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Despite the growth in scholarship on diverse religious communities in Turkey, little attention has been paid to Twelver Shiʿi Muslims. Since the founding of the Republic, the Turkish state's foundational secularist agenda has attempted to control and promote a single hegemonic form of Islam, and Shiʿa have faced continuous issues practicing their faith in public as a result. While the liberalization of the past three decades has allowed Shiʿism to enter the public sphere, the community has had to continue navigating limitations on their expression of religious difference. Based on fieldwork in Eastern Anatolia, this article deepens understandings of Islam in Turkey by showing how Shiʿa have negotiated their position vis-à-vis both secularist and Sunni-majority actors and policies across various religious and political currents. Rejecting categorization as either mezhep (sect) or minority, Shiʿa have demanded independence from state religious control while also asserting their allegiance to the Republic and nation as Turkish Muslims.
After the coup attempt on July 15, 2016, the Turkish state started to produce a new official history of the event as a narrative of popular resistance against a military coup for the sake of democracy. This narrative with a religious aura was supported by “democracy watch” meetings and new commemoration days, museums, and monuments across Turkey. It was based on four concepts, symbolized by the Rabia sign: one nation, one homeland, one flag, and one state. However, the use of the Rabia sign has fallen from grace recently, creating a critical gap or “glitch” in the mnemonic infrastructure. This paper offers a visual categorization of July 15 monuments across Turkey and positions them in the historiography of Turkish national monuments. Finally, Rabia monuments are analyzed as a case study to show part of the complex (trans)national narratives of the “New Turkey.”
Vaccine acceptance and trust in vaccines pose a complex process affected by many factors. The present study was conducted to determine coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) vaccine acceptance, trust in vaccines, anxiety levels, and related factors in Turkish society.
The data of this cross-sectional and descriptive-correlational study were collected with the snowball method by using an online questionnaire throughout Turkey. The study was conducted between March 15 and April 3, 2021, with 3148 participants from 7 regions and 81 cities in Turkey.
It was found that the participants accepted the vaccine at 72.8%, and the trust rate in the vaccine was 66.0%. It was also found that women, single participants, those who had immune system diseases, and with COVID-19 had higher Coronavirus Anxiety Scale scores at significant levels. According to Logistic Regression Analysis, gender, age, trust in the vaccine, perception of risk levels regarding COVID-19, and coronavirus anxiety levels are factors affecting the intentions of participants to accept/reject the vaccine. It was determined that male participants were more likely to accept the coronavirus vaccine (P = 0.028). It was found that health-care employees had higher trust in the coronavirus vaccine (P = 0.006) and acceptance rates (P = 0.010) at significant levels compared with the general population.
The COVID-19 vaccine acceptance rate in Turkish society was found to be high, and the level of trust in vaccines and anxiety levels were above the moderate level.
The incidence of psychotic disorders varies in different geographic areas. As there has been no report from Turkey, this study aimed to provide the treated incidence rate of first-episode psychosis (FEP) in a defined area.
All individuals, aged 15–64 years, presenting with FEP (ICD-10 F20-29, F30-33) to mental health services in a defined catchment-area in Sinop which is located in the Black Sea region of the northern Turkey were recorded over a 4-year period (2009 to 2012). Incidence rates of psychotic disorders and their 95% confidence intervals (CIs) were estimated. Poisson regression was applied to estimate the differences in incidence rate ratio (IRR) by age, sex, and urbanicity.
One hundred and fifteen FEP participants were identified during the 4 years. Crude incidence rates of all psychoses, schizophrenia, other psychotic disorders, and affective psychotic disorders were respectively 38.5 (95% CI 27.1–49.9), 10.7 (95% CI 6.6–14.8), 10.0 (95% CI 5.7–14.3) and 17.7 (95% CI 11.3–24.2) per 100 000 person-years. After age-sex standardisation the rates increased slightly. There were no gender differences in the incidence rates. IRR of any psychotic disorder was highest in the youngest age group (15–24 years) compared to the oldest age group (55–64 years), 7.9 (95% CI 2.8–30.5). In contrast with previous studies, the incidence rate of any psychotic disorder was not significantly increased in urban areas compared with rural areas.
The current study, the first of its kind from Turkey, indicates that the risk of schizophrenia and other psychotic disorders in a lowly urbanised area of Turkey is comparable to those reported in Western European cities.
In Chapter 7, the authors home in on the policy implications and avenues for future research, which build upon the empirical and theoretical findings that are explicated in Chapters 3–6. The discussion herein revolves around the following questions: What do the empirical operational code results mean for the day-to-day conduct of the politics of the MENA region? How do these at-a-distance leadership analysis findings and inferences help us to make sense of MENA’s international relations today? How does the actor-specific analysis in this book cue regional and international policymakers on understanding and engaging with certain political leaders in the MENA region? This chapter addresses these questions through utilizing a case study approach. These four salient cases are: 1) Iran’s nuclear program and the diplomatic crisis with the United States (2010–2022); 2) the Egyptian crisis in the wake of the Arab uprisings (2011–2014); 3) the Syrian civil war (2011–2022); and 4) the rise and fall of the Islamic State and its top leader, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, in Iraq and Syria (2013–2019). This chapter briefly introduces these cases and discusses how individual-level leadership analyses can be used to make sense of these crises.
After Ekrem İmamoğlu won as Istanbul’s mayor, the contestation between the city and central government resembled other cases of liberal mayors winning in illiberal populist regimes. To expand liberal democracy, the mayor sought to reinvigorate effective democratic citizenship by increasing access to information, creating more inclusive governance networks through public participation opportunities, limiting the regime’s clientelism and rent-seeking opportunities in real estate and contracting, and (re)creating social solidarity. The national government responded by extensively covering “scandals” and continuing populist rhetoric to maintain polarization, limiting the city’s financial resources, and moving power and projects to agencies they still controlled. This article uses Istanbul to develop this model and illustrate how İmamoğlu has made progress in each area despite the central government’s effort to constrain his administration.
Despite a growing body of literature on the advancement of autocratic tactics and toolkits in competitive authoritarian regimes (CARs), we lack sufficient knowledge on the strategies that the opposition builds against populist-authoritarian governments. Using two top autocratizing cases – Turkey and Hungary – this article singles out ‘transnationalization’ as one such novel strategy. ‘Transnationalization’ is defined as a strategy through which opposition-led subnational executives transform local and global boundaries by consciously forming a link with the liberal-democratic world in order to expand their space for manoeuvre. Conducting a qualitative content analysis of the Istanbul and Budapest mayors' international Twitter accounts and using evidence from elite interviews with officials from Istanbul and Budapest municipalities, we demonstrate the material, symbolic and political means of this strategy and the rationalist and normative motivations behind it. By discussing the what, how and why of a transnationalization strategy, we fill an important gap in the scholarship regarding opposition strategies in CARs.
An archaeological field project designed to investigate Palaeolithic occupation is being undertaken in Mardin Province, south-east Turkey. New sites have been identified and recorded systematically, including Şıkefta Elobrahimo Cave. Together, these provide ample evidence for hominin presence in this area since the Middle Palaeolithic.
Magmatic activity in the Sakarya Zone, an important segment of the Alpine orogenic belt, continues intermittently from the middle Carboniferous to Miocene. In this study, we provide geochronological and geochemical data from the Dağdibi Pluton in the eastern Sakarya Zone to present some inferences on the source region and petrogenesis of the middle Eocene magmatism. U–Pb zircon geochronology from two granodiorite samples gives middle Eocene ages of 44.75 ± 0.92 and 45.01 ± 0.59 Ma. The pluton is mainly composed of K-feldspar, plagioclase, quartz, Mg-hornblende/actinolite, Fe–Ti oxides and small amounts of biotite, and secondary chlorite and epidote. Parental magma of the intrusive rocks has a high-K calc-alkaline affinity with metaluminous character. The oxygen fugacity values vary between −18 and −17. The rocks show slightly radiogenic 87Sr/86Sr(i) (0.704845–0.705726) ratios and ϵNdi values between −0.96 and +0.52. Pb–Pb isotope ratios are typical for those of the lower continental crust. ϵHf(i) values of the zircons range from 0.14 to 10.26. The geochemical and isotopic features of the pluton point to a parental magma derived from a depleted mantle that was metasomatized by fluids during previous subduction events. The volumetric abundances of the rock types are decreased as the silica content increase, implying that the fractional crystallization is the most important process during the formation of the present compositional range of the pluton. Amphibole, plagioclase and Fe–Ti oxides are the fractionated phases while K-feldspar is largely accumulated. In the light of the data presented above, slab breakoff is regarded as the geodynamic process responsible for the formation of the Dağdibi Pluton in the middle Eocene.
This article examines the management and instrumentalisation of migration and mobility as an area of contested governance in civil wars. Building on work in migration studies and rebel governance, it shows how migration and mobility regimes form part of the structure of violent armed conflicts, as both states and non-state actors seek to control processes and consequences of mobility and migration to their advantage. Governance of migration during conflict involves the strategic use of mechanisms of migration governance for the purposes of achieving conflict aims. This article develops a framework for understanding how migration governance is instrumentalised in civil war as a means of managing and controlling populations. The framework is then applied to the case of the Kurdish conflict in Turkey and beyond through an analysis of three areas of migration governance that have played significant roles in this extended regional conflict: forced migration and refugee governance; border management; and diaspora engagement. The analysis provides a challenge to dominant state-centric, securitisation and humanitarian approaches to migration and security by pointing to the political and spatial complexity of contested migration governance in situations of protracted conflict.
Volume 2 of The Cambridge History of Global Migrations presents an authoritative overview of the various continuities and changes in migration and globalization from the 1800s to the present day. Despite revolutionary changes in communication technologies, the growing accessibility of long-distance travel, and globalization across major economies, the rise of nation-states empowered immigration regulation and bureaucratic capacities for enforcement that curtailed migration. One major theme worldwide across the post-1800 centuries was the differentiation between “skilled” and “unskilled” workers, often considered through a racialized lens; it emerged as the primary divide between greater rights of immigration and citizenship for the former, and confinement to temporary or unauthorized migrant status for the latter. Through thirty-one chapters, this volume further evaluates the long global history of migration; and it shows that despite the increased disciplinary systems, the primacy of migration remains and continues to shape political, economic, and social landscapes around the world.
In this highly original environmental history, Samuel Dolbee sheds new light on borders and state formation by following locusts and revealing how they shaped both the environment and people's imaginations from the late Ottoman Empire to the Second World War. Drawing on a wide range of archival research in multiple languages, Dolbee details environmental, political, and spatial transformations in the region's history by tracing the movements of locusts and their intimate relationship to people in motion, including Arab and Kurdish nomads, Armenian deportees, and Assyrian refugees, as well as states of the region. With locusts and moving people at center stage, surprising continuities and ruptures appear in the Jazira, the borderlands of today's Iraq, Syria, and Turkey. Transcending approaches focused on the collapse of the Ottoman Empire or the creation of nation states, Dolbee provides a new perspective on the modern Middle East grounded in environmental change, state violence, and popular resistance.
This chapter broadens our understanding around how macro and micro levels of conflict come together in the form of ceasefire agreements. It shows how the 2017 Memorandum on the creation of de-escalation areas in the Syrian Arab Republic, negotiated and agreed to by Russia, Turkey and Iran, not only relates to military dynamics but how this agreement influenced elements normally considered the sole purview of the sovereign state such as diplomacy, security and territorial control.
Chapter 4 examines the Jazira’s divided connection from 1918 to 1939 as the region was divided between the Republic of Turkey, French Syria, and British Iraq. It does so through a focus on locusts, refugees, and various interwar state-making projects. While all of the different states in the Jazira endeavored to differentiate themselves from the Ottomans, they undertook strikingly similar projects based on refugee resettlement and sodium arsenite, the new insecticide that each state wielded to kill locusts. The substance did not altogether end the reign of locusts in the region, but it marked a shift in envisioning the land without the insects. The change also coincided with an unprecedented autonomist movement advocating for a French protectorate of the Jazira, and the ensuing conflict encompassed all of the protagonists of Locusts of Power, from the Shammar and the Millî to Armenian genocide survivors and Assyrian refugees. The autonomist effort failed, and the Jazira became the foremost space of Syrian agricultural development, Ottoman dreams of prosperity finally coming to fruition.
An earthquake measuring 7.7 magnitude on the Richter scale occurred at 04:17am on February 6, 2023 in the Pazarcık district of Kahramanmaraş province Turkey. In the hours following the 7.7 magnitude event in Kahramanmaraş, a second 7.6 magnitude earthquake struck the region and a third 6.4 magnitude earthquake struck Gaziantep, causing extensive damage and death. A total of ten provinces directly experienced the earthquake, including Kahramanmaraş, Hatay, Gaziantep, Osmaniye, Malatya, Adana, Diyarbakır, Şanlıurfa, Adıyaman, and Kilis. The official figures indicate 31,643 people were killed, 80,278 were injured, and 6,444 buildings were destroyed within seven days of the earthquakes (as of 12:00pm/noon on Monday, February 13th). The area affected by the earthquake has been officially declared to be 500km in diameter. This report primarily relies on observations made by pioneer Emergency Physicians (EPs) who went to the disaster areas shortly after the first earthquake (in the early stages of the disaster). According to their observations: (1) Due to winter conditions, there were transportation problems and a shortage of personnel reaching disaster areas on the first day after the disaster; (2) On the second day of the disaster, health equipment was in short supply; (3) As of the third day, health workers were unprepared in terms of knowledge and experience for the disaster; and (4) The subsequent deployment of health personnel to the disaster area was uncoordinated and unplanned on the following days, which resulted in the health personnel working there not being able to meet even their basic needs (such as food, heating, and shelter). During the first week, coordination was most frequently reported as the most significant problem.
During a major earthquake, escape attempts or collapsed buildings can result in injury, disability, and even death for victims. The aim of this study is to examine the demographic characteristics, clinical outcomes, and injuries of victims admitted to the emergency department within the first week after an earthquake.
This is a retrospective observational study conducted on earthquake victims who were admitted to the emergency services of a tertiary medical faculty and a training and research hospital in the city of Diyarbakir, located in the Southeastern Anatolia Region of Turkey, from February 6 through February 12, 2023.
Of the eligible 662 earthquake victims, the mean age was 10.66 (SD = 4.78 [min 0, max 17]) in children, 36.87 (SD = 4.78 [min 18, max 63]) in adults, and 72.85 (SD = 5.83 [min 65, max 84]) in the elderly. Women constituted 52.8% of the victims, 19.7% were children, and 8.0% were elderly. Sixty-one percent (61.0%) of earthquake victims were admitted to emergency services in the first three days following the disaster; 37.7% of all victims were transferred from other affected cities to Diyarbakır. In all, 80.2% of the victims were admitted as survivors to the emergency services (36.8% were rescued under rubble, 40.1% with injuries while attempting to escape the earthquake, and 3.3% with nontraumatic reasons) and 19.8% were deceased under rubble. The majority of the 131 deceased victims were women (52.7%), 20.6% were children, and 7.6% were elderly. An estimated 38.3% of victims were hospitalized (20.9% in the ward and 17.4% in the intensive care unit [ICU]). For all age groups that survived under the rubble, the extremities were most injured (53.6% for children, 53.1% for adults, and 55.5% for the elderly). Of adult survivors, 26.6% needed only fluid therapy, renal replacement treatment (hemodialysis) was required 20.7%, and 11.8% required amputation. Of children survivors under the rubble, renal replacement treatment (hemodialysis) was required for only four, seven required amputation, and 12 needed only fluid resuscitation for crush injury. Of elderly survivors, two needed only fluid therapy, renal replacement treatment (hemodialysis) was required for two, and no amputation was required. Six patients survived under the rubble and died in the ICU.
The definition of the demographic characteristics and clinical outcomes of earthquake patients is critical to the development of preparedness, response, and recovery policies for future disasters.
On any given day, the remains of countless deceased migrants are shipped around the world to be buried in ancestral soils. Others are laid to rest in countries of settlement, sometimes in cemeteries established for religious and ethnic minorities, where available. For immigrants and their descendants, perennial questions about the meaning of home and homeland take on a particular gravitas in death. When the boundaries of a nation and its members are contested, burial decisions are political acts. Building on multi-sited fieldwork in Berlin and Istanbul – where the author worked as an undertaker – Dying Abroad offers a moving and powerful account of migrants' end-of-life dilemmas, vividly illustrating how they are connected to ongoing political struggles over the stakes of citizenship, belonging, and collective identity in contemporary Europe.
The use of force in foreign territories has been contained in the Constitution of the Republic of Turkey, with the authorisation of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey, in ‘cases deemed legitimate by international law’ and where required by international treaties to which Turkey is a party. Yet Turkey's extraterritorial use of force against armed non-state actors lead to the most important question of identifying the circumstances under which the Turkish authorities have long justified military intervention in foreign territories. This article aims to assess whether Turkey's use of force and alleged extraterritorial self-defence contravenes international law. In order to address how Turkey interprets the right to use armed force and the right of self-defence, and to bring clarity to the state's approach to international law on the use of force (jus ad bellum), the article explores Turkey's practice based on the assessment of the Turkish military intervention in Syria, in line with both bilateral security or defence treaties to which Turkey is a party and the use of force in self-defence. The aim is to determine whether Turkey's justifications are compatible with the jus ad bellum criteria.
The limited success of employment-based social protection measures under the diverging patterns of post-COVID-19 recovery rekindled interest in a social policy framework known as the Basic Income (BI) support. We test the potential of the BI program using five alternative scenarios ranging from households with income less than half of median income to all adults with estimates of their respective fiscal costs. We then employ an applied general equilibrium model to analyze the economy-wide effects and welfare implications for Turkey in the long run through 2030. We evaluate the macroeconomic and welfare effects of both a business-as-usual fiscal program and an alternative (green BI scenario) comprising of (i) carbon tax levied on the fossil fuel producing industry; (ii) corporate income taxation policy reform that aims at expanding the revenue base and consolidation of the fiscal space of the government; and (iii) restructuring of public consumption expenditures by introducing rationality and efficiency in the structure of fiscal expenditures. Our model solutions reveal that a green BI scenario not only achieves a higher GDP and welfare in the medium to long run but also helps Turkey to reduce its carbon emissions in line with the global policy challenges of a green recovery.