Book contents
- Frontmatter
- Dedication
- Contents
- List of Figures and Tables
- Acknowledgments
- Glossary of Indian Words and Terms
- Indian Organizations, Institutions, and Political Parties
- Abbreviations of Political Parties and Organizations
- Introduction
- PART I THE PILLARS OF HINDU NATIONALISM
- PART II EXTENSIVE VIOLENCE
- PART III EPISODIC VIOLENCE
- 6 Uttar Pradesh: Movements and Countermovements
- 7 Himachal Pradesh: The Party Rules
- 8 Rajasthan: Two Phases of Party-Movement Relations
- 9 Conclusion
- Selected Bibliography
- Index
- Books in the Series (continued from page iii)
7 - Himachal Pradesh: The Party Rules
from PART III - EPISODIC VIOLENCE
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 05 July 2015
- Frontmatter
- Dedication
- Contents
- List of Figures and Tables
- Acknowledgments
- Glossary of Indian Words and Terms
- Indian Organizations, Institutions, and Political Parties
- Abbreviations of Political Parties and Organizations
- Introduction
- PART I THE PILLARS OF HINDU NATIONALISM
- PART II EXTENSIVE VIOLENCE
- PART III EPISODIC VIOLENCE
- 6 Uttar Pradesh: Movements and Countermovements
- 7 Himachal Pradesh: The Party Rules
- 8 Rajasthan: Two Phases of Party-Movement Relations
- 9 Conclusion
- Selected Bibliography
- Index
- Books in the Series (continued from page iii)
Summary
There are good reasons to expect Hindutva movements to flourish in Himachal Pradesh (HP). The two-party system, in which power alternates between the BJP and Congress, has been associated elsewhere with party polarization over minority votes. RSS members have exercised considerable influence over BJP governments (1990–2, 1998–2003, and 2007–12). The large majority of the state's population, about 56 percent, is upper-caste Hindu (Rajputs 28 percent, Brahmins 20 percent, and Vaishyas/Khatris 8 percent). The lower castes have not opposed the BJP through parties or movements.
However, Hindutva movements are relatively weak in HP. Some explanations are plausible if not wholly persuasive. One is that Muslims constitute such a small proportion of the population – 2 percent – that Hindus – 95 percent – do not see them as a threat, electorally or otherwise. However, demographic factors are not decisive. The Sangh Parivar has engaged in considerable violence against Christians, who are less numerous than Muslims.
Another possible reason concerns HP's relatively small role in national politics. Because it holds only four parliamentary seats, HP is less apt than Gujarat or UP to form a laboratory for Hindu nationalism. However, this small state is important to the national BJP. Three of the major leaders in HP, Shanta Kumar, Jagdev Chand, and Prem Kumar Dhumal, are nationally prominent and have served on the BJP's national executive committee. While Modi was BJP general secretary, he directed HP's 2003 and 2007 election campaigns and supported the expulsion of Shanta Kumar and his replacement by Modi's ideological ally, Prem Kumar Dhumal. Moreover, HP has been drawn into national waves of Hindutva activism, including the Ayodhya movement and anti-Christian violence.
Three other explanations for the dearth of Hindutva activism are more compelling. First, neither religion nor caste undergird strong movements or parties in HP. As one commentator notes, Hinduism in HP is not “the Hinduism of the Vedas” but “the Hinduism of the masses.” Religious practices in the northern region of the state represent a mix of Shaivite Hinduism, Tibetan Buddhism, and pre-Buddhist Bon traditions. Hindus and Buddhists pray in each other's temples and consult each other's priests. In the upper hill regions, village gods and goddesses are more popular than the major Hindu deities.
- Type
- Chapter
- Information
- Violent Conjunctures in Democratic India , pp. 234 - 261Publisher: Cambridge University PressPrint publication year: 2015