in the Netherlands, but structural reforms necessary according to the planning experts quickly became part of the political struggle within the country between the more traditional and liberal agricultural interests, and the more progressive and planning-minded industrial interests. The chapter highlights the importance of the international planning ideology and economic interests of the West in shaping the outcomes of Tinbergen’s efforts in Turkey.
Chapter 4 examines the Kemalist appropriation of Ottoman history, beginning at the moment the empire itself ceased to exist and building up to the 1953 quincentennial of the Ottoman conquest of Istanbul. From the 1930s, Turkish historians used a narrative of fatal decline to not only justify Kemalist reforms but also facilitate the selective incorporation of the Empire’s triumphs into Turkish nationalist history. By 1953, the Kemalist appropriation of the Ottoman past had reached a point where it was possible to celebrate Fatih Sultan Mehmet II as a secular, pro-Western sultan who laid the groundwork for Turkey’s membership in NATO.
Chapter 2 addresses the diverse ways American diplomats employed their ideas of modernization when crafting policy and propaganda for Turkey. While Americans’ general understanding of what it meant to be modern remained consistently democratic, it was sufficiently malleable that it could accommodate contradictory conclusions about Turkish democracy as US interests shifted. State Department documents also reveal how American ideas about modernity were, with the cooperation of the Turkish government, consciously transformed into propaganda aimed both at encouraging Turkish modernization and advertising America’s modernity.
Chapter 5 explores the visual and rhetorical styles through which Ottoman history was modernized. Faced with enduring Western Orientalism, Turkish authors, architects, and illustrators took a number of distinct stylistic steps to celebrate their history while presenting their relationship to it as an unequivocally modern one. The explosion of popular history magazines and historical novels during the 1950s provided a forum in which the act of reading about the past could itself become a performance of modernity. Whether blending popular history with pulp fiction or encouraging Turkish citizens to approach their country from the perspective of Western tourists, Turkish authors pioneered approaches to re-appropriating their own past that remain popular today.