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Romanian Germans, mainly from the Banat and Transylvania, have occupied a place at the very heart of major events in Europe in the twentieth century yet their history is largely unknown. This east-central European minority negotiated their standing in a difficult new European order after 1918, changing from uneasy supporters of Romania, to zealous Nazis, tepid Communists, and conciliatory Europeans. Migrating Memories is the first comprehensive study in English of Romanian Germans and follows their stories as they move across borders and between regimes, revealing a very European experience of migration, minorities, and memories in modern Europe. After 1945, Romanian Germans struggled to make sense of their lives during the Cold War at a time when the community began to fracture and fragment. The Revolutions of 1989 seemed to mark the end of the German community in Romania, but instead Romanian Germans repositioned themselves as transnational European bridge-builders, staking out new claims in a fast-changing world.
This chapter tells the largely untold story of the political economy of international drug regulation in the 1950s. It will tell the story of producer country efforts, led by Turkey, Iran and India, to agree an international quota system for opium and thus to divide up the licit global market. It examines the simultaneous efforts to suppress the global illicit market and minimise the numbers of producers to a small select few who would enjoy an enforced oligopoly. It highlights the quiet diplomatic pressure placed on countries viewed as epicentres of the global trade and a conscious ignorance of strategically important states – for example the US State Department refusing to criticise French Indochina and Mexico. Further, it tells the story of Harry Anslinger’s efforts to incorrectly portray Communist China as the world’s leading narcostate. It concludes with a look at the breakdown of multilateralism over the 1953 Opium Protocol, a treaty which few accepted but was rammed through by the US and some select allies. It was this Protocol which ultimately galvanised moderates and producer states around the need for a Single Convention to roll back the excesses of the 1953 Protocol.
This chapter outlines the early development of UN CND and how it progressed towards its first new international treaty in 1948. Emerging from the tense post-war negotiations the key uncertainties for CND were: how it would operate in practice; how it would fit into broader UN and geopolitical streams; and whether it would function as a talking-shop or, as per the US vision, a tool to enforce regulations and publicly bludgeon member states as needed. The first three meetings of CND in 1946– 1948 would be pivotal. The first two served to sound out the political context within which CND would operate and how the structures would function in practice. Following this, a major political push occurred around the Third Session, first concluding a new Protocol and then spring boarding into discussions on a new production limitation convention and even advocating a new ‘single convention’ to unify all previous drug treaties.
This chapter examines the creation of the 1961 UN Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs. It was also a period when transatlantic relations reached a new low in drug diplomacy. Minor cooperation in the aftermath of the 1953 Opium Conference gave way to divisions leading to an eventual rupture over the Single Convention, particularly between Britain and the US. This breakdown was ultimately was the result of failures of US leadership as well as deep divisions over policy and economic interests. The US found itself increasingly alone in negotiations. State Department leadership sought a more conciliatory approach towards producers like Iran and Afghanistan. Nevertheless, with Anslinger increasingly absent and with a lack of institutional knowledge within the State Department US delegations struggled to develop a US grand strategy. Britain, continuing to carve out a role of quiet, consensual and self-interested drug diplomacy, found the new environment conducive and became increasingly assertive. London pragmatically worked with shifting coalitions, while building a moderate bloc of manufacturing states in Europe to help protect British domestic interests via the Single Convention. The result was a consensus-based treaty and one largely rejected by the US, which tried and failed to torpedo the treaty.
This chapter examines regional efforts to secure drug markets and re-regulate industries. As peace arrived, and the creation of a UN drug control system looked certain, questions of national and regional controls loomed large. First was the question of re-establishing regulatory frameworks in post-war Europe. Germany was key given its historical centrality to licit manufacturing as well as its geopolitical lynchpin status. However, it was unclear whether the Allies could bridge widening geopolitical fault lines to re-establish drug control. In the case of Japan the US had a potential prohibitionist and regulatory beacon for the rest of Asia. With the strong support of the General Douglas MacArthur Administration US goals would be far easier to achieve. Next was the re-resettling of political frontiers of international drug policy reform. Momentum towards a production limitation convention had stalled prior to the war. The future role of China, the world’s largest opium producer, was rendered insoluble by its internal collapse. The US initially focused on creating a tripartite Turkish-Yugoslav-Iranian producer agreement. Further, the question of ‘quasi-medical’ opium use in British and other European colonies remained a transatlantic dividing line. If Britain could continue a non-smoking form of opiate consumption in Malaya, Hong Kong, Borneo and Burma it would provide an alternative to the US model of outright prohibition.
Care arrangements in which live-in migrant carers care for older people in private households are a growing phenomenon in European countries. This chapter explores the role of money in the emergence and functioning of these arrangements. Comparing Germany and the Netherlands, it combines a governance approach and a coping strategies approach to shed light on the part played by money and financial considerations at different levels. The chapter examines first how laws and policies aimed at ensuring financial sustainability of long-term care systems have provided incentives for the employment of migrant carers in both countries. The emergence of live-in migrant carer arrangements may be an unintended effect of such policies, but policymakers may also tacitly accept the often semi-legal nature of these arrangements as it helps to solve care deficit problems at a low cost for the public budget. Second, the chapter examines the role of financial considerations in the decision-making processes of families making use of these arrangements. How are financial considerations balanced against the quality of the care and the quality of the migrant carers’ working conditions?
Chapter 3 elucidates the link between national structures and foreign aid delivery. To that end, the chapter traces how national aid organizations vary in their bureaucratic structures and practices and how this variation maps onto my binary donor typology of neoliberal and traditional public sector donors. By tracing the link between particular institutional environments and aid delivery decisions, the chapter shows how bureaucratic structures and practices influence priorities of aid officials and authorize, enable, and justify particular delivery tactics and donor–recipient interactions, while precluding others. That is, I lay out why and how institutions of different ideological orientation constrain donor officials differently, and how they influence aid officials' decision-making.
Chapter 6 shifts the focus from explaining why aid officials differ in their aid delivery decisions across different political economies to investigating the extent to which these preferences may be driven by what donor publics want aid officials to do.On the basis of survey experimental evidence collected in Germany and the United States, I show that differences in aid delivery decisions between US and German aid officials are not consistent with differences between how the two donor publics think about foreign aid delivery.
This chapter examines the ‘indirect application model’ in constitutional law whereby fundamental rights do not apply ‘directly’ to the relations between individuals but nevertheless influence the content of the private law legal rules that apply between non-state actors. The legal rules though articulate the obligations of non-state actors and, if fundamental rights affect those rules, they affect the obligations of non-state actors. I argue that the indirect application model has several drawbacks – including weakening rights and undermining their relational dimension - but ultimately collapses into a form of direct application model. I thus examine, through this lens, seminal cases in Germany and South Africa, seeking to understand what approach courts utilize to construct the substantive content of the obligations of non-state actors. The analysis highlights that courts draw on a number of factors together with an amorphous balancing process to determine those obligations – similar to the other models analysed in the book.
This chapter considers the ‘expanding the state model’ which limits the obligations flowing from fundamental rights to the state and only imposes obligations on non-state actors if they are, in some sense, state-like. This model fundamentally raises the question of what constitutes part of the state and, in so doing, provides an understanding of the determinants for having obligations. I argue the model focuses on the wrong issue: which agents are part of the state rather than the factors that are relevant to determining obligations. The chapter also examines the model as it is expressed through the case law of three jurisdictions – the United States, Germany and South Africa. In doing so, I explore the factors the courts employ to determine whether an entity or function is state-like and their implications for obligations. Those factors overlap with those identified in the other models – which, in turn suggests, the artificiality of confining the application of rights only to state actors.
Immigrants now constitute a sizeable and rapidly growing group among many Western countries' electorates, but analyses of their party preferences remain limited. Theoretically, immigrants' party preferences might be explained with both standard electoral theories and immigrant-specific approaches. In this article, we rigorously test both perspectives against each other using the most recent data from Germany. Applying the Michigan model, with its three central explanatory variables – party identification, issue orientations and candidate evaluations – to the party preferences of immigrant-origin and native voters, we find that this standard model can explain both groups well. In contrast, we find no direct effects of the most prominent immigrant-specific variables, and neither do these meaningfully moderate the Michigan variables. However, we find strong formative effects on the presence of political attitudes and beliefs: immigrants with a longer time spent in Germany, a stronger German identity and less experience of discrimination report significantly fewer item non-responses for the Michigan model's main explanatory variables.
In an increasingly ageing, multilingual, and digitalised society, there is still a lack of research on older adults’ adoption and use of mobile technology for supporting their self-directed second language learning. In the present study, we investigated the extent to which seniors residing in Germany (aged 60+) engage in mobile-assisted language learning (MALL) and the factors encouraging or discouraging them from using language learning apps by conducting a web-based survey (n = 208) and a series of in-depth individual interviews (n = 22). Our results show that (1) participants were resistant to fully embrace the potential of MALL despite their active engagement in language learning and extensive use of digital technology, online resources, and mobile devices; and (2) self-perceived digital literacy and openness towards new developments are strong factors favouring the use of language learning apps in older adulthood. We interpret and discuss these results in the light of theoretical accounts of mobile learning and education in (older) adults, emphasising the need to consider the specific requirements of late-life learners in future implementations of language learning apps. Based on our results, we highlight several implications for designers and developers of such apps intended to facilitate full inclusion of seniors as mobile language learners.
As manifest challenger of the United States (US)-led international order, the People's Republic of China (PRC) has inaugurated a revisionist strategy that encompasses a multifaceted spectrum of initiatives, including an ambitious naval military build-up. History has shown that revisionist and challenging powers tend to defy the established order through arm races. US Admiral Mahan and German Admiral Tirpitz theorized two different approaches to naval strategy, the former focusing on global maritime hegemony and the latter on regional counterbalance based on risk theory. This article attempts at explaining the puzzle of China's naval buildup through the lenses of geopolitics, adding a geopolitical dimension to the current debate. It suggests that the PRC's naval military development does not follow a Mahanian global maritime strategy aimed at challenging the US primacy worldwide, but rather a Tirpitzian regional approach focused on counterbalancing the US presence within the scope of China's sea power projection, that is, the Pacific region. To substantiate this hypothesis, the study compares diachronically contemporary Chinese naval arm race with Wilhelmine Germany's High Seas Fleet. The findings underscore that, in maritime terms, China's revisionism vis-à-vis the US somewhat resembles that of Imperial Germany vis-à-vis Imperial Britain, both aiming at regional counterbalance and anti-access and area-denial (A2/AD) tactics rather than global maritime counterhegemony. Although Chinese sea power is still far from posing a serious threat to that of the US and its allies, an unrestrained continuation of Beijing's naval buildup could encourage arms races and direct confrontation due to regional security dilemmas.
Germany and Norway are the two latest states to adopt laws mandating human rights due diligence by companies. Germany adopted a Law on Supply Chain Due Diligence (German Law) on 10 June 2021.
1 The same day, the Norwegian parliament passed a Transparency Act (Norwegian Act) requiring human rights and decent work due diligence.
2 Like the French Loi de Vigilance and the Dutch Child Labour Due Diligence Law, these laws provide further momentum for mandatory measures to promote corporate respect for human rights, including future regulations in the European Union (EU). While the aims are similar, the German and Norwegian laws contain certain important differences when it comes to the substance and scope of the due diligence requirement. In this context, adherence to international standards remains the way forward to ensure compliance with divergent requirements in different jurisdictions.
Over time, the seven models discussed in the first chapter have undergone modifications and hybridization processes. Each single national system can therefore be described as a patchwork that comprises different subsystems and organizational logics. The purpose of the second chapter is therefore to think about the organizational variants and criteria through which hybrid systems are designed. The fundamental concept of segmentation of healthcare systems is introduced, according to which each national system can be broken down into subsystems, to which different models are applied. To better understand the different forms of segmentation, some examples will be given. The healthcare financing systems adopted in the Netherlands, France, Germany and the United States are briefly outlined. The final section compares the twenty-seven countries covered in this analysis. For each individual national system, not only the prevailing financing model is indicated but also the “ancillary” models used.
The ongoing convergence of the various corporate governance systems in the world is reflected by the increasingly important institute of the independent director. Even legal systems, like Germany, which require a dualistic board structure and thus have no or less need for independent directors have introduced independent directors. The paper examines the approach taken in Delaware and Germany and compares them. The comparison shows that while the concept of the independent director is the same in both jurisdictions, it has been implemented rather differently. The legal comparison may, thus, provide suggestions for improving the determination of independence of directors.
The chapter discusses the constitutional protections of the environment in two comparatively sophisticated domestic protection regimes. South Africa and Germany represent two broad trends that go beyond the greener interpreation of existing rights through courts. Both have adopted express environmental provisions into their constitutional frameworks: South Africa codified an enforceable, individual right to an environment of a certain quality and Germany introduced a general constitutional mission statement requiring environmental protection and sustainable development. However, as the case studies demonstrate, both approaches have been limited in their practical impact: key conceptual and doctrinal questions remain unresolved and failed to significantly impact environmental regulations. In South Africa, the environmental minimum could contribute towards the development of a principled doctrine on section 24 and clarify its relationship to environmental framework legislation. With respect to Germany, the chief contribution lies in limiting the deference granted to regulators and stimulating the development of clearer positive obligations under fundamental rights.
The German Christian Democrats are one of the most successful parties of the mainstream right in post-war Europe. They have held the Chancellor’s office for approximately forty-nine years, compared with just short of twenty years for the Social Democrats (SPD), their primary opponents on the mainstream left. Although the silent revolution eventually pulled the Christian Democrats to the left as the party followed public opinion, its primary contribution has been to cause fragmentation on the left. This fragmentation has meant that the left side of the political spectrum has been weaker overall. German unification also contributed to left-party fragmentation, helping the Christian Democrats to dominate politics. The silent counter-revolution, on the other hand, has been unusually weak in Germany. This weakness meant that the Christian Democrats did not face much of a threat from the right side of the political spectrum. The combination of a strong silent revolution fragmenting the political left and a weak counter silent-revolution minimizing a threat from the right has contributed to the long-term success of the German Christian Democrats.
Official German recommendations advise women to start taking folic acid supplementation (FAS) before conception and continue during the first pregnancy trimester to lower the risk of birth defects. Women from lower socio-economic background and ethnic minorities tend to be less likely to take FAS in other European countries. As little is known about the determinants of FAS in Germany, we aimed to investigate the association between FAS and formal education and migration background, adjusting for demographic factors.
We used data (2013–2016) on nutrition and socio-economic and migration background from the baseline questionnaire of the BaBi cohort study. We performed multivariate regressions and mediation analyses.
Nine-hundred forty-seven women (pregnant or who had given birth in the past 2 months).
16.7% of the participants (158/947) did not use FAS. Migration-related variables (e.g. language, length of stay) were not associated with FAS in the adjusted models. FAS was lower in women with lower level of formal education and in unplanned pregnancies. Reasons given by women for not taking FAS were unplanned pregnancy and lack of knowledge of FAS.
Health practitioners may be inclined to see migrant women as an inherently at-risk group for failed intake of FAS. However, it is primarily women who did not plan their pregnancy, and women of lower formal education level, who are at risk. Different public health strategies to counter low supplementation rates should be supported, those addressing the social determinants of health (i.e. education) and those more focused on family planning.
Challenged by the lack of collaboration between treatment sectors in psychiatric care in Germany, a legal basis for the implementation of Stationsäquivalente Behandlung (StäB), a programme for crisis resolution and home treatment (CRHT), was formed in 2017. It offers intensive care to patients with severe mental illness in their own living environments, carried out by a team of diverse professionals.
The present analysis is the first to evaluate the CRHT-program that has been established in the greater Munich area in 2018.
Qualitative and quantitative data were collected within the framework of a mixed-methods-analysis. Records of all patients (N=139) included in the CRHT over a thirteen-month period (’18–’19) were examined regarding sociodemographic, clinical parameters, and treatment data. A focus group with StäB-employees (N=8) and individual interviews with patients (N=10) were conducted, then transcribed, and analysed using thematic analysis.
139 patients (74% female) were treated in 164 cases for 38 days on average. Main diagnoses were schizophrenic diseases (43%) and mood disorders (35%), with patients ranging from markedly to severely ill (mean CGI-S: 5.8). 9.4% were in postpartum. Qualitative analysis is still in progress. Preliminary results demonstrate positive responses to individual treatment and environmental integration, whereas frequently changing contacts and the logistical effort were seen critically.
Work is still in progress. We expect StäB to be an adequate alternative to inpatient treatment for women in puerperium and a new opportunity for patients who need intensive treatment but refuse hospitalisation.