Book contents
- Frontmatter
- Dedication
- Contents
- List of Figures and Tables
- Acknowledgements
- The Structure of the Book
- Introduction
- 1 A Changed Landscape?
- 2 Emergence and Change
- 3 Getting Started: ‘Put Me On, Bruv
- 4 Grinding
- 5 Controlling the Line: Exploitation and Sanctions
- 6 Cuckooing and Nuanced Dealing Relationships
- 7 Ripples, Reverberations and Responses
- Conclusion
- References
- Index
Conclusion
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 25 February 2021
- Frontmatter
- Dedication
- Contents
- List of Figures and Tables
- Acknowledgements
- The Structure of the Book
- Introduction
- 1 A Changed Landscape?
- 2 Emergence and Change
- 3 Getting Started: ‘Put Me On, Bruv
- 4 Grinding
- 5 Controlling the Line: Exploitation and Sanctions
- 6 Cuckooing and Nuanced Dealing Relationships
- 7 Ripples, Reverberations and Responses
- Conclusion
- References
- Index
Summary
In advance of summarising how county lines might be more effectively addressed in terms of policy and practice, and before outlining the unique contribution of the book, it is perhaps useful to consider how this study is now positioned within the current research agenda.
Positioning the study
As illustrated earlier in Chapter 1, the academic understanding of county lines has been slow to emerge over the past decade. This is partly due to the fact that drug markets are not homogenous and structural alterations are not easily identifiable. Earlier work on drug markets at the turn of the century focussed more on social context, market segmentation and internal supply systems. The last five or more years has seen the nexus of criminology/drug misuse/public health scholarship focus more on the emergence of county lines distribution networks.
This study can now confidently affirm much of the work of colleagues with regards to the principle learning on CL drug markets thus far, notably: that the majority of CLs involve USGs (NCA 2016; 2017a; 2019a, 2019b); that dealers migrate and commute out of town to new markets (Coomber and Moyle, 2017; Densley, 2013; Disley and Liddle, 2016; Hallworth, 2016; Harding, 2014; Harding and Cracknell, 2016; Johnson, 2015; Johnson et al, 2013; Windle and Briggs, 2015b); that drug markets are altering in the UK (Andell and Pitts, 2017; Coomber, 2015; Disley and Liddle, 2016; Hay et al, 2019); that despite the impact of information technology, face-to-face transactions remain favoured for dealing heroin and crack cocaine (Coomber, 2015, Coomber and Moyle, 2017); that younger people are exploited by USGs and drug dealing crews within CLs (Andell and Pitts, 2018; Firmin 2018; Robinson et al, 2019; Pepin, 2018; Windle and Briggs, 2015a, 2015b); that some young people enjoy their role in CLs and that vulnerability is contested (McLean et al, 2020; Moyle, 2019; Robinson et al, 2019; Spicer et al, 2019; Windle et al, 2020); that some young people prefer independent dealing (Briggs, 2012; Coliandris, 2015; Hales and Hobbs, 2010; Windle and Briggs, 2015a); that user/dealers are present within CLs (Coomber and Moyle, 2014; Coomber et al, 2015); that CLs represent increased professionalisation and occupational culture (Andell and Pitts, 2018; Hesketh and Robinson, 2019; McLean et al, 2020; Whittaker et al, 2019); and that CLs impact locally upon host towns (Andell and Pitts, 2018).
- Type
- Chapter
- Information
- County LinesExploitation and Drug Dealing among Urban Street Gangs, pp. 259 - 284Publisher: Bristol University PressPrint publication year: 2020