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Drawing on the lived experiences of high school-aged young Black immigrants, this book paints imaginaries of racialized translanguaging and transsemiotizing, leveraged transnationally by teenagers across the Caribbean and the United States. The Black Caribbean youth reflect a full range of literacy practices – six distinct holistic literacies – identified as a basis for flourishing. These literacies of migration encapsulate numerous examples of how the youth are racialized transgeographically, based on their translanguaging and transsemiotizing with Englishes, both institutionally and individually. In turn, the book advances a heuristic of semiolingual innocence containing eight elements, informed by the Black immigrant literacies of Caribbean youth. Through the eight elements presented – flourishing, purpose, comfort, expansion, paradox, originality, interdependence, and imagination – stakeholders and systems will be positioned to better understand and address the urgent needs of these youth. Ultimately, the heuristic supports a reinscribing of semiolingual innocence for Black Caribbean immigrant and transnational youth, as well as for all youth.
In this introductory chapter, an invitation is provided to begin a journey into the intricacies of Black Caribbean immigrant literacies through the use of Black Panther and Black Panther: Wakanda Forever, as exceptional Black imaginaries already inscribed in the world. Through the adept depiction of racialization and transracialization steeped in the Black experience in the US as juxtaposed against the notion of Black immigrants as a ‘model minority,’ the necessity for examining race in relation to the languaging and semiotizing of Black Caribbean immigrants is outlined. Presenting a brief overview of the emerging global project focused on racialized language, this chapter lays the groundwork for the painting of a compelling portrait of the holistic literacies of Black Caribbean immigrant youth. By signaling the attention to an ultimate positioning of flourishing as a necessary imperative for and alternative to rethinking literacies based on ‘success,’ the chapter concludes with a focus on solidarity between Black Caribbean and other populations as a key impetus for this work.
In this chapter, I present findings from interpretive analyses of the data as they relate to the multiliteracies and translanguaging practices engaged in by six Black Caribbean immigrant English-speaking youth across their Bahamian and Jamaican Caribbean home countries and the US. Specifically, I contextualize these findings within (decolonizing) interpretive analyses that clarify the raciolinguistic and raciosemiotic ideologies informing students’ multiliteracies and translanguaging practices. This chapter shows how the literacies of Black immigrant youth are enacted holistically by adeptly illustrating the languaging associated with these literacies and the ideologies influencing these literacies. Based on these findings, I propose and discuss the framework of semiolingual innocence for understanding how elements of multiliteracies and translanguaging practices as well as the raciolinguistic and raciosemiotic ideologies intersected to clarify the literacies leveraged by Black Caribbean immigrant youth. In turn, through semiolingual innocence emerging from transracialization of the Black immigrant as an analytical prism, I invite a reinscribing of the innocence of Black youth, whose ancestors have for centuries leveraged semiolingually, sans white gaze, their multiliteracies and semiotics for agentively reading and writing themselves into the world. Moreover, I argue for a semiolingual innocence of all youth, made possible through the cultivation of translanguaging and transsemiotizing imaginary presents and futures.
What are the politics of choosing specific frames? This chapter is anchored on this question and finds a marked difference between frames employed at the field level and those by subfields in each country. It finds, for example, that the Kenyan national subfield’s favored frame resembled those selected by fields in the Global North. Concomitantly, it finds an ambivalence in using the genocide frame to talk about the atrocities in Darfur, arguing that this ambivalence is due to perceptions of how the frame would affect peace negotiations and the posture taken by transnational organizations such as the ICC, UN, and AU.
This framing chapter focuses on the nation’s founding and the salience of inequality and race that is baked into our founding documents. It also discusses the concept of democracy that prevailed at the time of the founding and why it represented a radical departure from the past influences of Anglo and French political thought. It introduces the concept of multiple political traditions within American democracy.
Women from Black, South Asian and other ethnic minority groups experience gendered racism. Gender and race intersect in such a way that Black and ethnic minoritised women are not only sometimes afraid of seeking help from mental care, but also are invisible to services and their needs are ignored. There has been a significant tension in feminism between respecting culture and faith and attention to women’s human rights (cultural relativism). However, when women feel entrapped within their families and culture and are subject to forced marriage, domestic violence or FGM, resulting in major mental health problems and suicide, we cannot condone abuse and violence. Black women’s mental health and wellbeing is an important focus for Black feminism, which was largely excluded from second-wave feminism. Concepts of ‘mental illness’ do not always fit easily with personal healing that focuses on emotional and spiritual growth and overcoming oppression. Cultural humility is essential and its crucial for services to collaborate with NGOs that are trusted by the women in communities and run by them. As women we must call out discrimination and racism and challenge it.
In the post-Reconstruction USA, biopolitical technologies of governmentality became central to the project of racial control. As the USA moved from a settler colonial and slave-owning nation to a settler colonial and nation of overseas colonies, a politics of violence was followed by a pedagogy of recovery, particularly in education and health, through which the lives of racialized populations could be “improved.” The salubrious racial management of populations through discourses of health in the Philippines, Guam, Hawai’I, and Indian reservations emphasized distinctions between clean and unclean bodies, hygienic and unhygienic behaviors, and ultimately moral and immoral lifestyles. However, the technologies of care in the USA occupation of Japan during its reverse course phase (1948–1952) illustrate how racial–cultural difference could be refashioned for geopolitical purposes. While early in the occupation the Japanese were Orientalized as conformist, obsequious, and feudalist, Brides Schools for wives of American GIs exemplified how the creation of Japanese wives as perfectly assimilable subjects functioned to demonstrate American racial democracy during the Cold War.
Since 2014, the #BlackLivesMatter movement has worked to initiate police reforms designed to increase accountability and reduce the extrajudicial killing of Black and brown people. However, policy designs are typically congruent—meaning the allocation of benefits and burdens is generally aligned with how the target group is perceived by society. How could the movement motivate policy noncongruent action that would likely burden police—a group privileged by their position within a congruent, punitive, and racialized criminal justice policy culture? An examination of the innovation and diffusion of 12 noncongruent police reforms from 2014 to 2020 suggests the movement’s demands (1) reoriented the political and social contexts that fueled past diffusion processes, (2) activated key institutional actors—Black lawmakers—who served as entrepreneurs in state institutions, and (3) reactivated innovative states to serve as “leaders” in a new wave of noncongruent reform. This analysis provides a useful framework to understand how marginalized communities and their allies can exact real policy change in a political environment known for its unresponsiveness to the demands of marginalized groups.
This chapter examines the different aspects of enslaved Africans’ humanity that writers of neo-slave narratives felt was limiting, dehumanizing, or incomplete. To do this, this chapter also investigates the changing trends in the study of the sociology and history of enslaved Africans, speeches by Ossie Davis, and the writings of Octavia Butler, Angela Davis, and Toni Morrison – all of which contributed to ideas about black humanity. This chapter turns the kaleidoscope of neo-slave narrative by looking at a narrower, yet significant, angle of political life, form, and style of being Black and human, in the context of trends in mass consumption that gave shape to the landscape of this fiction about slavery.
Relationship scientists have focused on dimensions of relationship dynamics and processes including initiation, development, maintenance, and dissolution, yet most of this research is decontextualized, especially as it pertains to race and racism. Among the relationship research that accounts for race, the treatment of race as a factor to be controlled or as a comparison variable ignores the realities of racism as a system that historically influenced and continues to shape romantic relationship development and functioning. Thus, the primary aim of this chapter is to investigate how systemic racism shifts our understanding of romantic relationships by providing an integrative review and critique of the existing literature using Black romantic relationships as an exemplar. We conclude with recommendations for future relationship science across five key domains: conceptualization and theory, measurement, privilege exploration, and within-group heterogeneity.
The narrative surrounding the impact racism has had on the well-being of Black youth has shifted across sociocultural and historical context. Early discourse around these topics were problem-saturated, focusing on deficits “within” Black youth. Over time, an important narrative shift occurred: greater attention was paid to the inherent assets of Black youth, their families, and communities, including how racial-ethnic protective factors such as racial socialization afforded them resilience. What resulted was decades of research seeking to understand the mechanisms that allow Black youth to bounce back in spite of racism-related adversity. Notwithstanding the viable practice and policy implications that have emerged from such inquiry, at what point does our focus on the resilience of Black youth – whether individual or multisystemic – fall short? It is with this question in mind that this paper challenges those committed to the optimal development of Black youth to consider yet another narrative shift: one that stands upon the legacy of cultural ecological frameworks and the seminal models underlying resilience research, and calls us toward not supporting Black youth’s adaptation to racism, but toward collective efforts to transform our approach, pushing back against the perniciousness of racism.
Drawing on race-centered Hamlet scholarship by Patricia Parker and Peter Erickson, and alluding to work by Scott Newstok and Ayanna Thompson, “Engendering the Fall of White Masculinity in Hamlet” offers a racially focused analysis of this rich text that centers white people watching other white people. Hamlet surveys deviations from ideal white conduct and reveals how gender expectations are violated and how white people repeatedly disrespect, only to redefine, socially constructed racialized boundaries. I offer a critique of Hamlet that directly associates white unmanliness with Denmark’s “rotten” state, its socio-political ruin. Specifically, I read the intraracial discord against the play’s structure as a decomposition process. Hamlet depicts uncouth, less-than-ideal whiteness in relationship to gender expectations: unmanliness gets coded as black so the play can suggest certain Danish figures do not epitomize ideal white masculinity.
This chapter addresses the challenges that often arise for Black transgender men and romantic partners when seeking support in therapy. It covers key terminology related to gender identity and its application to clinical practice with Black transgender men and their romantic partners. To further understand how to navigate couples therapy with transgender men, this chapter provides details on how to differentiate between gender and other facets of identity, like biological sex, gender identity, gender expression, gender presentation, and sexual orientation. The chapter also summarizes major Narrative Therapy concepts and explores Narrative Therapy interventions for working with Black transgender men and their romantic partners. A case example will serve as an education tool to illustrate Narrative Therapy with Black transgender men and their romantic partners.
Chapter 4 explores conceptions about race and multiraciality as articulated by and about métis. These ideas were central in defining the meaning and practice of French citizenship and social childhood welfare in French Africa during and after World War II (1939–1950). The main focus is Brazzaville, the capital of Free France in World War II and the center of contestations regarding the “métis question.” The chapter chronicles how what was debated, decided, and rejected here reverberated elsewhere in FEA and FWA. Even as Vichy, Free France, and post-Nazi occupation factions competed about who was the legitimate government, “the métis question” remained critical in the effort to maintain the French Empire in years of precarity. Métis people forwarded various multiracial identities and claims to legal status and quotidian rights. Their demands sparked contestations with and within the post-1946 French government and among French-educated black Africans. There was increasing mobilization by collectives of people of varied ethno-language groups in French Africa, who came together around thier shared identity as black (noire) and hightled the antiblack racism of French colonialism and of métis themselves.
From 1880, the performer Lio Medo embarked on a career as a phrenologist in colonial New Zealand and – later – Tasmania, fleeing controversy and another name. As a man of African descent, Medo laboured under heavier cultural baggage than his white brethren, not least because of a recurrent minstrel trope. Originating in the US, the joke of the ‘lack phrenologist’ sailed to Australia with minstrel troupes, sheet music and newsprint, constantly confronting real-life Black phrenologists such as Medo. A performer’s awareness and skill in navigating such representations created opportunities, even while these caricatures perpetuated oppressive racial myths. Men such as Lio Medo therefore plied popular science within a paradox, the signifier of skin attracting attention that added to the usual phrenological work of winning improved social status. For Lio Medo, signs of identity emanated not just from a top hat and a gold watch, but from his very body.
Every year, over 1,000 public schools are permanently closed across the United States. And yet, little is known about their impacts on American democracy. Closed for Democracy is the first book to systematically study the political causes and democratic consequences of mass public school closures in the United States. The book investigates the declining presence of public schools in large cities and their impacts on the Americans most directly affected – poor Black citizens. It documents how these mass school closure policies target minority communities, making them feel excluded from the public goods afforded to equal citizens. In response, targeted communities become superlative participators to make their voices heard. Nevertheless, the high costs and low responsiveness associated with the policy process undermines their faith in the power of political participation. Ultimately, the book reveals that when schools shut down, so too does Black citizens' access to, and belief in, American democracy.
Cultural competency is a core clinical skill. Yet, psychological therapists may be inadequately trained to deal with the needs of service users from Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic (BAME) backgrounds. This can lead to dissatisfaction with mental health services, disengagement from therapy, and poorer treatment outcomes when compared to the White British population. The aim of this study was to explore whether practitioners working for Improving Access to Psychological Therapies (IAPT) services are culturally competent to deal with the needs of diverse communities. Semi-structured interviews were carried out with a range of practitioners, from early career psychological wellbeing practitioners (PWPs) to senior cognitive behavioural therapists (n=16). Reflexive thematic analysis (RTA) was used to analyse the data, guided by a six-phase process to produce a robust pattern-based analysis. Overall, three themes were generated: (1) encountering cultural dissonance within therapy; (2) challenges in making cultural adaptations to therapy; and (3) identifying cultural competency needs. Out of sixteen participants, only nine therapists received one-day formal training throughout their therapeutic career, whilst seven reported receiving no cultural competence training at all. Overall, it appears that there is an urgent need and desire for therapists to be offered cultural competency training so that they can better serve BAME communities. Clinical implications and future recommendations are made.
Key learning aims
(1) To briefly introduce cross-cultural theoretical models that may assist mental health professionals to think critically about Western notions of therapy and whether they are suited to the needs of ethnic minority communities.
(2) To consider challenges IAPT practitioners encounter during therapy and identify examples of good practice.
(3) To explore to what extent IAPT practitioners feel culturally competent to deal with the needs of BAME communities.
(4) To encourage IAPT services and decision makers (e.g. training bodies and commissioners) to enhance cultural competence training so that practitioners can better serve ethnic minority communities.
African American Literature in Transition, 1980–1990 tracks Black expressive culture in the 1980s as novelists, poets, dramatists, filmmakers, and performers grappled with the contradictory legacies of the civil rights era, and the start of culture wars and policy machinations that would come to characterize the 1990s. The volume is necessarily interdisciplinary and critically promiscuous in its methodologies and objects of study as it reconsiders conventional temporal, spatial, and moral understandings of how African American letters emerged immediately after the movement James Baldwin describes as the 'latest slave rebellion.' As such, the question of the state of America's democratic project as refracted through the literature of the shaping presence of African Americans is one of the guiding concerns of this volume preoccupied with a moment in American literary history still burdened by the legacies of the 1960s, while imagining the contours of an African Americanist future in the new millennium.
Individuals from Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic (BAME) groups experience profound disparities in accessing mental healthcare, show poorer treatment outcomes, and high attrition rates when compared to their White British counterparts. Despite the national rollout of Improving Access to Psychological Therapies (IAPT) services, research exploring service users’ recovery narrative has been scarce. The aim of this study was to explore whether evidence-based psychological interventions are suitable to the needs of BAME communities. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with nine BAME service users who received evidence-based psychological treatment(s) from IAPT services. Reflexive thematic analysis (RTA) was used to analyse the data which included a six-phase process to produce a robust pattern-based analysis. Overall, three themes were generated. The first theme highlighted the importance of recognising cultural dissonance within therapy, which considered patient therapeutic expectations, therapeutic guilt, and conflicting cultural identities. The second theme identified the need for therapists to develop cultural competency. This included the importance of building therapeutic trust and exploration of patient culture within therapy. The final theme considered the road to recovery and highlighted challenges with therapeutic engagement and evaluations of therapeutic effectiveness. Overall, BAME service users felt that therapy was not a cure, but found it helpful. Clinical implications and future recommendations are discussed.
Key learning aims
(1) To briefly introduce cross-cultural theoretical models that may assist mental health professionals to think critically about whether Western notions of therapy are suited to the needs of ethnic minority communities.
(2) To highlight cultural challenges that may impede therapeutic success for BAME communities.
(3) For IAPT services and practitioners to consider cultural competency training needs that may enhance service user therapeutic experiences and outcomes.
(4) To encourage IAPT services to enhance knowledge about psychotherapy and mental health by promoting culturally sensitive psychoeducation in ethnic minority communities.
Chapter 1 answers the question of what citizens perceptions of the school closure policy are and how these attitudes vary by race. It reveals that African Americans and Latinx citizens – the majority of those affected by the policy – have highly negative attitudes toward public school closures. Whites express the most supportive attitudes toward closure, despite rare experiences with the policy. To explain these disparities, it highlights how African Americans and Latinx shared experiences with previous education policies and shared status as minorities contribute to the development of a shared target identity. Their identification as shared targets result in similar assessments of the closure policy, regardless of whether they are directly affected by it. Whites, in contrast, adopt a viewpoint akin to the purveyors of the policy. These findings have implications for understanding the challenges associated with working across racial lines, toward improved race relations and thus democratic progress.