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Hunting is a primary driver of biodiversity loss across South-east Asia. Within Cambodia, the use of wire snares to capture wildlife is a severe threat in protected areas but there have been few studies of the behaviour of hunters from local communities. Here, we combine the unmatched count technique with direct questioning to estimate the prevalence of hunting behaviours and wildlife consumption amongst 705 households living within Keo Seima Wildlife Sanctuary, Cambodia. We assessed respondents’ knowledge of rules, and their perceptions of patrols responsible for enforcing rules. Estimates of hunting behaviour were variable: results from the unmatched count technique were inconclusive, and direct questioning revealed 9% of households hunted, and 20% set snares around farms to prevent wildlife eating crops. Hunting with domestic dogs was the method most commonly used to catch wildlife (87% of households owned dogs). Wild meat was consumed by 84% of households, and was most frequently bought or caught, but also gifted. We detected a high awareness of conservation rules, but low awareness of punishments and penalties, with wildlife depletion, rather than the risk of being caught by patrols, causing the greatest reduction in hunting. Our findings demonstrate the challenges associated with reliably estimating rule-breaking behaviour and highlight the need to incorporate careful triangulation into study design.
Natural resources in and around protected areas in many countries in Africa are under intense pressure as a result of illegal behaviour, such as fishing, hunting and logging. A better understanding of local people's perceptions of the nature of illegal behaviour and the relevance of conservation actions would be useful in informing conservation decisions. We gathered information on the attitudes and perceptions of communities in the vicinity of Ugalla Game Reserve in western Tanzania regarding illegal behaviour and the effectiveness of conservation practices, using household surveys, key informants, and focus groups. We found that local people use the Reserve illegally, especially for hunting (28 ± SE 6%) and logging (20 ± SE 5%). We explored behaviours that are problematic for conservation in the partially protected areas around Ugalla. Local communities reported feeling isolated, harassed and intimidated by approaches used to protect Ugalla. They were angered by the conservation of Ugalla as a trophy hunting site for foreigners, and the excessive force and beatings used by game rangers to keep them away from the Reserve. Improving local livelihoods (17%), participatory conservation (16%), and giving people land for agricultural activities (16%) were among the ways that local communities felt would reduce illegal activities. Our findings suggest the need for conservation measures to benefit local communities around Ugalla transparently and equitably. Outreach programmes would help to raise conservation awareness and attract positive attitudes towards conservation. To encourage local support for conservation, we also suggest that conservation authorities create and maintain good relations with people living near the Reserve.
This chapter begins with a contention dating back more than twenty years (see Milner 1989): in Sweden, social democracy is not merely the programme of a party, but constitutes a way of life incorporated into the institutions of society. Despite some overreaching in the 1970s, and the ensuing backlash in the early 1980s, the social democratic way of life had become entrenched in what had come to be known as the ‘Swedish model’. The model consisted of a logically coherent set of policies and institutions instituted over half a century by the Swedish Social Democratic Party (SAP) and its allies in and beyond the labour movement. The model withstood the wide-reaching challenges to the welfare state identified with globalisation, the neo-conservative policies of Reagan and Thatcher and the public choice ideas underlying them (Milner 1994). Adaptations to these challenges, not only in Sweden but also in Finland, Norway and Denmark, did not undermine the fundamentals of the model. Indeed, the policy choices effectively defied the stark logic of public choice: supporting the welfare state constituted a rational choice for Scandinavians.
While, as we shall see, it was never only a matter of having social democrats in power, the predominance of the SAP during this period was an enduring and seemingly eternal part of the Swedish landscape. This is no longer the case. In the last decade a significant change has taken place in Sweden, the cradle of twentieth-century social democracy, with possible repercussions elsewhere in Scandinavia and beyond.
Abstract. Does compulsory voting lead to more knowledgeable and engaged citizens? We report the results from a recent experiment measuring such “second-order effects” in a compulsory voting environment. We conducted the experiment during the 2007 Quebec provincial election among 121 students at a Montreal CEGEP. To receive payment, all the students were required to complete two surveys; half were also required to vote. By comparing knowledge and engagement measures between the two groups, we can measure the second-order effects of compulsory voting. We find little or no such effects.
Résumé. Le vote obligatoire augmente-t-il le niveau d'information et l'engagement politique des citoyens? Nous présentons les résultats d'une expérience mesurant de tels « effets secondaires' » dans un environnement caractérisé par le vote obligatoire. Nous avons mené une expérience auprès de 121 étudiants d'un cégep montréalais lors de l'élection québécoise de 2007. Afin de recevoir une somme d'argent, les étudiants n'avaient qu'à compléter deux questionnaires; une moitié des participants devait en plus voter le jour de l'élection. En comparant le niveau d'information et l'engagement entre les deux groupes, nous pouvons mesurer les effets secondaires du vote obligatoire. Notre expérience révèle que le vote obligatoire a peu ou pas d'effet sur les connaissances et la participation.
I spent the 2004–2005 academic year in France, culminating with
the May 29th referendum on the European Union constitutional
treaty. Fifty-five percent of voters rejected it. Three days later, 62% of
Dutch voters followed suit. These were unexpected results, especially in
France, a country where 80% declare themselves in favor of European
integration. In other member states, a simple rule generally applies:
those whose priority is to strengthen the EU are on the “yes”
side, while the “no” is identified with those who emphasize
national interests. In the Netherlands, though the murder of filmmaker
Theo van Gogh by an Islamic radical was a factor, the “no”
forces won essentially because they persuaded enough people that the
direction the Constitution would take the Netherlands went against Dutch
interests. To do so, they played on the resentment that Brussels took
their money but ignored Dutch concerns—“the same people who
fooled you with the euro are fooling you now with this
In their article, C. J. Pattie and R. J. Johnston
(2003) do me the honour of putting a key aspect of my approach to the
relationship between civic literacy and political participation to the
test. Do recent British data, they ask, confirm my expectation that
newspaper reading enhances civic literacy, and thus voter turnout?
Though I am gratified that they chose to address this issue, and in such
a thorough manner, and though there is much in the article which is
valuable, I must ultimately take issue with their methodology and, thus,
the central conclusion they draw.
It has been established that material surface topography can have a significant effect on biological cell adhesion, in the absence of changes in surface chemistry. Such investigations were typically performed using surface features with size on the order of microns, comparable to the dimensions of the cells. It has been demonstrated that sub-micron sized topographies that cannot be created via contact lithography also influence cell behavior. The ability to affect cell adhesion is a prime consideration in the development of novel biomaterials. This study reports a two-stage replication molding process for fabricating ordered sub-micron sized features over a large area of biomedical polyether(urethane urea). Such a technique has great applicability in the area of long-term implantable materials as a method for influencing cell-material interactions.
In this article, it is argued that Canada's relatively low rate of political participation is related to its electoral system being nonproportional, but that a complementary factor is to be found in its political institutions being discontinuous. Discontinuous institutions are manifested in relatively weak links between political organizations active municipally, regionally (provincially) and nationally. While the relationship between proportional representation (PR) and high turnout has been well established in the literature, there is still a puzzle surrounding the theoretical explanation for it. The author argues that the key to the solution to this puzzle lies less in the additional potential benefits to the voter in a PR system than in the reduction of costs, specifically information costs under such a system. PR is seen to frame incentives and disincentives for political actors in such a manner as to result in a reduction of the cost of political information. This is especially the case when PR is embedded in integrated (non-discontinuous) political institutional arrangements. The most salient manifestation of this effect is seen in comparative turnout levels in municipal elections.
During the course of work on the Pliocene deposits of West Cornwall, the writer had occasion to search a wide area forspecimens of that increasingly rare but fascinating rock, the Wolf Rock phonolite. Inquiries were mainly confined to the most likely places for securing such material, apart from the rock itself, i.e. at the cottages of fishermen accustomed to work among the dangerous reefs off Lands End and the Scilly Isles. Although personal efforts to find such specimens provedby no means abortive, it was ultimately through the good offices of the Honorary Secretary and Curator of the Royal Geological Society of Cornwall, Mr. J. B. Cornish, that excellent specimens of the Wolf Rock phonolite, Longships schist, and Seven Stones porphyry were obtained from a local inhabitant, who apparently had an eye for novelties to adorn his domestic mantelpiece.