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An increasing number of countries, especially the UK, have expanded their legal powers to deprive citizens of their nationality in response to terrorism. The trigger for the mounting focus on this tactic has been the advent of Islamic State and the phenomenon of Foreign Terrorist Fighters (FTFs) travelling to Iraq and Syria. The weaponization of nationality has therefore been adapted to this situation so that citizens can be treated as if they were foreigners. In this way, the FTFs can be divested of citizenship and of rights. This paper will explain these developments against the declining inspiration of ‘cosmopolitan citizenship’. So, the paper first needs to explore notions of citizenship and then to look at the decline of ‘cosmopolitan citizenship’ which provides space for counter-terrorism weaponization. The paper does not contend that cosmopolitan citizenship forbids any weaponization but highlights important provisos which draw attention to human rights and other principled and policy constraints which also must be explored and weighed.
The Executive Committee Working Group on “Cosmic Light” was created in 2014 (at its EC94 Meeting, Apr.30-May 2, Canberra, Australia), in preparation of the contribution of the IAU to the UNESCO “2015 International Year of Light and Light Technologies” (IYL2015), which had been approved by the UN in December 2013 (see http://www.light2015.org/Home.html).
CONSISTENT WITH HIS “WAR ON TERROR” PARADIGM, President George W. Bush asserted that “it is not enough to serve our enemies with legal papers.” Resonant with this view, although also reflecting its own rich legal history of counterterrorism, the United Kingdom's primary legal focus in the immediate aftermath of 9/11 was weighted more toward executive interventions than court-based criminal prosecution. The immediate emanation of “executive intervention” was the detention without trial of foreign terror suspects, a measure characteristic of executive intervention in that it was on the basis of the evaluation of future risk by a government minister rather than exhaustive proof of a past crime before a court. However, this vying between executive action and criminal prosecution never pitched as decisively in favor of executive action as in the United States and is now fading in United Kingdom domestic law. The first part of this chapter will examine the foundations for the reinvigoration of the criminal justice paradigm. This aspect advances this book's inquiry into exceptional courts, as it posits the alternative approach that regular models of criminal justice can and should predominate in counterterrorism. Next, this chapter will explore the salient implications to date for British criminal justice, particularly questioning the extent to which the delivery of criminal justice has remained “regular” or whether elements of exceptionality have insinuated themselves within the process. The final part of this chapter will reflect on the future implications, followed by wider reflections.
The following seven papers in this section are from the 9th Region Workshop of the European Microbeam Analysis Society (EMAS) on Electron Probe Analysis of Materials Today—Practical Aspects that took place April 25–28, 2010 in Amsterdam, The Netherlands. The meeting was organized in collaboration with the Netherlands Institute for Cultural Heritage (ICN).
Though of ancient origin, the concept of cosmopolitanism remains salient, not least within contemporary rights discourse (Anderson-Gold 2001; Tan 2004; Appiah 2006; Benhabib 2006; Fine 2007; Douzinas 2007). The concept's normative emphasis on the ideal of value being shared by all of humanity, within circles of affiliation going beyond family, the local, or even national ties (Nussbaum 1997: 9), helpfully underlines the universality of each human life ‘beyond … the ties of kith and kin’ (Appiah 2006: xv). Its institutional implications promulgate the ideal of a common community which can be viewed as reflected in the emergence of post-1945 federations of nations which sponsor international human rights and humanitarian laws.
Yet, can these concepts of cosmopolitanism hold fast in the face of contemporary terrorism? Jihadi movements like Al-Qa'ida have been criticised as ‘counter-cosmopolitans’ (Appiah 2006: 143). Their doctrine denies plural value, and their action consists too often of brutal and catastrophic attacks in apparent denial of any shared humanity. In turn, states are motivated by terrorism to raise the drawbridge on cosmopolitan comity and to adopt exceptionalism in foreign affairs (described in the chapter by Jason Ralph) and irreconcilable forms of illiberal nationalism at home. Governments become willing to demonise those who reject their values (Thobani 2007) and to proffer for their own purposes a ruthless and violent ‘lesser evil’ in order to combat the greater evil of terrorism, so that human rights are no longer trumps in the age of terror, even against torture (Ignatieff 2004; Dershowitz 2002).
This issue of Microscopy and Microanalysis contains papers
from the Seventh Regional Workshop of the European Microbeam Analysis
Society (EMAS) on Electron Probe Microanalysis of Materials
Today—Practical Aspects that took place May 13–16, 2006 in
Karlsruhe, Germany. The meeting was organized in collaboration with the
Institute for Transuranium Elements (ITU) of the Joint Research Centre of
the European Commission.
It was Robert Nozick who, distinguishing the classical liberal ‘night-watchman State’ which protected citizens against violence and enforced contracts on their behalf, conjured instead the ‘ultra-minimal State’1 in which the task of the State is confined to the monopolization of violence rather than the actual provision of security (unless paid for by citizens by choice). On the face of it, it seems that Western governments are increasingly keen to move towards this model of the ultra-minimal State and to allow even the provision of force to be assumed by private enterprise on a contractual model in which the rich or the desperate may choose to avail themselves of fortifications at the going rate while the rest take their chances in life. The ultra-minimal State is left with a residual steering2 policy role in which the parameters of contractual engagement for protection can be set. In short, it appears that nothing is sacrosanct in the onward march of the principles of neo-liberalism. Even the ultimate bastions of establishment—Her Majesty's armed forces—are not immune from processes of commodification and marketization that have previously been applied to core functions such as policing3 and imprisonment.4
This issue of Microscopy and Microanalysis contains selected
papers from the fifth Regional Workshop of the European Microbeam
Analysis Society (EMAS) on Electron Probe Microanalysis—Practical
Aspects that took place May 22–25, 2002 at Szczyrk, Poland. The
meeting was organized by the Polish National Branch of EMAS in
collaboration with the Silesian University of Technology (Faculty of
Materials Engineering and Metallurgy) and the Polish Academy of Science
(Institute of Metallurgy and Materials Science).
ONE of the less vaunted aspects of the Criminal Justice and Public Order Act 1994 is Part X, entitled “Cross-Border Enforcement”. On closer scrutiny, one quickly discovers that the borders in question are those internal to the distinct legal jurisdictions of the United Kingdom—in other words, the territories of England and Wales, Northern Ireland and Scotland. As for “enforcement”, it is apparently the enforcement of the law via police powers and not the enforcement of court judgments which is the concern. As with other, more notorious parts of the Act, three main questions need to be answered in order to reach an understanding of these provisions: what prompted Part X to be passed; how does it seek to attain its objectives; and does it seek to attain its objectives in ways which are effective and appropriate?
The issue of miscarriages of justice1 has been at the heart of much recent discourse—legal, political and social—concerning the English criminal justice system. Indeed the crisis of confidence in the system has prompted attempts to re-establish legitimacy, which include such tried and tested methods as changes of personnel,2 and the appointment of a wide-ranging Royal Commission 3 which followed the attempt to quell the disquiet by the more focused May Inquiry.4 Much of the concern has arisen from the conduct of terrorist trials in Britain in the mid-1970s, the most important and significant 5 of which for the purposes of this paper were the trials of groups of terrorist suspects commonly known as the Birmingham 6,6