The impressive multi-story funerary monuments found in the Upper Marañón Drainage of the northern Central Andes of Peru have long fascinated people. Archaeologists and historians have studied their spatial distribution to define the identity of the populations occupying the region during the Late Intermediate period (A.D. 1000—1450). Rather than focus on monumental architecture, in this paper I explore group identity in the Upper Mara ñon by analyzing the shape and layout of houses and evidence of residential funerary practices. Based on a regional comparative approach, I argue that diversity in domestic architecture and mortuary customs reflects a constellation of distinct collective identities

This study investigates changes in strategies ofrulership at the early Zoque polity ofChiapa de Corzo, Chiapas, Mexico, from its inception in the Middle Formative period through its peak of political power during the Terminal Formative period. Incorporating data from my survey ofChiapa de Corzo and its hinterland with excavation data from the center, I contrast changes in the organization of ceremonial activity and in the establishment of status differences at the site with strategies employed in the governance of the polity at large. The initial rulers ofChiapa de Corzo adopted civic-ceremonial conventions shared with the Olmec site of La Venta, including the E-Group architectural pattern repeated at a number of sites in Chiapas. In the Late Formative, rulers integrated the E-Group into an architectural template adopted from contemporary capitals in the Maya Lowlands. This new space was less accessible than the earlier Middle Formative ceremonial zone. The adoption of these new traditions was accompanied by increased status differentiation between rulers and subjects. At the same time, there was a reduction in the elaboration of the regional political hierarchy and a decrease in the practice of forced resettlement. The results of this study indicate that the novel ceremonial practices and changes in status differentiation at the capital were accompanied unevenly by interference of rulers in the daily life of the hinterland.

Fieldwork at the Moche (A .D. 250–900) site of Licapa II in the Chicama Valley, Peru, has resulted in a more nuanced history of the changing sociopolitical relationships among Moche centers. The distinct archaeological signatures of Moche society, namely ceramics and huacas (monumental structures), have been interpreted as emblematic of an ethnic and political reality and as evidence for a state. Nonetheless, scholars are now disentangling these assumptions, arguing that Moche society was a complex mosaic of interacting settlements. My research at Licapa II combined surface collection, geophysical surveys, excavation, and chronometric analysis to better understand this site within the context of broader Moche sociopolitical dynamics. Ceramic and architectural evidence from Licapa II indicates that a shift in ideological organization occurred around A.D. 650. This shift reflects changes seen throughout the Moche world. Licapa II is located on the border of the northern and southern regions of Moche cultural development, and ceramic styles indicate that many of the interactions between these regions could have occurred here. By comparing these findings to evidence of sociopolitical reorganization seen elsewhere, research from Licapa II contributes to a non-state and decentralized view of the sociopolitical structure of Moche society.

In recent decades, archaeology has provided evidence of the diverse nature of colonialism as well as of the specific local histories associated with this globalizing process. Archaelogists have also investigated the strategies of interaction and resistance adopted by indigenous peoples when faced with attempts at economic, political, and social domination. This article presents data about the dynamics of mobility and territorial occupation in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries of the Asurini do Xingu, an indigenous group living on the middle Xingu River in the Amazon rainforest, in the southern portion of the Brazilian state of Pará. We show that these dynamics represent a conscious and strategic choice by the Asurini to preserve their way of life in the face of colonialism and the expansion of capitalism.

The site of Inkawasi (or Incahuasi) is located in the Cahete Valley, on the south coast of Peru. It was a major garrison and storage facility for the Inka expansion onto the south coast, built for housing and provisioning troops in the Inka assault on the Huarco peoples. Archaeological excavations of the storage facility have exposed what is to date a collection of 34 khipus (or quipus), the Inka knotted-string recording devices. We first explain why we consider the collection to constitute an “archive” and what the implications of that classification are for considering the significance of such a large collection of accounting devices associated with state storage. Several of the khipus were found associated with, or covered by, aji (Capsicum sp.), peanuts (Arachis hypogaea), and black beans (Phaseolus vulgaris). We suggest that these may be the products that the khipus recorded. Several khipus were tied together, and two sets of tied, paired samples are shown to contain very similar quantitative records. Close study of the paired samples, as well as the numerical values knotted into several other khipus, reveal different strategies that were being used by the khipu-keepers to maintain “checks-and-balances” accounting. Evidence was also found of possible standardized accounting units for agricultural produce brought to Inkawasi. These took the form of a grid-like array of squares produced by impressing ropes into the floors of two rectangular sorting spaces in the storage complex. The grid-work of squares may have served in the process of spreading out the produce on the floor and collecting and accounting for these products in standardized units. We conclude with reflections on how the processes, procedures, and routines of accounting observed at Inkawasi provide information for approaching the writing of an autochthonous history of the Inka state based on the study of accounting practices.

The indigenous polities of eastern Sonora, Mexico, play an important role in reconstructions of the late prehispanic political geography of northwest Mexico and the U.S. Southwest. Most interpretations of political organization in the region rely heavily on Spanish conquest accounts from the 1500s augmented by some archaeological data. Researchers have argued that political units in this region were organizationally complex and controlled substantial territories. Recent investigations in the Moctezuma Valley mostly refute these interpretations. This paper presents evidence of the limited scale of political organization in the region, including settlement patterns, the distribution of public architecture, the movement of rare goods, stylistic differences in material culture, and demographic reconstructions. Previous ethnohistoric research mistakenly assumed that Spanish exploration chronicles provided a near complete list of primate centers. This approach produced interpretations of geographically expansive polities. Present data suggest that the region was highly balkanized into numerous autonomous political units that were minimally involved in macro-regional political and social trajectories. The character of political organization in this region resulted in part from a patchy landscape, low demographic pressure, and geographic location between more centrally organized groups.

The most archaeologically visible dimension of the Classic Maya Collapse is the abandonment of monumental royal courts. Yet, in some cases, non-elite populations lived for centuries in and around Classic Maya centers without rulers. Processes of abandonment among Classic Maya commoners are detectable and reflect their own ritual and social practices divorced from the ritual performances undertaken by the ruling elite. We study the abandonment context and chronology of three domestic groups from the Contreras Valley, an agricultural community located on the outskirts of the Classic Maya center ofMinanha, Belize. There, several artifact assemblages were deposited at the time of abandonment, representing termination rituals. This study goes beyond the ideological dimension of termination rituals to examine how these ceremonies helped reshape the identity of social groups who were about to abandon their home. We explore how the last inhabitants of a mostly abandoned landscape lived through this process of gradual depopulation. Moreover, we evaluate potential explanations for the archaeological processes behind the occurrence or non-occurrence of termination rituals in different domestic groups.