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73807 results in Boydell & Brewer

Page 1160 of 3691

  • 3 - Reflections on the Tanzanian Trajectory: Decline and Recovery

    • By Michael F. Lofchie, Professor of Political Science at the University of California, Los Angeles.
  • Edited by David Potts
  • Book:
    Tanzanian Development
    Published by:
    Boydell & Brewer
    Published online:
    24 October 2019
    Print publication:
    19 April 2019, pp 32-57

  • Summary

    The U-shaped arc of Tanzania's post-independence economic trajectory is broadly familiar. It divides into two periods of unequal length. After a brief period of growth immediately following independence, Tanzania entered an era of economic decline that lasted for about twenty years, from the mid-1960s through the mid-1980s. This was followed by economic reforms that have led to three decades of economic expansion, from the mid-1980s to the present. Several questions suggest themselves: What caused the economic decline? Why did it persist for so long? Why did Tanzania change its policies in the mid-1980s? And, what has the change meant for ordinary Tanzanians?

    Introduction

    Academic discussions of Tanzania frequently begin – and often end – with consideration of the influence of founder-president Julius Nyerere. His humanistic socialism portrayed a self-reliant society that would devote its resources to improving economic conditions for the poorest Tanzanians. Nyerere's philosophical idealism provides ongoing subject-matter for nostalgic discussions in scholarly conferences and required reading in university classes on African politics. It also provides a counter-culture of social justice against which some Tanzanians judge the current administration. Some narrators abet this imagery by portraying the Tanzanian story as one of Nyerere's personal idealism brought low by a fatal combination of forces including self-interested political opponents, the class interests of those who might lose out under socialism, and the corrosive force of individual acquisitiveness (Mwakikagile 2009).

    Not all agree. Coulson (2013) directs attention to the dissonance between Nyerere's vision and the dismal reality of an economy whose failings placed its most valued components, universal access to primary education and basic health services, at risk. Tanzania's decline is well documented. The World Bank's classic study of Africa's economic crisis, Accelerated Development in Sub-Saharan Africa: An Agenda for Action (World Bank 1981), known as the Berg Report, singled out Tanzania alongside Ghana as one of Africa's leading examples of poor economic performance. The Berg Report (p. 26) emphasized the loss of foreign exchange earnings caused by a decline in agricultural exports:

    During the last 15 years, the volume of exports in Tanzania has declined dramatically. In 1980, the total exports of the country's major commodities (cotton, coffee, cloves, sisal, cashew nuts, tobacco and tea, which account for two-thirds of the nation's export earnings) were 28 percent lower than in 1966 and 34 percent lower than in 1973.

  • 7 - John Allen Giles and Herbert of Bosham: The Criminous Clerk as Editor

    • By Nicholas Vincent, Professor of Medieval History at the University of East Anglia and a Fellow of the British Academy
  • Edited by Michael Staunton
  • Book:
    Herbert of Bosham
    Published by:
    Boydell & Brewer
    Published online:
    26 March 2019
    Print publication:
    19 April 2019, pp 127-155

  • Summary

    WHAT we know of Herbert of Bosham we owe to two chief causes. The first and fundamental is the role that the self-dramatising Herbert played in the even greater drama of Thomas Becket. From this in turn springs the second cause for our knowledge of Herbert: the Victorian fascination with Becket. It was as a minor satellite of Becket's stardom that Herbert attracted an editor, John Allen Giles. In turn, it was Giles’ edition of Herbert's works, published in 1845–46, that first brought Herbert to wider attention. Even now, it is Giles’ edition as pirated by the Abbé Migne for volume 190 of his Patrologia Latina (1854) that still serves as the principal port of entry for modern scholars interested in Herbert's career. Even today, it is Giles’ edition with its many failings and omissions that continues to determine Herbert's reputation in our post-Victorian age. In what follows, I hope to subject both Giles and his edition to a degree of scrutiny. To understand Giles and his work, nonetheless, we must begin not with Giles himself but with the wider Victorian reception of Thomas Becket.

    Becket mattered to the Victorians in ways that have only recently begun to be appreciated. As a bone of contention, left over from the great ossuary that Henry VIII and the Protestant Reformers had made of such remains, Becket could not be ignored by any historian of the Catholic Middle Ages. To a majority of writers, from the 1530s through to the 1790s, he remained nonetheless a divisive and for the most part indigestible medieval relic. To declare oneself in favour of St Thomas was to side unequivocally with a Catholic or crypto-Catholic cause, with a love for saints, relics and ritual. Such was the case, for example, with the Jesuit scholar Thomas Stapleton, author of the Tres Thomae published in 1588 as parallel lives of St Thomas the Apostle, St Thomas Becket and St Thomas More.3 To declare oneself against Thomas, by contrast, was to stand proudly for Reformation, King, country and the established Protestant church. Those in the first camp were inclined to refer to ‘St’ or ‘the Blessed’ Thomas. Those in the second, to ‘Becket’. In either case, Thomas himself remained combustible stuff.

  • 6 - Lordship and the Reformed Kirk, 1560–1623

  • Miles Kerr-Peterson
  • Book:
    A Protestant Lord in James VI's Scotland
    Published by:
    Boydell & Brewer
    Published online:
    13 April 2019
    Print publication:
    19 April 2019, pp 117-150

  • Summary

    Of the ample collection of tapestries recorded within Dunnottar Castle in 1612, the only ones to be described in any detail are a group of six depicting the story of Samson. As the only pictorial and narrative set, this was the most prestigious that the family owned. The sheer cost involved in commissioning such pieces meant that the subject matter was never chosen lightly; patrons displayed figures and concepts with which they desired to be associated. From all the historic, legendary and classical stories, the Keiths chose the biblical story of Samson, suggesting that the earls were keen to foster a religious identity. William, the fourth earl, was especially noted for his devotion, having been an early convert in the 1540s. Few could doubt the zeal he expressed in his speech at the Reformation Parliament:

    It is long since I had some favour to the truthe; but praised be God, I am this day fullie resolved … I cannot but hold it the verie truthe of God, and the contrarie to be deceavable doctrine. Therefore, so farre as in me lyeth, I approve the one, and damne the other.

    William's surviving letters show the religious concern of a very devout man, often invoking the Holy Spirit and frequently thanking, praising or praying to God, to an extent that surpasses the letters of his close family members. The English described him as ‘very religious’. George, the fifth earl, was likewise consistently described by English commentators as ‘well affected in religion’ and Lord Hundson even remarked during the regime of the earl of Arran in 1584: ‘and for the Erle Marshall, he ys the only nobell mane that ys too be accowntyd of too stande faste for matters of relygyon’. The minister to the French-speaking Calvinist community in London, Jean Castol, recommended Marischal to the earl's old tutor, Theodore Beza, as the subject of the dedication of his next book in 1583, saying Marischal was the most appropriate choice, for his piety, reliability and great reputation among those of good breeding. The two Earls Marischal were clearly committed and recognised Protestants.

    For a man consistently described as a sound Protestant, Earl George is largely absent from the works of contemporary Kirk historians, merely being mentioned in passing a handful of times.

  • 3 - Herbert of Bosham and Peter Lombard

  • Edited by Michael Staunton
  • Book:
    Herbert of Bosham
    Published by:
    Boydell & Brewer
    Published online:
    26 March 2019
    Print publication:
    19 April 2019, pp 55-63

  • Summary

    HERBERT of Bosham studied theology with Peter Lombard in the 1140s and 1150s. This training was crucial for his later employment. It also had a significant impact on his work, both as editor and author. Despite this, studies of Peter Lombard's school (or immediate sphere of influence) have often failed to take account of Herbert. The broad range of his activity and literary output has meant that those examining the theological tradition of Peter's Sententiae have looked elsewhere. At the same time, Herbert's own specialists have sometimes downplayed his intellectual formation in the school of the Lombard. Certainly the work that has received most attention recently, the commentary on the Hebraica, owes little to Peter Lombard. But other works are more informed by his training. It was not unusual for Peter's students to work in different areas, and none matched his complete commitment to the theological enterprise. Still, for Herbert, Peter remained ‘my master of pleasant memory’, and the editions he prepared of Peter's commentaries are a testament to this.

    Peter Lombard taught theology in Paris in the 1140s and 1150s. He was under the authority of the chancellor of the cathedral school of Notre Dame, where he was a canon himself. Neither he nor his students, however, lived in the cathedral cloisters. The growing numbers of masters and students in Paris had made that impractical. Peter held various positions in the church of Paris in this period, and ultimately retired from teaching in 1159 when he was appointed bishop. The subject he taught, theology, was considered to be advanced study. Students who had completed their training in the liberal arts could choose to progress to theology, medicine or the law. In the arts it was normal to study with different masters, often in large lecture halls. Theology was different. The numbers were smaller, and students chose to study with one master at a time. By the time of the thirteenth-century university, anyone wishing to teach theology should have studied it for at least five years. In the twelfth-century schools, the period of study seems to have been longer. William of Tyre spent ‘six years uninterrupted’ studying with Peter Lombard, but still did not consider his theological training complete when his master left the schools to become bishop of Paris. He embarked on a further year of study with Maurice of Sully.

  • Conclusion

  • David Harry
  • Book:
    Constructing a Civic Community in Late Medieval London
    Published by:
    Boydell & Brewer
    Published online:
    04 April 2019
    Print publication:
    19 April 2019, pp 175-180

  • Summary

    The central premise of this book, that the governing elite of late medieval London sought to shape political ideology in order to strengthen their legitimacy at a time of social change, has not been untouched by our current political climate. Modern political practice involves competing for control over language – and contemporary theory recognises this. The tools of the political communicator in the twenty-first century include traditional media such as newspapers and television, as well as new media such as the internet and social media. Political messaging, carefully crafted and responsive to market testing and focus groups, can acquire a ‘technical meaning that's really very much divorced from [its] actual meaning, sometimes the opposite of it’. The general perception of political and public comprehension of a political ideology is, in a very real sense, shaped by those who write it. In the context of the late medieval city, although aldermen lacked the ability to communicate so widely, this book has argued that they nevertheless recognised the value of controlling political rhetoric and that they sought to invest their statutes, legal processes, public ritual, civic investment and commemorative practices with a deliberate emphasis that helped determine the meaning of a discourse that benefitted them. This book has argued that the phrase ‘common profit’ could have competing meanings. On one hand, it represented those values integral to a functioning society and beneficial to the many – values such as justice, fair taxation and mutual support. On the other hand, it represented a closed discourse that isolated and protected the few – who benefitted from a body politic that might be willing to overlook their oligarchic tendencies when phrased in the language of community.

    Steve Rappaport's study of sixteenth-century London examined the lives and careers of some 530 men granted citizenship in the 1550s. His conclusions suggested that, although life in London could be prosperous for merchants working in the city, and opportunities existed for many to hold offices in the various ‘worlds’ of the city (the ward, the parish, the household, etc.), very few were able to exercise direct participation: ‘that is, their access to political power – was limited since they could be neither wardens nor assistants and also because they had no regular, institutionalised means of influencing the formation of economic and other policies’.

  • 11 - International Aid to Tanzania – with some comparisons from Ghana and Uganda

    • By Michael Tribe, Economics Department of Makerere University College when it was part of the University of East Africa.
  • Edited by David Potts
  • Book:
    Tanzanian Development
    Published by:
    Boydell & Brewer
    Published online:
    24 October 2019
    Print publication:
    19 April 2019, pp 214-241

  • Summary

    Introduction

    This chapter analyzes international aid (Official Development Assistance or ODA) to Tanzania over the period from 1980 to 2012 and makes comparisons with Ghana and Uganda, countries that are also significant recipients of aid and have experienced similar pressures from donors for policy reform. It considers the implications of some issues arising from the ODA statistics and reviews relevant literature, including official publications, relating to the Tanzanian ‘aid experience’. Particular attention is paid to the impact of aid on economic growth and poverty reduction. Specific Tanzanian ‘aid issues’ are discussed including Budget Support, corruption and alignment with the principles of the Paris Declaration.

    The cases of two of the three countries referred to in this chapter, Tanzania and Ghana, are also discussed in Whitfield (2009). The growth experiences of all three of the countries discussed in this chapter are also referred to in Chapter 1 of this volume. Whitfield and Fraser (2009) make the point that the economies of some of the countries previously regarded as highly aid-dependent have experienced rapid economic growth and are now both less aid-dependent and have access to other sources of funding, particularly China and India. Such changes in the availability of funding options have implications for issues such as policy conditionality, although the reforms already carried out imply that such issues are no longer a major source of disagreement.

    Initially this chapter presents the aid statistics for the three countries in recent years. It then considers their respective records in terms of economic growth and poverty reduction and makes comparisons of the aid experiences and growth outcomes for the three countries. The chapter then proceeds to examine the specific case of Tanzania in detail in relation to the issues of Budget Support, corruption and the specific aid strategies adopted over time before concluding on the Tanzanian experience.

    Aid to Tanzania, Ghana and Uganda

    Table 11.1 shows summary data from the OECD DAC's website (OECD DAC 2014a) for the years 2010 to 2012. In current US$ prices Tanzania's per capita Gross National Income (GNI) has recently been about 20 per cent higher than that of Uganda, and Ghana has a per capita GNI about 2½ to 3 times that of Tanzania and Uganda.

  • 4 - Agricultural Development in Tanzania

  • Edited by David Potts
  • Book:
    Tanzanian Development
    Published by:
    Boydell & Brewer
    Published online:
    24 October 2019
    Print publication:
    19 April 2019, pp 58-94

  • Summary

    Introduction A World Bank report from several years ago (World Bank 2012) stated that, despite Tanzania's reasonable growth performance in recent years, the benefits of growth had flowed insufficiently to rural households. That report painted a dismal picture of agricultural performance, the conventional interpretation of the record. In turn, the view that agriculture has been quite stagnant spurs a search for new approaches to ‘transforming’ agriculture (e.g. through the Southern Agricultural Growth Corridor of Tanzania (SAGCOT)).

    This chapter accepts that:

  • • Since the early 1970s, export crop production has generally performed poorly. The performance of so-called ‘cash’ crops has been one source of the pessimistic view of agricultural performance.

  • • The gap between rural and urban incomes has widened. However, this is a virtually universal characteristic of economic growth at early stages of development. From the point of view of poverty reduction the rural–urban income gap is less important than the actual growth in rural incomes. In a dynamic economy fast growth is likely to be associated with both a widening urban-rural gap and growing rural incomes.

  • • Some rural areas have stagnated or even regressed. This is true of Kagera, which, at independence, was one of the most prosperous parts of Tanzania.

  • • The rate of growth of rural household incomes has fallen short of what is desirable and possibly achievable.

    • Nevertheless, there have been profound changes and significant progress in many aspects of the rural economy, with a realistic economic response to evolving market opportunities, notably through the expansion of food crop supply to urban areas, and significant progress in living conditions.

    If this perception is correct, it is misleading to characterize the rural economy and smallholders as inherently ‘backward’ and unresponsive to potential opportunities. The view sometimes expressed that there is a need for a fundamental change in the ‘mind-set’ of small farmers and promotion of large-scale farming may also be misleading.

    The failure of so many agricultural interventions and projects by government and donors cannot be ascribed to an inherent resistance of small farmers to change. It is not small farmers who have failed to identify and exploit potential development opportunities, but rather the ‘experts’ who have designed and implemented flawed rural programmes.

  • 2 - Women's Garments

  • from PART I - GARMENTS
  • Melanie Schuessler Bond
  • Book:
    Dressing the Scottish Court, 1543–1553
    Published by:
    Boydell & Brewer
    Published online:
    25 March 2020
    Print publication:
    19 April 2019, pp 78-122

  • Summary

    Sum wyfes of the borroustoun

    Sa wonder vaine ar, and wantoun.

    In warlde thay wait not quhat to weir,

    On claythis thay wair monye a croun:

    All for newfangilnes of geir.

    [Some wives of the borough-town

    So wondrous vain are, and wanton,

    They don't know what in the world to wear:

    On clothes they spend many a crown;

    And all for newfangled-ness of fashion.]

    —Satire on the Toun Ladyes by Richard Maitland

    The women's clothing records in the Accounts make up about a quarter of the total and include less variety of recipients. They are confined to the Regent's family, his servants and those of his wife and children, and those whom he considered his dependents. A very few charity gifts of clothing were also granted to women. Many listings are for main garments only, as for the most part only the women of the Regent's family and his wards received linens and accessories. The grants to those few, however, give detailed information regarding the colors and fabrics most commonly used for particular garments, the ways in which whole outfits might be assembled, and what types of garments were worn by which classes.

    Most of the women represented in the Accounts were members of the upper reaches of society or their personal servants, so the basic list of clothing worn was similar for all, though the quality and specific style of the garments varied based on the status of the wearer. A woman of high rank would begin with a white linen smock and over that wore a kirtle that might be stiffened in the bodice to provide bust support. The kirtle sometimes had sleeves, or separate undersleeves might have been worn with it. A gown was worn over the kirtle and might have been one of several different styles. A partlet of velvet or satin was sometimes worn over the gown. Hose (reaching to the knee and most likely secured with garters tied around the leg just below the knee), shoes, and some form of headwear would have completed the ensemble.

    A number of other garments for women are mentioned in the Accounts, among them cloaks, skirts, hoods, hats, safeguards (for riding), and many accessories.

  • In Closing: Architecture as Legacy

  • Audrey M. Thorstad
  • Book:
    The Culture of Castles in Tudor England and Wales
    Published by:
    Boydell & Brewer
    Published online:
    17 October 2019
    Print publication:
    19 April 2019, pp 209-216

  • Summary

    Legend has it that the ancient poet, Simonides of Ceos, miraculously escaped from a dining hall mere seconds before it collapsed, killing everyone inside. By accessing his mental image of the hall filled with the diners, Simonides was able to recall the exact seating plan and help identify the dead. He was the first to use the ‘memory palace’, or the method of loci. This method, popular in the early modern period, advises its practitioner to memorise large amounts of information by placing them in separate rooms in a palace. To recall the information, one simply needs to walk through the palace to find the chamber in which the data is stored. Although a large house or palace with many rooms is said to work best, advocates of this method of memorisation posit that any loci can be used. That this method uses architecture as a way to compartmentalise knowledge and memories is quite telling: physical structures carry a lot of emotional and mental power. Architecture is and was meant to evoke an emotional response. Whether it is the house you grew up in or your first school, buildings feature strongly in our memories, reminding us of our individual past as well as a collective past, either familial or collegiate. Buildings are the keepers of our memories. It is therefore not surprising that architecture could – and still does – transform words, needs, and desires into actuality, into physicality. Our visions can become reality. The physicality of architecture and the space that it creates provides a theatre in which lives are enacted. This interaction of movement, action, events, and space creates a special relationship between physical structures and our lives. In doing so, architecture and space hold the essence of memory, manipulating and even romanticising it in our minds. There is no doubt that architecture means something to people, as the commonly quoted passage from Maurice Halbwachs's Space and Collective Memory demonstrates:

    The great majority [of a city's inhabitants] may well be more sensitive to a certain street being torn up, or a certain building or home being razed, than to the gravest national, political, or religious events…not only homes and walls persist through the centuries, but also that whole portion of the group in continuous contact with them, its life merged with things.

  • 3 - Mysticism, Melancholy and Pagano-Papism, 1630–1670

  • Liam Peter Temple
  • Book:
    Mysticism in Early Modern England
    Published by:
    Boydell & Brewer
    Published online:
    02 June 2021
    Print publication:
    19 April 2019, pp 77-108

  • Summary

    Our previous two chapters have explored the positive reception of mysticism in both English Protestant and Catholic circles in the early to mid-seventeenth century. The outcome of this was a rich variety of works such as the Sancta Sophia of Augustine Baker, The Mysticall Marriage of Francis Rous and The Gospel treasury opened of John Everard. Each of these works was a unique account of mystical experience. Yet, we also saw that criticism soon followed when these groups veered too close to the established hierarchy of authority. Baker's mysticism was viewed as a source of disruption by confessors and leaders of the Benedictine order, while accusations that he ‘lived as he pleased’ and was extravagant in his private devotions were likely part of an attempt to diminish his authority. Similarly, groups of Familists and Ranters harnessed mysticism in their writings in such a way that challenged a wide range of societal norms and ecclesiastical structures, which prompted critics to warn of how their mystical beliefs had the potential to turn the world ‘upside down’.

    This confidence in citing mystical works such as those of Pseudo-Dionysius to legitimize personal and mystical experience would dissipate during the Interregnum and Restoration. This chapter explores two major reasons for this shift. The first is the inclusion of mysticism within an emerging narrative that attacked certain spiritual and ecstatic experiences by converting medical theory into polemical weaponry. Through this, writers could denounce those claiming authority through visions and prophetic experiences as suffering from ‘religious melancholy’, a dangerous mix of body illness and mental incapacitation. Many seventeenth-century writers considered melancholy to be an epidemic condition, seen everywhere and experienced by most in the early modern period. Two authors discussed in this chapter, Robert Burton and Meric Casaubon, developed this concept as a way to disavow the claims of both Catholics and sectarians to religious authority and reassert the Church of England as a stable middle ground. For Burton, medical knowledge underpinned his attack on superstitious Catholic rituals and overzealous Puritan sermons, both of which he argued preyed on those who naturally suffered from melancholy and frightened them into states of delusion. For Casaubon, enthusiasm and melancholy extended much further, now also including beliefs in mysticism, alchemy and the occult.

  • 7 - In short, there are problems: Literary journalism in the postcolony

  • Hedley Twidle
  • Book:
    Experiments with Truth
    Published by:
    Boydell & Brewer
    Published online:
    11 September 2020
    Print publication:
    19 April 2019, pp 141-158

  • Summary

    In an epilogue to Little Liberia, his 2011 account of an African diaspora in New York, Jonny Steinberg records a telephone conversation with a man whose life he has just spent two years researching. The author has given Jacob Massaquoi a printout of the manuscript, along with a note proposing that 50% of the royalties be channelled to community projects. Four days later he receives a call:

    ‘I have read everything’, he said. ‘There are very serious problems with this book: problems that will hurt family back home, problems that will have repercussions for me in Staten Island. And then there are still more problems I cannot discuss now. In short, there are problems.’ (260)

    Reading a book-length description of yourself for the first time, the author remarks, is a shock for anyone who has had the experience. It marks the moment at which your embellishments, evasions and self-presentations – as recorded in the researcher's notebooks or audio files over many months – are wrested violently into a narrative contrivance that is recognisable but other: ‘The writer has cheated. He has written a you that is not you’ (260). Most find the experience confusing: ‘Something is wrong, but how to put one's finger on it? Where does one's complaint begin?’ (260)

    Where does one begin with Steinberg's non-fiction? Where to find a point of departure that has not been pre-empted by the self-aware and hyper-articulate persona at the centre of his works? Anticipating, articulating and even relishing the range of ethical quandaries generated by the process of writing so intimately about people from worlds very different to his own – this set piece of authorial consternation in Little Liberia recurs in different guises all through his wide-ranging body of work.

    It is one that began by addressing, in quick succession, the murder of a KwaZulu-Natal farmer as a window into that region's racially charged land disputes (Midlands, 2002); social engineering, prison gangs and violent criminality in the Western Cape (The Number, 2004); and the HIV/AIDS pandemic, medical history and social stigma in Pondoland (Three-Letter Plague, 2008). This loose ‘trilogy’ of books on some of South Africa's most contested subjects established Steinberg as perhaps the country's foremost practitioner of narrative non-fiction or (as American respondents to his work tend to call it) literary journalism.

Page 1160 of 3691