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73807 results in Boydell & Brewer

Page 1228 of 3691

  • 4 - Villon and Pound: Modernity and the ‘Mediaeval Dream’

  • Claire Pascolini-Campbell
  • Book:
    François Villon in English Poetry
    Published by:
    Boydell & Brewer
    Published online:
    09 October 2019
    Print publication:
    16 November 2018, pp 85-113

  • Summary

    IF IT WAS SWINBURNE who had discovered Villon for the Pre-Raphaelites and Parnassians, it was Ezra Pound (b. 1885–d. 1972) who would bring him to the attention of Modernist and Postmodernist poets, negotiating the presence of his Victorian precursors while simultaneously paving the way for new interpretations of Villon and a new mode of quasi-translation he referred to as ‘personae’. Pound is thus a central figure in the English tradition of translating Villon, and the influence of the French poet on his work is felt across his varied career as critic, poet, political activist and composer, with Villon being carried across not merely linguistic boundaries, but generic ones too. He first appears in two ‘Villonauds’, imitative rhymed poems which reproduce the style, themes, and to some extent the form of the original poetry, published originally in A Lume Spento (1908) and later in Personae: The Collected Shorter Poems of Ezra Pound (1926). In 1910 Pound devoted an entire chapter to the medieval poet in his critical text, The Spirit of Romance, an anthology that also includes studies of the work of Arnaut Daniel, Guido Guincelli, Dante, Petrarch, Boccaccio, Chaucer, John Gower, Michael Agnolo, Camoens, Lope de Vega, and Shakespeare. In addition, Pound set Villon to music in his 1924 opera The Testament, which was later adapted for BBC radio as a melodrama, in 1931. Finally, it is significant that The Cantos are dense with allusions to Villon, as his presence in this modern epic, a text that was to occupy Pound from 1924 until his death in 1972, is emblematic of the central role that Villon came to play in Pound's mission of re-evaluating and revising the Western canon.

    This role, as the following chapter will demonstrate, centres on a social historical reading of Villon as the last medieval poet, with his oeuvre as the juncture at which pre-modern literature becomes modern. In his 1934 critical treatise, ABC of Reading, Pound explains: ‘if Chaucer represents the great mellowing and the dawn of a new paideuma, Villon, the first voice of man broken by bad economics, represents also the end of a tradition, the end of the mediaeval dream’.

  • 9 - Conclusion

  • from Part Two - Popular Protest and Collective Action
  • Timothy D. Watt
  • Book:
    Popular Protest and Policing in Ascendancy Ireland, 1691-1761
    Published by:
    Boydell & Brewer
    Published online:
    12 October 2019
    Print publication:
    16 November 2018, pp 204-214

  • Summary

    Historians of eighteenth-century Ireland have interpreted large-scale violence involving government forces and the general populace in two, contradictory, ways. Broadly speaking, on one side of the debate are historians like Thomas Bartlett, S. J. Connolly, Neal Garnham, James Kelly and M. J. Powell, who have emphasised harmony rather than conflict in social relations, at least until the 1790s. According to S. J. Connolly, Ireland in the early eighteenth century was in many respects a typical pre-industrial society in ancien régime Europe,

    ruled over by a mainly landed élite, in which vertical ties of patronage and clientship were more important than horizontal bonds of shared economic or social position, and in which even popular protest was conducted within the assumptions that underlay the existing social order.

    Also it was a ‘confessional state’, in which religion was a central aspect of personal and political motivation and in which differences in religious devotion were a fundamental cause of conflict. However, the outlook of the ruling elite with regard to an unreconciled Catholic population and its allies in Europe was ‘a wary confidence in the face of a real, but containable, threat’. This confidence arose in part because the people who joined in localised outbreaks of agrarian violence and urban protest often were controlled and disciplined. According to Neal Garnham, ‘popular protest … tended to be restrained, conservative, even deferential’. Also, the civil authorities deterred people from breaking laws by occasionally handing down harsh punishments in courts such as to hang convicted offenders and display parts of their dismembered bodies in public places. However, they did not practise judicial torture as was commonplace in some other European countries, and there were no ‘forests of corpses’.

    Critics of this analysis, who include Vincent Morley, Breandán Ó Buachalla, Éamonn Ó Ciardha and Kevin Whelan, have interpreted violence in late seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Ireland in entirely different ways. Kevin Whelan has argued that Ireland is better understood as a colony of England, as opposed to a representative ancien régime society, in which the descendants of the old proprietors of land, who had ‘mutated into an underground gentry’, waited for the opportunity to reclaim their rightful place at the head of Irish society.

  • Appendix 1 - Archival Documents

  • Eric Jas
  • Book:
    Piety and Polyphony in Sixteenth-Century Holland
    Published by:
    Boydell & Brewer
    Published online:
    17 October 2019
    Print publication:
    16 November 2018, pp 198-217

  • Summary

    I COMPLAINTS ABOUT THE SINGERS

    IA Letter from the getijdenmeesters of St Peter's to the sheriff, burgomasters and schepenen of Leiden (1450s?)

    Aen mijn heeren vanden gherechte Schout bourghemeesteren ende scepenen der stede van Leyden

    Die procuratoren vanden seven ghetijden in Sinte pieters kerck begheeren ende bidden mijn heeren om assistenci ende bijstant Aenghemerct die grote Arroren confuys dwalingh ende negligencie die daghelicx inder kercken voorn. gheschien god betert die wij niet en moghen noch en konnen resisteren corrigieren wederstaen noch verhoeden Want god niet ghedient noch gheeert en wort als betaemt ende behoirlick is als uu mijn heere wel kondich is dat ons zeer mishaget ende niet beteren en moghen sonder raet ende hulpe van uu mijn heeren / Soe bidden wij als boven dat mijn heren dese saken ter harten nemen willen ende dair in voirsien mit alle diligencie ende nairsticheyt / want dair grote macht an leyt ende die salicheyt ende welvaren van uu ende ons allen

    Ende om mijn heeren een weynich advertancie te gheven alsoe wij die sake langhe ghehandelt Soe wair wel onse meenyng ende guetduncken dat men die muysique cesseren soude ende maken een heerlick choor van achte eerlijcke priesteren ende achte ofte ses koralen ende die souden singen statetelick sonder haesten datment verstaen mochte ende pauseren inden midden vanden versen als betaemt ende behoirlick is ende als in anderen kercken ghedaen wort dair guet regiment is

    Ten anderen mael so souden dese voorn. sanghers singhen alle die votijff missen die inder kercken voirn. ghesonghen worden vanden scoolmeesteren ende souden die profijten hebben

    Ten derden mael souden dese viij priesteren mitten koralen voirs. singhen die misse vanden heilighen cruyce des vrijdaechs / ende des saterdaechs die misse van onser liever vrouwen / Mer wij soe stijff niet en sijn dat wij dat loonen ofte betalen moghen Soe begheeren wij dat ghy mijn heeren dair of ordineren wilt want die incoomste vanden ghetyden so groot niet en sijn alsmen wel vermoet dat blijken sal alst mijn heeren belieft

  • Appendix: Irish Combination Acts, 1705–80

  • Timothy D. Watt
  • Book:
    Popular Protest and Policing in Ascendancy Ireland, 1691-1761
    Published by:
    Boydell & Brewer
    Published online:
    12 October 2019
    Print publication:
    16 November 2018, pp 215-218

  • Summary

    General

  • • 3 Geo. II c. 14 (1730): An act to prevent unlawful combinations of workmen, artificers, and labourers employed in the several trades and manufactures of this kingdom, and for the better payment of their wages; as also, to prevent abuses in making of bricks, and to ascertain their dimensions.* [This was the first general combination act to deal with industrial relations. Before it came into force, and after most Irish Combination Acts were repealed by the Westminster parliament in 1824/5, a person could be indicted and convicted of belonging to a combination by means of the common law]

  • • 5 Geo. II c. 4 (1732): An act for the further explaining and amending the several laws for preventing frauds committed by tenants; and for the more easy renewal of leases; and for the further amendment of the law in certain cases therein mentioned. [Section XI, 3 Geo. II c. 14 (1730) was amended, thereby making the punishments stricter for people convicted of assault. An offending journeyman could be fined 40s.]

  • • 17 Geo. II c. 8 (1744): An act for continuing several statutes now near expiring, and for amending other statutes, and for other purposes therein mentioned.* [Section III, 3 Geo. II c. 14 (1730) was amended, making it illegal to belong to an ‘unincorporated’ assembly comprising three or more people, to give charitable donations (‘box club’) to unemployed journeymen, and to let private houses be used for journeymen's meetings]

  • • 19 & 20 Geo. III c. 19 (1780): An act to prevent combinations, and for the further encouragement of trade. * [The activities associated with belonging to a combination are described in detail. 31 Geo. II c. 10, Sect. 13 and 33 Geo. II c. 5, Sect. IV were extended to cover other manufactures. Also, journeymen were forbidden from preventing ‘foreigners’ and women working in certain trades]

  • • 4 Anne c. 8 (1705): An act to regulate the taking and exacting tolls throughout this kingdom; and to prevent engrossing coals in the city of Dublin. [To tackle ‘fraudulent practices’ and ‘combinations’ in the coal trade, carried on by ship owners, masters and merchants. Also see: 6 Geo. I c. 2 (1719); 1 Geo. II c. 21 (1728); 31 Geo. II c. 15 (1758); 1 Geo. III c. 10 (1762); 11 Geo. III c. 5 (1771)]

  • ‘From the Street to the World of Art’: Writing Women's Liberation in Nawal El Saadawi's Zeina

  • from FEATURED ARTICLES
  • Ernest N. Emenyonu, John C. Hawley
  • Book:
    ALT 36: Queer Theory in Filmand Fiction
    Published by:
    Boydell & Brewer
    Published online:
    25 March 2020
    Print publication:
    16 November 2018, pp 188-208

  • Summary

    Renowned Egyptian writer and feminist Nawal El Saadawi's phenomenal novel Zeina is strategically set against the backdrop of revolution in Cairo. Revolutionary in its own rights, the novel chronicles female resistance to patriarchal mandates. The poignant and searing critique of the masculinist Egyptian regime should come as no surprise. Mona Eltahawy reminds us that, according to a 2013 Thomson Reuters Foundation poll of women's rights following the Arab Spring, Egypt ‘was judged to be the single worst country for women's rights, scoring badly in almost every category, including gender violence, reproductive rights, treatment of women in the family and female inclusion in politics and the economy’ (Eltahawy Headscarves and Hymens: 24). Shedding light on the precarious position in which feminists in the region find themselves, Khadidiatou Guéye is quick to point out that in the Arab region most women writers’ ‘feminist ideologies clash with the Muslim background of their cultures’ (‘Tyrannical Femininity’: 160). While religion is undoubtedly one of the tools of female oppression, Eltahawy surmises: ‘Whether our politics are tinged with religion or with military rule, the common denominator is the oppression of women’ (18). A consummate feminist and the leading spokeswoman on the status of women in the Arab region, El Saadawi exposes, even as she challenges, the male-centric, patriarchal regime that perpetuates female oppression.

    The illegitimate daughter of Bodour, a young university studentturned- literary-critic and distinguished professor, and Nessim, a young revolutionary, Zeina, the eponymous heroine, is abandoned by her mother on the streets of Cairo when Nessim is killed during one of many demonstrations of the repressive patriarchal system. Forced to carry this secret, Bodour writes a fictionalised account of her life, which mysteriously gets stolen. In a novel where female bodies are subject to the worst form of subjugation, colonisation, and body theft, the novel's title, The Stolen Novel, is apt. The theft of Bodour's text/body appears to be an act of revenge for the idea of the book germinated ‘specifically on a night that passed like a terrifying nightmare or an ephemeral dream of paradise when she had eaten the forbidden fruit’ (32).

  • 5 - The Codex Wintoniensis in its Twelfth-Century Context

  • Edited by Laura L. Gathagan, William North, Charles C. Rozier
  • Book:
    The Haskins Society Journal 29
    Published by:
    Boydell & Brewer
    Published online:
    15 October 2019
    Print publication:
    16 November 2018, pp 115-138

  • Summary

    The Codex Wintoniensis is one of the most magnificent surviving medieval English cartularies. Begun at Winchester cathedral priory in the first half of the twelfth century, the Codex contains the copies of nearly 250 Anglo-Saxon charters related to the cathedral's endowment. The manuscript is large (395 x 280 mm), and its contents were completed in monumental script. Throughout it is adorned with colored and decorated initials. The manuscript was bound in a splendid mid-twelfth-century stamped-leather binding, until this was removed in 1961; both the cartulary and this binding are now held in the British Library. The documents within the cartulary amount to approximately 10 percent of the total number of extant pre-Conquest English charters, making the Codex one of the most important sources for the study of Anglo-Saxon England. However, additional significance lies in the manuscript's creation. The compilers at Winchester cathedral (also known as Old Minster) collected, selected, and organized a vast number of documents to create a composite record of their ancient endowment. In doing so they produced one of England's earliest and most voluminous cartularies. The Codex Wintoniensis thus provides invaluable insight into the ways in which cartularies were produced in post-Conquest England, as well as how this community viewed and reused its Anglo-Saxon past.

    This article seeks to fully analyze the production of the Codex Wintoniensis within the context of early-twelfth-century Winchester cathedral priory. Although previous studies of the Codex have focused on specific charters within the manuscript, and the various stages in its construction, it is still not fully known what functions the Codex may have had at the time of its production, nor why they were pursued through this from of literary composition. The coming discussion will consider the contents and arrangement of the Codex Wintoniensis within fresh historical and interpretative settings, first through a brief comparison with other contemporaneous English cartularies, and then with an analysis of how the Codex's contents reflect the purposes of the text. The conclusions will argue that although the Codex may not meet our expectations for a cartulary, through its construction the compilers reorganized Old Minster's documentary past to directly address the priory's current concerns.

  • Guilt (Short story)

  • from LITERARY SUPPLEMENT
    • By Chioma Duruaku, teaches in the Department of Humanities, Federal Polytechnic Nekede Owerri, Nigeria.
  • Ernest N. Emenyonu, John C. Hawley
  • Book:
    ALT 36: Queer Theory in Filmand Fiction
    Published by:
    Boydell & Brewer
    Published online:
    25 March 2020
    Print publication:
    16 November 2018, pp 232-240

  • Summary

    Dear Mukaosolu,

    I write to admit that I am guilty of a heinous crime and hope that you would find it in your heart to forgive me. I didn't ask for this, yet I found myself living with this deep guilt that I cannot shake off. Really, I wish I could turn back the hands of time but…

    My heart is shattered, but I shall always tell our story. When matters of the heart are involved, people would believe what they want. They blame you here or there for sharing your problems with them oblivious of the facts, or the thought that they too, could be in a bigger mess, faced with the same scenarios. They all come to judgment. But they do not always know the story. Everyone now blames me about Okwuchi, my childhood friend. It all began when we both attended a Multidisciplinary Conference at the University of Nevada Las Vegas, USA ten years ago? Mmh … I recall that it was her first time of leaving the shores of Nigeria. She was so nervous that almost everyone in attendance, noticed. I was like her guardian angel, always at hand to rescue her.

    Hey! Did you just laugh? ‘Bia, enyi, this ain't funny – like the Americans would say. Now you know, in those two weeks of our sojourn in America, I was able to pick up that expression – ‘this ain't funny.’ It has since stuck in my head. These days I blurt it out with the heaviness of my Igbo accent. Lol! But I was telling about Okwy. After a few days in Nevada, she finally was able to relax. That was when she caught the attention of this very tall handsome young man, who had also come for the same Conference from Nigeria. We had all been aboard the same Delta flight from the Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport in Abuja, en route to the Maynard Hartsfield Jackson's International Airport, Atlanta. That was our first port of arrival before boarding the domestic flight for Las Vegas. But we didn't notice one another till our arrival two days later, at the Conference registration venue and what followed, felt like the usual chit chat one sees in Nollywood movies.

  • Chantal Zabus, Out in Africa: Same-Sex Desire in Sub-Saharan Literatures & Cultures

  • from REVIEWS
  • Ernest N. Emenyonu, John C. Hawley
  • Book:
    ALT 36: Queer Theory in Filmand Fiction
    Published by:
    Boydell & Brewer
    Published online:
    25 March 2020
    Print publication:
    16 November 2018, pp 249-252

  • Summary

    Chantal Zabus begins her interesting study by noting that she hopes to do for Sub-Saharan Africa what Jarrod Hayes, in Queer Nations (2000), did for the Maghreb: that is, to demonstrate that ‘the African Continent has always been more queer than generally acknowledged’ (1). Her study attempts this task in six broadly historical chapters.

    In the first, ‘Anthropological Wormholes: From Pederasts to Female Husbands’, Zabus provides ‘cautionary tales around the instabilities and at times the inappropriateness of terminology around Sub-Saharan African same-sex relations’ (16). Although expressions and phrases describing same-sex activities appear in at least 50 Sub-Saharan African languages, these are not procrustean in their designations; and although imported words like ‘gay’, ‘lesbian’, ‘homosexual’, and ‘queer’, are employed, they ‘come with a hurtling conglomerate of indigenous and other designations and their corollary practices’ (16). Zabus further notes that ‘the imported words are not always understood or are construed differently’ (16), so that non-Africans must tread cautiously when encountering terms that they might consider comfortingly accessible. Naming a thing does not make it so, and Zabus exposes ‘discourse-as-event’ while showing that ‘relationships such as those between female husbands and their partners and between boy-wives and their boss-boys in various Sub-Saharan African societies reach back to ancestral nexuses prior to the European colonization of Africa’ (50) – before, as Marc Epprecht argues, ‘Europeans introduced homophobia, not homosexuality, to Africa’ (20).

    The second chapter, ‘The Text that Dare not Speak its Name: Forging Male Colonial Intimacies’, tries with some success to imply an implicit shifting (emerging) of agency in colonised subjects through same-sex relations with the European, unequal though it basically remained. She notes that ‘in the second half of the nineteenth century, a true cult developed [in European writing] around brotherly companionship and the overall buddiness of mateship’ (53). She briefly notes Roger Casement's Black Diaries (not fully available till 1997), but focuses principally on Julien Viaud (aka Pierre Loti) and his notion of ‘situational homosexuality’ (61), and Henry Morton Stanley's My Kalulu, Prince, King and Slave: A Story of Central Africa (1873), suggesting Stanley's bisexuality. Along the way, Zabus demonstrates ‘the gradual shift [in European writing] from a discourse about the ‘act’ of sodomy to ‘the homosexual’, from a rhetoric of ‘vice’ to the identity politics of same-sex behaviour’ (65).

  • 1 - Chaucer's Ghoast, Ovid's ‘Pleasant Fables’, and the Spectre of Gower

  • Lindsay Ann Reid
  • Book:
    Shakespeare's Ovid and the Spectre of the Medieval
    Published by:
    Boydell & Brewer
    Published online:
    12 October 2019
    Print publication:
    16 November 2018, pp 9-38

  • Summary

    This is a work about spectres. Succinctly put, it is concerned with the mutual hauntings of Ovid, Chaucer, and Gower in the early modern English literary imagination. As such, it seems only appropriate to begin with an instructive seventeenth-century ghost story. In 1672, an anonymously written book attributed to ‘a Lover of Antiquity’ was printed in London (figure 1). Sold by Richard Mills, this 133-page octavo bears the curious title:

    Chaucer's Ghoast: Or, A Piece of Antiquity. Containing twelve pleasant Fables of Ovid penn'd after the ancient manner of writing in England. Which makes them prove Mock-Poems to the present Poetry. With the History of Prince Corniger, and his Champion Sir Crucifrag, that run a tilt likewise at the present Historiographers.

    This lengthy and somewhat convoluted description of the volume's contents is followed on the title page by a Horatian line (‘Multa renascentur quae iam cecidere, &c.’, a motto ‘englished’ nearly a century earlier by George Puttenham as ‘Many a word yfalne shall eft arise’) that is seemingly calculated to signal the volume's interest in the characteristic humanist enterprise of revivifying ‘ancient’ texts. Continuing in this vein, a range of peritextual materials throughout Chaucer's Ghoast repeatedly juxtapose old and new, evincing a sustained interest in the dynamics of literary resurrection. ‘To the Readers’, for instance, begins with the proclamation that ‘New Books & Pamphlets, Sirs, [are] now adays thrust so fast out of the Press, that they will not give the Readers time to breath’, yet the anonymous author immediately qualifies this with the further assertion that it has always been so. This, too, he contends, ‘was the misery of Juvenals time’. From this initial gesture towards novelty's inevitable repetitions, ‘To the Readers’ proceeds to introduce a related paradox: the volume's literary contents themselves are also simultaneously ‘neither new nor old’.

  • 4 - Philomela and the Dread of Dawn

  • Lindsay Ann Reid
  • Book:
    Shakespeare's Ovid and the Spectre of the Medieval
    Published by:
    Boydell & Brewer
    Published online:
    12 October 2019
    Print publication:
    16 November 2018, pp 119-162

  • Summary

    Roughly halfway through Lucrece, Shakespeare's sophomore epyllion of 1594 and one of the few narrative poems he would ever compose, the narrator provides what Jonathan Bate has called ‘temporal punctuation’ for the titular heroine's complaint: he does so with an allusion to the womancum- nightingale Philomela, whose violent tragedy of kidnapping, sexual assault, and mutilation is relayed in Book 6 of Ovid's Metamorphoses. Noting the approach of ‘blushing morrow’ as ‘solemn night … descend[s] / To ugly hell’, Shakespeare's narrator declares Lucrece a ‘lamenting Philomel’ in a reference that, it has been observed, ‘seems designed to create syntactical parallels between the two violated women’. A mere seven stanzas later, the Shakespearean heroine reaffirms this affinity, for she proceeds to address Philomela directly:

    ‘Come, Philomel, that sing'st of ravishment,

    Make thy sad grove in my dishevelled hair.

    As the dank earth weeps at thy languishment,

    So I at each sad strain will strain a tear.

    And with deep groans the diapason bear;

    For burden-wise I'll hum on Tarquin still,

    While thou on Tereus descants better skill.

    ‘And whiles against a thorn thou bear'st thy part

    To keep thy sharp woes waking, wretched I,

    To imitate thee well, against my heart

    Will fix a sharp knife to affright mine eye,

    Who if it wink shall thereon fall and die.

    These means, as frets upon an instrument,

    Shall tune our heart-strings to true languishment.

    ‘And for, poor bird, thou sing'st not in the day,

    As shaming any eye should thee behold,

    Some dark deep desert seated from the way,

    That knows not parching heat nor freezing cold,

    Will we find out; and there we will unfold

    To creatures stern sad tunes to change their kinds.

    Since men prove beasts, let beasts bear gentle minds’

    In these lines, Shakespeare's ‘cloudy Lucrece’ not only aligns her own rape with that of this legendary victim, but she also attributes the nightingale's characteristic aversion to the dawn – like her own antipathy towards ‘Revealing day’ – to the bird's parallel desire to avoid the shame of diurnal Visibility.

  • Introduction

  • K. Dawn Grapes
  • Book:
    With Mornefull Musique: Funeral Elegies in Early Modern England
    Published by:
    Boydell & Brewer
    Published online:
    17 October 2019
    Print publication:
    16 November 2018, pp 1-3

  • Summary

    IN the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, England was especially fruitful in its indigenous musical output. One category of secular vocal music that presents an especially well-rounded commentary on the elitist social structure of early modern England is that of musical funerary elegy – songs created in honor of someone who had recently died. During the reigns of Elizabeth I, James I, and Charles I, over sixty extant works were composed that fall into this category. Approximately three-dozen of these musical funeral elegies appear in eighteen collections of music printed and sold between the years 1588 and 1648, often as the final featured work. Two volumes are entirely elegiac. Similar commemorative songs are scattered throughout manuscripts copied during the same era, often reflecting the preferences of the manuscript collector.

    Musical elegies have received scholarly attention through the study of individual pieces, usually in connection with a specific composer's complete works or in the context of the collection in which each is found, but much less is written about them as a group. The first published article that collectively considers early English musical commemorations is Vincent Duckles's “The English Musical Elegy of the Late Renaissance,” presented as part of a 1966 Festschrift honoring Gustave Reese. In his essay, Duckles highlights common characteristics and provides commentary on selected works. This foundational study illuminates the importance of musical elegies, invites deeper consideration, and serves as the starting point for this current monograph, which offers fresh perspectives on old music. Here, detailed examination of the texts and music of many of the songs identified by Duckles, as well as additional pieces adhering to the definition of musical funeral elegy, is provided. These compositions have allowed me to tell the stories of the fallen souls who are honored by each song. In doing so, I hope to recognize the humanity of individuals who too often have become one-dimensional in their academic historical contexts.

    A close reading of musical funeral elegies also reveals many levels of meaning that may not immediately seem apparent. This group of songs defined by simple classification – secular vocal works written in honor of someone who died – is in fact a complicated genre revealing multiple, complex facets of early modern English society.

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