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Despite lessons learned from the recent Ebola epidemic, attempts to survey and determine non-health care worker, industry-specific needs to address highly infectious diseases have been minimal. The aircraft rescue and fire fighting (ARFF) industry is often overlooked in highly infectious disease training and education, even though it is critical to their field due to elevated occupational exposure risk during their operations.
Supervisors perceived Frontline respondents to be more willing and comfortable to encounter potential highly infectious disease scenarios than the Frontline indicated. More than one-third of respondents incorrectly marked transmission routes of viral hemorrhagic fevers. There were discrepancies in self-reports on the existence of highly infectious disease orientation and skills demonstration, employee resources, and personal protective equipment policies, with a range of 7.5%-24.0% more Supervisors than Frontline respondents marking activities as conducted.
There are deficits in highly infectious disease knowledge, skills, and abilities among ARFF members that must be addressed to enhance member safety, health, and well-being. (Disaster Med Public Health Preparedness. 2018;12:675-679)
To describe current Ebola treatment center (ETC) locations, their capacity to care for Ebola virus disease patients, and infection control infrastructure features.
A 19-question survey was distributed electronically in April 2015. Responses were collected via email by June 2015 and analyzed in an electronic spreadsheet.
The survey was sent to and completed by site representatives of each ETC.
The survey was sent to all 55 ETCs; 47 (85%) responded.
Of the 47 responding ETCs, there are 84 isolation beds available for adults and 91 for children; of these pediatric beds, 35 (38%) are in children’s hospitals. In total, the simultaneous capacity of the 47 reporting ETCs is 121 beds. On the basis of the current US census, there are 0.38 beds per million population. Most ETCs have negative pressure isolation rooms, anterooms, and a process for category A waste sterilization, although only 11 facilities (23%) have the capability to sterilize infectious waste on site.
Facilities developed ETCs on the basis of Centers for Disease Control and Prevention guidance, but specific capabilities are not mandated at this present time. Owing to the complex and costly nature of Ebola virus disease treatment and variability in capabilities from facility to facility, in conjunction with the lack of regulations, nationwide capacity in specialized facilities is limited. Further assessments should determine whether ETCs can adapt to safely manage other highly infectious disease threats.
Infect. Control Hosp. Epidemiol. 2016;37(3):313–318
Information-processing biases may contribute to the intergenerational transmission of depression. There is growing evidence that children of depressed mothers exhibit attentional biases for sad faces. However, findings are mixed as to whether this bias reflects preferential attention toward, versus attentional avoidance of, sad faces, suggesting the presence of unmeasured moderators. To address these mixed findings, we focused on the potential moderating role of genes associated with hypothalamic–pituitary–adrenal axis reactivity. Participants included children (8–14 years old) of mothers with (n = 81) and without (n = 81) a history of depression. Eye movements were recorded while children passively viewed arrays of angry, happy, sad, and neutral faces. DNA was obtained from buccal cells. Children of depressed mothers exhibited more sustained attention to sad faces than did children of nondepressed mothers. However, it is important that this relation was moderated by children's genotype. Specifically, children of depressed mothers who carried reactive genotypes across the corticotropin-releasing hormone type 1 receptor (CHRH1) TAT haplotype and FK506 binding protein 5 (FKBP5) rs1360780 (but not the solute carrier family C6 member 4 [SLC6A4] of the serotonin transporter linked polymorphic region [5-HTTLPR]) exhibited less sustained attention to sad faces and more sustained attention to happy faces. These findings highlight the role played by specific genetic influences and suggest that previous mixed findings may have been due to genetic heterogeneity across the samples.
For a well-read medieval monk, as Guillaume de Deguileville must have been, remembering what he read involved memory techniques centered on the visualization of unusual, if not bizarre and startling, scenes and figures. Thus, as a writer who wanted his writing to be remembered, Deguileville conveyed the content of his three Pèlerinages through vivid and detailed descriptions of unusual figures and scenes, including interactions between personifications and biblical characters, which beg for visualization. Apparently unwilling to rely entirely on the reader's ability to create these memory-images in the imagination, the author himself planned for some illustrations, though we cannot know whether he devised complete programs of miniatures or supervised the production of any illustrated manuscripts. Each of his three French pilgrimage poems appeared individually with illustrations, but manuscripts that collect all three Pèlerinages include some of the most ambitious programs of illustration. It is as if the desire for uniformity stimulated designers and artists to continue the dense level of visualization frequently found in manuscripts of the PVH into the other two poems. Images, in fact, provide the most striking evidence for the high level of familiarity with Deguileville's three Pèlerinages from the late fourteenth to mid-fifteenth centuries: in the book of hours known as the Hours of Isabella Stuart (Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum MS 62), picture cycles for each of the poems – in the unusual sequence PJC, PVH, PA – accompany not Deguileville's poems but the familiar cycle of texts found in this personal book of hours, an indication that the images alone enabled readers to recall the poems.
As Fabienne Pomel's contribution to this volume demonstrates vividly, Deguileville's corpus reads like nothing so much as a collection of legal documents. The saga of Deguileville's poetic persona. Here distinguished by the Latinized name Guillermus de Deguilevilla, resembles a case file; both narrator and author are put on trial repeatedly, and poetic and juridical authority are closely related. Two instances of judgment stand out in particular, found respectively in PVH2 and in PA. First, in PVH2. Guillermus loses a judgment aboard the Ship of Religion, from which he is exiled as a result and deprived of his good name. Because of the poet's insistence on the (pseudo-) autobiographical nature of the episode, modern scholars have usually seen in it a reflection of Deguileville's own legal troubles, presumably at the hands of fellow monks at Chaalis. And because Deguileville linked this affair to the high-profile literary scandals of other authors – namely, Abelard and Ovid – it is plausible that he suffered for something he wrote. If so, this would doubtless have been the earlier PVH1, which the 1355 version (PVH2) was destined to correct and supplement.
The Castillian prose translation of PVH1, El pelegrino de la vida humana, underwent a number of transformations before even appearing in the workshop of Henrico Mayer Aleman in Toulouse, where it was eventually printed in 1490. The Spanish version is based on a French printed prose adaptation of PVH1, produced in Lyon by Mathis Husz in 1485 and reprinted in 1486, itself based on an anonymous prose adaptation of PVH1 produced for Jeanne de Laval in Angers in 1465. The translator is identified in Mayer's print as Vinçente de Maçuelo, who appears to have had close connections with the Dominican order and the university of Toulouse on the one hand, and with the Royal family of Castile and Aragon on the other. Indeed, a copy of Mayer's print was acquired by the Royal Family in 1492, presumably for the spiritual education of the young Prince John, whose training was entrusted to a fellow Dominican, Diego de Deza. The connections between Mayer, Maçuelo, the Dominican order and the Royal Family thus provide the main context for the reception of this work in Spain. Mayer's print also lends the text a more militant, combative tone, notably with the addition of a full-page frontispiece woodcut showing a hybrid figure of a pilgrim-knight. This addition may have heightened the book's appeal for an aristocratic readership, allowing the volume to serve as a ‘mirror for princes’ within the court.
This essay discusses how Croatian Renaissance literature reflects the influence of Deguileville's allegory of human life as a pilgrimage, looking in particular for possible borrowings from PVH. uncovering intertextual relations, this study also sheds light on how medieval poetic paradigms permeated Renaissance literature, bringing into focus dynamic continuities amid the shifting historical, cultural and linguistic contexts of Europe in this era. Croatia's position – suspended between Byzantine (Greek) and western (Latin) influence – invites us to look beyond traditional geographic boundaries as well as across the conceptual division of the ‘Middle Ages’ from the ‘Renaissance’. The openness of this literature to different forms of cultural translation is further enhanced by the linguistic complexities of late medieval Croatian culture, which is both trilingual (Latin, Croatian and Old Slavic languages) and triliterate (relying on Glagolitic, Cyrilic and Roman script).
Croatia's geographical position at the crossroads of Central Europe and the Mediterranean determined its role as an intermediary between the two large cultural arenas. During the fourteenth century, Croatian literature became increasingly receptive to the influence of western literature; in the fifteenth century, this influence became dominant, significantly contributing to the development of Croatian Renaissance culture. The fourteenth century – often considered the golden age of Croatian political history and court culture – witnessed the ascent of the French Angevin dynasty, the Capetian House of Anjou, to the Croatian-Hungarian throne (1301–1409).
Readers of the Pèlerinages encounter multiple embedded texts, presented as autonomous lyrics, letters, documents and prayers; such text disrupts the flow of the allegorical narrative on both a formal and a conceptual level, inviting readers to reflect on the authority of the allegorical narrative itself. These disruptions are marked in varied ways: shifts in metre, rhyme, or language; narrative presentation emphasising the material forms or extraneous uses of lyrics or prayers; even the use of acrostics that literally disrupt the linearity of the reading experience.
All these embedded texts identify specific speakers and/or addressees in a manner that suggests analogies with both medieval epistolary convention and judicial practice. Such formalised textual exchanges are characterised by an asymmetrical communication between different levels of authority, participating in a vertical system of exchange. In the case of the Pèlerinages, these texts also reciprocally connect different levels of reality, enabling a two-way system of communication between ordinary human agents and representatives of divine authority, absent or present. This creative emulation of epistolary and judicial models invites readers to explore the performative value of authorised speech and authorised text. Embedded text functions at once as language, as event and as object: it can be manifested as verbal performance and can also take on the material form of scrolls and letters, handled and exchanged within the narrative, thus intervening in the action of the poem.
The success encountered by Deguileville's Pèlerinages in the Middle Ages is undeniable, as attested by the numbers of surviving manuscripts. Yet manuscript numbers alone reveal very little about the nature of these texts' reception. Were these manuscripts read in extenso, or more discontinuously and selectively, or were they admired as a vehicle for lavish illumination? Who read the texts, in what manner and to what end? Although many manuscripts are indeed abundantly illustrated, more than fifty copies of PVH carry marginal annotations dating from the Middle Ages: the first of the Pèlerinages was thus not only the most widely circulated but also seems to have attracted the greatest amount of marginalia. Surveying the ‘tradition’ of annotation offers us a more informed understanding of the successful circulation of Deguileville's corpus.
PVH manuscripts display a wide variety of different types of annotation, both in Latin and in the vernacular, ranging from scribal annotations or rubrication to more discreet marks and comments supplied by later readers. The general tenor of annotations confirms that PVH was held in high regard during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Indeed, annotations are invariably non-polemical, and often highlight text extracts that readers seem to have found particularly edifying; exempla, proverbs, the author's elucidations of his own allegorical vocabulary and didactic narrative passages tend to attract more annotations than abstract and speculative episodes and, interestingly, annotations are found in relatively uniform density across the whole of PVH1.