^{page 71 note 1} The only detailed study of Anglo-Flemish relations in the period covered by this paper is that of Toll, J. M., Englands Beziehungen zu den Niederlanden bis 1154 (Historische Studien, Heft 145; Berlin, 1921)Google Scholar. It forms a very useful collection of material, but is based rather too exclusively on the literary sources and is somewhat uncritical in their use. The early section (pp. 36–48) of Varenbergh, E.'s Histoire des relations diplomatiques entre lè comté de Flandre et l' Angleterre au moyen âge (Brussels, 1874)Google Scholar is quite obsolete, but there are some useful details and observations in Kienast, W., Die deutschen Fürsten im Dienste der Westmächte, t.i. (Utrecht, 1924), pp. 42–5Google Scholar, and Dept, G. G., Les influences anglaise et française dans le comté de Flandre au début du XIII^e siècle (Ghent, 1928), pp. 13–16Google Scholar. There is naturally much valuable material in the works of Freeman and other writers dealing with the late Anglo-Saxon period.

^{page 72 note 1} The standard authority on the historical geography of this region is Blanchard, R., La Flandre (Lille, 1906)Google Scholar, who places (pp. 143–6) the inundation of the Plain of Flanders in the late fourth or the early fifth century. Blanchard (pp. 151–90) also gives a detailed and most valuable account, which must now be supplemented by the more recent work of Briquet, A., Le littoral du nord de la France et son évolution morphologique (Paris, 1930)Google Scholar, of the evolution of the Flemish coastline from Roman times to the present day.

^{page 72 note 2} Cf. Guichez, V., “ Topographie des voies romaines de la Gaule belgique ”, in Ann. de l'Acad. roy. d'arch. de Belgique, xxxviii (1882), pp. 281–3Google Scholar. There were no doubt other minor roads and diverticula in Roman Flanders, but the lists and the map constructed by Guichez must be used with considerable caution. Traces also exist of a minor road connecting Oudenbourg with Antwerp; cf. Maertens, J., “ L'identification de parties de la voie romaine d'Anvers vers la Mer du Nord ”, in the Bull. de la Soc. d'hist. et d'arch. de Gand, 35^e année, 1927, pp. 45–57Google Scholar; the road clearly ran to Oudenbourg. There were also some minor roads connecting Cassel with various fishing villages on the coast; cf. the map in Briquet, op. cit., p. 361.

^{page 73 note 1} Tradition ascribed its destruction to Attila, and in the eleventh century many relics of the Roman occupation—inscriptions, pottery, ornaments, and so on—were still commonly found on the site; the walls, which were constructed of the famous black Tournai stone, were demolished and used by Count Baldwin V of Flanders (1036–67) for his buildings at Bruges (Tractatus de ecclesia S. Petri Aldenburgensi, c. 19, in Mon. Germ. Hist., Script., xv, 871–2).

^{page 73 note 2} Theofrid of Echternach, Vita S. Willibrordi, c. 5 (in Acta SS., 7 Nov. iii, 463–4; cf. p. 424). Cf. below, p. 82, n. 3.

^{page 73 note 3} When I say that there were no harbours on the Flemish coast, I mean that there were no regular ports for merchants or other travellers.

^{page 73 note 4} Bruges seems to have been connected with the sea by a southern channel as well. The “ statio haud longe a castello Brugensi distans ” where Emma landed in 1037 (see below, p. 96) was perhaps Oudenbourg.

^{page 74 note 1} See Haigneré, D., Étude sur le Portus Itius de Jules César (Paris, 1862), pp. 100–3Google Scholar. The Roman village lay somewhat to the west of the modern Sangatte and further out to sea (Briquet, op. cit., pp. 283–5).

^{page 74 note 2} Cf. Desjardins, E., Géographie de la Gaule d'après la Table de Peutinger (Paris, 1869)Google Scholar. The road leading directly from Boulogne to Cassel is sometimes regarded as an error of draftsmanship on the part of the copyist of the Peutinger Table, but some remains of it have been found where it crossed the Aa near Watten (Briquet, op. cit., p. 360).

^{page 74 note 3} A votive tablet was put up at Westkapelle on the island of Walcheren by a British chalk merchant to the goddess Nehallenia in thanksgiving for the saving of his cargo (Brambach, W., Corpus Inscript. Rhen. (Elberfeld, 1867), no. 43Google Scholar; cf. Desjardins, E., Géographie hist. et admin, de la Gaule romaine, i (Paris, 1876), 397, n. 1)Google Scholar.

^{page 75 note 1} A pig of lead from the Mendips was found in 1883 at Saint-Valéry-sur-Somme (Corpus Inscrip. Lat., xiii. ii. 3491), and another in 1840 of uncertain origin at Lillebonne (ibid., 3222). Cf. Collingwood, R. G., Roman Britain (in An economic survey of Ancient Rome, ed. Frank, Tenney, iii (Baltimore, 1937) ), 43Google Scholar, and Besnier, M., “ Le Commerce du plomb à l'époque romaine ”, in the Revue archéologique, 5^e série, xiii (1921), 67–9Google Scholar.

^{page 75 note 1} The accounts of Roman Boulogne and its relations with Britain are very numerous. The best general one is that of Hamy, E., “ Boulogne dans l'Antiquité ” (in Boulogne-sur-Mer et la région boulonnaise. Ouvrage offert au … 28^e Congrès de l'Association française pour l'avancement des sciences, Boulogne, 1899, t. i.)Google Scholar, but there is much valuable material in Desjardins, , Géographie hist., i. 348–90Google Scholar, in Vaillant, V. J., Classis Britannica. Classis Samarica. Cohors I Morinorum (Arras, 1888)Google Scholar, and scattered through Camille Jullian's Histoire de la Gaule. Useful summaries are those by Haigneré, D. in the Dict. hist, et arch, du dépt, du Pas-de-Calais, Arr. de Boulogne, i (Arras, 1880), 1–38Google Scholar, and by Héliot, P., Histoire de Boulogne et du Boulonnais (Lille, 1937), pp 24–50Google Scholar.

^{page 75 note 3} The Notitia dignitatum (ed. Seeck, O., Berlin, 1876, pp. 207–8Google Scholar; cf. the notes in E. Böcking's edition, fasc. v (Bonn, 1850), pp. 835–44) classifies “ sub dispositione viri spectabilis ducis Belgicae Secundae ” the following: “ Equites Dalmatae, Marcis in litore Saxonico. Praefectus classis Sambricae, in loco Quartensi sive Hornensi. Tribunus militum Nerviorum, Portu Epatiaci.” The identity of these places has been widely discussed, but without any certain conclusion having been reached; the Portus Epatiacus is usually identified with Boulogne, Marcis is more probably Marquise than Marck, and the third place is perhaps—reading Quantensis for Quartensis—Quentavic or some similar site at the mouth of the Canche (Quantia).

^{page 75 note 4} Marcellinus, Ammianus, Gesta, xx. 9 (ed. Clark, C. U., Berlin, 1910, i. 206)Google Scholar.

^{page 76 note 1} Jerome, Epistola cxxiii (xci) ad Geruchiam, § 15 (ed. Hilberg, I. (Corpus script, eccles. lat., t. lvi), Vienna, 1918, p. 92Google Scholar. On the walls of Boulogne, see Blanchet, A., Les enceintes romaines de la Gaule (Paris, 1907), pp. 123–4Google Scholar.

^{page 76 note 2} Mentioned in the tenth-century Chronicon Vedastinum (Mon. Germ. Hist., Script., xiii. 679).

^{page 76 note 3} On the silting-up of the Liane, see Briquet, op. cit., pp. 250–3. The plan of the port of Boulogne in Roman times given in Desjardin's Géographie hist. (Planche xvii) is incorrect and quite misleading.

^{page 76 note 4} Annales regni Francorum, a. 811; ed. Kurze, F., Hanover, 1895, p. 135Google Scholar.

^{page 76 note 5} Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, a. 893 [ 892] (ed. Plummer, C., Two Saxon Chronicles Parallel, i. 84Google Scholar).

^{page 76 note 6} Vita S. Vulmari, c. 10 (Mabillon, , Acta SS. ord. S. Bened., 111. i. (Paris, 1672), 236–7)Google Scholar. The Vita dates from the ninth century (cf. Van der Essen, L., Étude critique et littéraire sur les Vitae des saints mérovingiens de l'ancienne Belgique, Louvain, 1907, pp. 413–14Google Scholar), and the tradition on this point may well be genuine, though it is usually regarded with suspicion. Bede, who mentions (Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum, v. 7; ed. Plummer, C., i. 292)Google Scholar Caedwalla's journey to Rome, does not indicate by what route he travelled.

^{page 77 note 1} Vita S. Willibaldi, c. 3 (Mem. Germ. Hist., Script., xv. i. 91). He started from the mouth of the Hamble, in Hampshire.

^{page 77 note 2} On Quentavic see Dramard, E., Bibliographie géog. et hist, de la Picardie (Paris, 1881), pp. 468–71Google Scholar; Fengler, O., “ Quentowic, seine maritime Bedeutung unter Merowingern und Karolingern ”, in the Hansische Geschichtsblätter, xiii (1907), 91–107Google Scholar; and a note by Levillain, L. in an article, “ Études sur l'abbaye de Saint-Denis à l'époque mérovingienne ”, Bibl. de l'École des Chartes, xci (1930), 24–9Google Scholar.

^{page 77 note 3} Rouen was apparently also a commercial site of some importance during Merovingian and Carolingian times; cf. de Fréville, E., Mémoire sur le commerce maritime de Rouen, i (Rouen–Paris, 1857), 25 sqGoogle Scholar. But the evidence on the matter is very meagre.

^{page 77 note 4} Vita S. Wilfridi, c. 25 (ed. Colgrave, B., Cambridge, 1927, p. 50)Google Scholar. The Quentavic route was that followed by Theodore of Tarsus in 669 (Bede, , Hist, eccles., iv. 1Google Scholar; ed. Plummer, i. 203) and St. Boniface in 718 (Willibald, , Vita S. Bonifatii, c. 5; ed. Levison, W., Hanover-Leipzig, 1905, p. 20)Google Scholar.

^{page 77 note 5} Lupus of Ferrières remarks that the cella of St. Josse was given by Charlemagne to Alcuin “ ad elemosinam exhibendam peregrinis “ (Levillain, L., Correspondance de Loup de Ferrières, i (Paris, 1927), no. 19, p. 104Google Scholar).

^{page 78 note 1} Annales Bertiniani, a. 842 (ed. Waitz, G., Hanover, 1883, p. 28)Google Scholar; Nithard, , Historiae, iv. 3 (ed. Lauer, P., Paris, 1924, p. 124)Google Scholar.

^{page 78 note 2} Quentavic and Rouen appear in the Edict of Pitres (cap. xii) of 25 June 864 amongst the nine towns of Gaul which were to retain their mints (Boretius, A. and Krause, V., Capitularia regum Francorum, ii (Hanover, 1897), 315Google Scholar).

^{page 78 note 3} Ed. B. de Simson, Hanover, 1909.

^{page 78 note 4} The traditional date for the arrival of the relics in England (903) must be revised; for a justification of the date 901 and the sources referring to the event, see my forthcoming article, “ Grimbald of St. Bertin's ”, in the Eng. Hist. Rev.

^{page 78 note 5} On the Cuerdale hoard and the coins of Cnut, see particularly Hawkins, E., “ An account of coins and treasure found at Cuerdale ”, Numismatic Chronicle, v (1843), 1–48, 53–104Google Scholar, with the supplementary remarks of D. H. Haigh and A. de Longpérier on pp. 105–20; Haigh, D. H., “ The coins of the Danish kings of Northumberland ”, Archaeologia Aeliana, N.S. vii (1876), 28–31, 49–52, 56–7Google Scholar; Rashleigh, J., “ Remarks on the coins of the Anglo-Saxon and Danish kings of Northumberland ”, Numismatic Chronicle, N.S. ix (1869), 68–73Google Scholar; Hawkins, E., Silver coins of England (ed. Kenyon, R. L., London, 1876), pp. 80–7Google Scholar; Keary, C. F., Cat. of A.-S. coins in the British Museum, i (London, 1887), 201–30Google Scholar; and Andrew, W. J., “ Buried treasure: some traditions, records, and facts “, British Numismatic Journal, 1st ser., i (1905), 12–26Google Scholar.

^{page 79 note 1} The fact that Siefred, whose coins are closely allied with Cnut's and who was also king of Northumbria, never coined at Cunnetti, suggests strongly that this place was in France and not in England. Contes—the place is not actually mentioned in French sources before the twelfth century—was precisely the type of site favoured by the Vikings for their temporary camps in France: it lay on a river at just the point where this ceased to be navigable for sea-going ships, and it could be easily fortified—it was so in the later Middle Ages.

^{page 79 note 2} Cf. Poey d'Avant, F., Monnaies féodales de France, iii (Paris, 1862), 363–70Google Scholar.

^{page 79 note 3} Flodoard, , Annates, a. 938 (ed. Lauer, P., Paris, 1905, p. 69)Google Scholar: “ Ludowicus rex maritima loca petens, castrum quoddam portumque supra mare, quem dicunt Guisum, restaurare nisus est. ” The identity of Guisum has been much discussed; Wissant, Guines, and Quentavic (Wicus) have all been suggested. The arguments of Levillain (art. cit., p. 27, n. 2) in favour of Quentavic appear to me to be decisive. Quentavic is the only one of the three places to which the words portus and restaurare could reasonably be applied, and, as Levillain also points out (p. 25, n. 3, ad fin.), the name Wic has survived in the modern hamlet of Wis-ès-Maretz; the softening of the final letter from c to s may have begun by the tenth century, which would explain the form Guisum.

^{page 79 note 4} Cf. Levillain, art. cit., p. 25, n. 3. On the estuary of the Canche, see Briquet, op. cit., pp. 177 sq.

^{page 80 note 1} Wissant = Wit-sand, white sand; cf. the eleventh-century Vita S. Vulganii, which declares that the saint “ appulit ad portum Witsant appellatum: qui videlicet locus ex albentis sabuli interpretatione tale sortitur vocabulum ” (cap. 15; Acta SS., 2 Nov. i. 572), and the early thirteenth-century Historia comitum Ghisnensium of Lambert of Ardres, which relates how “ sanctus Pharo … apud Stronas [Estrouanne] Britannicum secus portum qui ab albedine arene vulgali nomine appellatur Witsant … construxit monasterium ” (cap. 6; Script., xxiv. 565–6). Haigneré, , in the Diet. hist, et arch, du dépt, du Pas-de-Calais, Arr. de Boulogne, iii (Arras, 1882), 275Google Scholar, queried the accuracy of this popular etymology—cf. the false popular derivation of Ashdown in Asser, 's Life of King Alfred, c. 37 (ed. Stevenson, W. H., p. 28)Google Scholar—and suggested an analogy with Ouessant (Ushant) in Brittany. But these names are in fact not identical, and the old etymology is accepted by Vincent, A., Toponymie de la France (Brussels, 1937), p. 157, no. 366Google Scholar.

^{page 80 note 2} Briquet, op. cit., pp. 268–70.

^{page 80 note 3} Haigneré, , Étude sur le Portus Itius, pp. 29–30Google Scholar.

^{page 80 note 4} The Itinerary is printed by Stubbs, W., Memorials of St. Dunstan. (Rolls Series), pp. 392–5Google Scholar; the stopping-places in the county of Flanders are given as Sombres (Sumeran), Guines (Gisne), Thérouanne (Teranburh), Bruay (Bruwaei) and Arras (Atherats).

^{page 80 note 5} Hariulf, , in his Chronique de l'abbaye de Saint-Riquier (lib. iv, cap. xxiii; ed. Lot, F., Paris, 1894, p. 241)Google Scholar, which was written c. 1088, describes how in 1068 Abbot Gervinus, intending to cross to England, “ ad maris ingressum properavit, quern nominant plebeiales Guizant ”. Wissant is mentioned by English and Norman writers of the twelfth century when referring to events of 933, 1036, and 1051 (cf. below, pp. 88, 96, 100), but in each of these cases, Wissant is probably no more than a guess on the part of the historian.

^{page 81 note 1} The road connecting Wissant with Guines was probably post-Roman in structure. The same is true of another road, called the chemin vert or the chemin de Landrethun, which is said to have run directly from Wissant to Thérouanne, but whose existence is in reality rather doubtful. See Haigneré, , Étude sur le Portus Itius, pp. 100–3Google Scholar; Robitaille, M., “ Étude … sur le Portus Itius de Jules César ”, Mém. de l'Acad, a“Arras, xxxv (1863), 272–3Google Scholar; and Wauters, A., “ Wissant l'ancien Portus Iccius ”, Bull. de l'Acad. roy. de Belgique, 2^e série, xlvii (1879), 130–2Google Scholar (with map facing p. 111). There was also a coastal road, probably Roman in origin (Haigneré, in the Diet, hist., p. 300)Google Scholar, connecting Wissant—or rather Sombres—with Boulogne; cf. the thirteenth-century itinerary published by Le Grand, L., “ Itinéraire de Wissant à Lyon ”, Bibl. de l'École des Chartes, xlvii (1886), 197–8Google Scholar.

^{page 81 note 2} On Wissant as an important place of embarkation in the later Middle Ages, see Wauters, art. cit., pp. 134–61, and Haigneré, in the Diet. hist., pp. 278–90Google Scholar. It may be noted that the relationship of Wissant to Sombres was reproduced later by the relationship of Calais to Pétresse (Saint-Pierre); just as Wissant grew up as a landing-place in the parish of Sombres, a village which lay inland and was purely agricultural, so did Calais in the parish of Pétresse.

^{page 82 note 1} See de Loisne, A., “ La colonisation saxonne dans Ie Boulonnais ”, Mém. de la Soc. des Antiq. de la France, lxv (1906), 139–60Google Scholar, but his information is not exhaustive; see also Kurth, G., La frontière linguistique en Belgique et dans le Nord de la France, i (Mém. cour. de l–Acad. roy. de Belgique, 1896), 530–7Google Scholar, and Taylor, I., Words and Places (ed. Palmer, A. S., London, 1909), pp. 93–8, 351–4Google Scholar. The date of the settlements is uncertain; some historians (e.g. Kurth, Des Marez) assign them to the time of Carausius in the third century, while others (e.g. De Loisne, Lot) ascribe them with much more probability to the fifth century.

^{page 1 note 1} See Hoops, J., Waldbäume und Kulturpflanzen im germanischen Altertum (Strassburg, 1905), pp. 566–89CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and the searching criticism by Lot, F., “ Les migrations saxonnes en Gaule et en Grande-Bretagne du iii^e au v^e siècle ”, Revue Historique, cxix (1915), 24–40Google Scholar.

^{page 82 note 3} See Verbist, G. H., Saint Willibrord (Louvain, 1939), pp. 207–9Google Scholar. The fact that the churches at Gravelines, Middelkerke, and Wulpen were dedi cated to St. Willibrord is no proof that he ever visited these places. Only for Clemskerke is there any serious presumption in favour of such a connection, for there the dedication of the church is reinforced by the fact that the name of the village embodies the Latin name (Clement) of the saint.

^{page 82 note 4} See the Gesta sanctorum patrum Fontanellensis coenobii, xii. 2 (ed. Lohier, F. and Laporte, J., Rouen–Paris, 1936, pp. 86–7)Google Scholar, and Epistola c of Alcuin, in Mon. Germ. Hist., Epist. Karol. Aevi, ii. 144–5)Google Scholar. The “ black stones ” (petrae nigrae) mentioned in this letter were perhaps the so-called “ Tournai marble ”, which was much used for making such objects as fonts at a later period (see Eden, C. H., Black Tournai fonts in England, London, 1909Google Scholar, and Rolland, P., “ L'expansion tournaisienne au xi^e et xii^e siècles. Art et commerce de la pierre ”, in Ann. de l'Acad. arch, de Belgique, lxxii (1924), 175–219)Google Scholar.

^{page 83 note 1} See my article, “The Early Abbots of St. Bavo's of Ghent”, Revue Bénédictine, xlix (1937), 40–1, 42–3, 61Google Scholar.

^{page 83 note 2} See Epp. Ixxiv and ccxcvi of Alcuin (Epist. Karol. Aevi, ii. 115–17, 454–5), and the verses in Poetae aevi Carolini, i. 308–13.

^{page 83 note 3} Folcuin, , Gesta abbatum S. Bertini Sithiensis, c. 47Google Scholar (Guérard, B., Cartulaire de l'abbaye de Saint-Bertin, Paris, 1840, pp. 74–5Google Scholar; better edn. in Script., xiii. 614–15).

^{page 83 note 4} See Lesne, E., Histoire de la propriété ecclés. en France. Tome iv: Les Livres, “Scriptoria” et Bibliothèques (Lille, 1938), pp. 394–8Google Scholar, and the works there cited.

^{page 83 note 5} On Judith, see particularly Toll, op. cit., pp. 2–12, and Sproemberg, H., “Judith, Königin von England, Gräfin von Flandern”, Revue belge de philologie et d'histoire, xv (1936), 397–428, 915–50CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Her career is important in the history of Anglo-Frankish relations, but not, so far as we know, in that of those between England and Flanders.

^{page 84 note 1} Annales Bertiniani, a. 862 (ed. Waitz, , p. 56)Google Scholar.

^{page 84 note 2} For the justification of the statements about Grimbald in this paragraph, see my forthcoming article, “Grimbald of St. Bertin's ”, in the Eng. Hist. Rev.

^{page 85 note 1} Asser, , Vita, c. 76 (ed. Stevenson, , p. 60)Google Scholar.

^{page 85 note 2} Ibid. c. 75 (pp. 57–9); he notes particularly her training, and that of the future Edward the Elder, in Saxon literature. On the date of the Vita (893–4), see ibid., p. lxxiv. She must have been about twenty in 893, for Alfred's marriage took place in 868 (ibid., c. 29; pp. 23–4), and since Elftrudis was the fourth of his surviving children (ibid., c. 75; p. 57) she must have been born in 872 or later.

^{page 85 note 3} That the marriage took place before Alfred's death we know from Ethelweard, , Chronicon (Petrie, H. and Sharpe, J., Monumenta historica Britannica, London, 1848, p. 499)Google Scholar. This determination of the date of Baldwin II's marriage as 893–9 disposes of the legend current in all medieval Flemish historiography that Baldwin's son Arnulf I was a very great age-ninety is the one commonly given-when he died in 965.

^{page 85 note 4} de Gray Birch, W., Cartularium Saxonicum, ii (London, 1887), 178Google Scholar; better edn. by MissHarmer, F. E., Select English historical documents of the ninth and tenth centuries (Cambridge, 1914), pp. 17–18Google Scholar. The will does not mention Elftrudis by name, but we know from Asser that it was she who was the youngest of Alfred's three daughters.

^{page 85 note 5} For Wellow, see the Victoria County History, Hampshire, i. 517; v. 274; for Steeple Ashton and Chippenham, see Jones, W. H., Domesday for Wiltshire (Bath, 1865), pp. 53, 9Google Scholar.

^{page 86 note 1} The names of her four children are given by Ethelweard, , Chronicon (ed. Petrie, and Sharpe, , p. 499)Google Scholar. Arnulf was presumably named after St. Arnulf of Metz, the ancestor of the Carolingian house, and Ermentrude after Baldwin II's grandmother, the wife of Charles the Bald. Egbert, the younger of Arnulf I's two sons, is mentioned in a charter of 10 July 853 (Van Lokeren, A., Chartes et documents de l'abbaye de Saint-Pierre au Mont-Blandin (Gand, 1868), no. 22, pp. 28–9)Google Scholar. By the marriage of one of Arnulf's daughters to Count Dirk II of Westfrisia, the name Egbert was passed on to Archbishop Egbert of Trier (died 993).

^{page 86 note 2} Folcuin, , Gesta S. Bertini, c. 103 (ed. Guérard, , p. 140Google Scholar; better in Scriptores, xiii. 627).

^{page 86 note 3} Annales Blandinienses, a. 929 (ed. Grierson, P., Les annales de Saint-Pierre de Gand et de Saint-Amand, Brussels, 1937, p. 17)Google Scholar. This notice is probably an invention of the eleventh-century copyist of the existing manuscript of the Annales Blandinienses. A forged epitaph of Elftrudis, probably composed in the eleventh century, was later current in St. Peter's of Ghent (Sanderus, A., Flandria illustrata (The Hague, 1732), i. 253)Google Scholar. Unlike almost all, the other Flemish sources, it gives her parentage correctly.

^{page 86 note 4} The edition of this charter by Van Lokeren, , Chartes de Saint-Pierre, t. i, no. 14, pp. 20–1Google Scholar, has been superseded by that of Vanden Haute, C., “Notes sur quelques chartes de l'abbaye de Saint-Pierre de Gand”, in the Bull, de la Comm. roy. d'hist. de Belgique, lxxi. (1902), 411–14Google Scholar.

^{page 86 note 5} It has been generally admitted that, though in its present form the diploma is a forgery, the grant is in its essentials a genuine one. This view is combated by M. J. D'hondt in an article to appear in the Bulletin de la Commission royale d'histoire. His reasoning is based mainly on the fact that the charter of the future King Edward the Confessor of 1016 (see below, p. 95) makes no mention of Elftrudis, and that the charter of Edgar of 964 (see below, p. 90) only does so in a passage that is an evident interpolation, while in the rest of the act it is assumed that the grant of the property is a fresh one. I am indebted to the kindness of M. D'hondt for permission to cite his unpublished article on this point. In “The translation of the relics of St. Amalberga to St. Peter's of Ghent”, Revue Bénédictine, li (1939), 305–6Google Scholar, I wrongly assumed that there was a genuine charter of 11 September 918, and my reasoning on this point is therefore invalid, though my general conclusion on the abbacy of Robert holds good.

^{page 87 note 1} One could of course argue that Elftrudis might have exchanged the estates she inherited from her father for Lewisham, Greenwich, and Woolwich, whose position in Kent would be more convenient to her than estates elsewhere in England after she became Countess of Flanders. But if the original grant was made by King Edgar this reasoning is superfluous.

^{page 87 note 2} See below, p. 90.

^{page 87 note 3} Five of the daughters of Elftrudis' brother, Edward the Elder, were married to foreign princes, Eadgifu I to Charles the Simple, Eadhild to Hugh the Great, Eadgyth to Otto the Great, Eadgifu to Louis, princeps of Aquitaine, and Aelfgifu to Conrad the Pacific of Burgundy.

^{page 88 note 1} William of Malmesbury, Gesta regum, ii, 135 (Rolls series, i. 149–51)Google Scholar. William's source was a lost poem on the reign of Athelstan. The mission must have taken place between 22 March 925, the date of the death of Hugh's first wife, daughter of Rotilda of Chelles, and 13 November 933, that of Adelulf's death.

^{page 88 note 2} Folcuin, , Gesta, c. 107 (ed. Guérard, , p. 145Google Scholar; Script, xiii, 629); A.-S. Chronicle, a. 933 (ed. Plummer, , i. 107)Google Scholar. Folcuin, who gives Edwin the royal title, distinctly implies that Edwin was in flight from England, but that his death was accidental. This no doubt is the true story, but it was embroidered by later legend. Simeon of Durham (Historia regum, ^a. 933: Rolls series, ii. 93) declares that Edwin was drowned by the orders of Athelstan, , and William of Malmesbury (Gesta regum, ii. 139Google Scholar; Rolls series, i. 156–7) has a long tale of how he was sent to sea in an open boat and committed suicide by leaping overboard, and how the king repented, and did penance for seven years for his crime.

^{page 88 note 3} Louis and Arnulf were cousins through their common descent both from Charles the Bald and King Alfred.

^{page 88 note 4} Folcuin, , Gesta, c. 102 (ed. Guérard, , p. 138Google Scholar; Script, xiii. 626). Lauer, P. (Le règne de Louis IV (Paris, 1900), p. 12, n. 7)Google Scholar disputes the value of this testimony on the ground that Adelulf (and not Arnulf) is described as being present, while he died in 933, but that Adalolfus is only a slip for Arnulfus is proved by the description of him as markisus, and the evidence is perfectly valid.

^{page 88 note 5} This is the suggestion of Lauer, op. cit., p. 27.

^{page 89 note 1} Flodoard, , Annales, a. 938 (ed. Lauer, , p. 69)Google Scholar; Richer, , Historia, ii. 8 (ed. Latouche, R. (Paris, 1930), i. 140)Google Scholar.

^{page 89 note 2} Flodoard, , Annales, a. 939 (p. 72)Google Scholar; Richer, , Historia, ii. 12 (t. i. p. 146)Google Scholar.

^{page 89 note 3} Flodoard, , Annales, a. 939 (p. 73)Google Scholar. Cf. Richer, , Historia, ii. 16 (p. 152)Google Scholar.

^{page 89 note 4} Freeman, E. A., History of the Norman Conquest, i (3rd edn.), 203, n. 3Google Scholar.

^{page 89 note 5} Steenstrup, J., Normandiets Historie (Copenhagen, 1925), p. 101Google Scholar.

^{page 89 note 6} It is suggested by Flodoard's phrase, “nulloque negotio propter quod venerant peracto”.

^{page 89 note 7} Arnulf's adhesion to the rebel cause is related by Flodoard immediately after his account of the attack on Flanders.

^{page 90 note 1} Folcuin, , Gesta, c. 107 (ed. Guérard, , pp. 144–5Google Scholar; Script, xiii. 628–9). Folcuin has written “Athelstan” in mistake for “Edmund”; he attributes the cordiality of the reception of the monks to Edmund's gratitude for the decent burial accorded to Edwin in 933. Folcuin describes the monks who migrated as the maior pars of the community, and says that only ten remained behind. If the numbers remained what they had been a century earlier (see above, p. 83), this last figure would imply a migration of about 50 monks, but they were no doubt much reduced and the true figure is probably between 20 and 30. See also below, p. 108.

^{page 90 note 2} Folcuin, , Gesta, c. 110 (ed. Guérard, , pp. 153–4Google Scholar; Script, xiii. 631–2).

^{page 90 note 3} A.-S. Chron.(ed. Plummer, , i. 112)Google Scholar. Dunstan returned to England in 957 or 958, more probably in 957, since he seems to have been consecrated bishop on 21 October of this year (Stubbs, , Memorials of St. Dunstan, Introduction, pp. lxxxix–xci)Google Scholar.

^{page 90 note 4} No details have survived concerning the exile of Dunstan in Flanders; see the brief statements in Stubbs, , Memorials, pp. 34, 59–60, 101, 193Google Scholar. The charter of Edgar (see next note) suggests that Dunstan practically ruled St. Peter's of Ghent as abbot, but this is no doubt an exaggeration.

^{page 90 note 5} Edgar's diploma is in Van Lokeren, , Chartes de Saint-Pierre, no. 38, pp. 40–2Google Scholar. It has been seriously interpolated and tampered with; see Oppermann, , Die älteren Urkunden des Klosters Blandinium, pp. 101–4Google Scholar, and the forthcoming article of M. D'hondt (cf. above p. 86, n. 5). According to M. D'hondt, the interpolations consist of the references to Mottingham and Coombe and the donation of Elftrudis; they were made in the thirteenth century to support the contested claims of the abbey to Coombe.

^{page 91 note 1} See the preface to the Regularis concordia (Migne, , Patrol. latino, cxxxvii. 476Google Scholar; better edition by Logeman, W. S., De consuetudine monachorum, in Anglia, xiii (1891), 368Google Scholar.

^{page 91 note 2} de Gray Birch, W., Liber Vitae: Register and martyrology of New Minster and Hyde Abbey (Hampshire Record Society, 1892), p. 24Google Scholar. Plummer, (Two Saxon Chronicles, ii. 169)Google Scholar concluded from this that Womar resigned his abbey at Ghent and retired to Winchester, an idea which is quite without foundation (Toll, op. cit., pp. 23–5).

^{page 91 note 3} A.-S. Chronicle, a. 981 [= 980] (ed. Plummer, , i. 124)Google Scholar.

^{page 91 note 4} Stubbs, , Memorials, pp. 380–1Google Scholar; the dates are those of Wido's abbacy.

^{page 91 note 5} See his letter in ibid., pp. 359–61. It is not clear whether Arnulf I or his grandson was the author of the letter; the tone and the reference to Dunstan's exile suggest the former, but the fact that the envoys of the count are instructed to ask the archbishop for an introduction to the king seems to imply that a new reign (that of Edward II or Ethelred II) had begun in England, in which case only the younger Arnulf could be the writer. Stubbs (p. 359, n. 2) ascribes it to Arnulf I, and connects it with the mission of Adelulf to England in 961. In my view Arnulf II is more probable, since all the other letters regarding Dunstan in the same manuscript (Cotton Tiberius A. xv; printed by Stubbs, pp. 359–90) that can be precisely dated belong to the decade 980–90.

^{page 92 note 1} John of Ypres, Gesta abbatum S. Bertini, xxix. i (Scriptores, xxv. 777)Google Scholar; but since he wrote in the fourteenth century and there is no mention of the matter in Folcuin it is perhaps doubtful, though it was an accepted tradition in the twelfth century: the Continuatio Burburgensis of the Chronicon of Sigebert of Gembloux (Script., vi. 458) mentions the names of SS. Dunstan and Anselm as the predecessors in exile of Thomas Becket at St. Bertin's.

^{page 92 note 2} Fulrad mentions the fact in his letter to Aethelgar (see below, p. 93).

^{page 92 note 3} See Robinson, J. A., “The Coronation Order in the tenth century”, in the Journal of Theological Studies, xix (1917), 56–72CrossRefGoogle Scholar; a long series of works by Schramm, P. E., the chief of which are two articles, “Die Krönung bei den Westfranken und Angelsachsen von 878 bis um 1000 ”, Zeitscrift der Savigny-Stiftung, liv (1934), Kan. Abt., xxiii. 117–242Google Scholar, and “ Ordines Studien II, III “, Archiv für Urkundenforschung, xv (1938), 3–55, 305–91Google Scholar, and his History of the English Coronation (tr. Legg, L. G. Wickham; Oxford, 1937)Google Scholar; and Ward, P. L., “ The Coronation Ceremony in Mediaeval England “, in Speculum, xiv (1939), 160–78Google Scholar. This last article modifies in certain important particulars the views of Schramm on the date and provenance of some of the texts.

^{page 93 note 1} Guimann's list of the treasure of St. Vaast's in the late twelfth century includes “ textus evangeliorum aurei vel argenti sex, horum tres … dedit Ermentrudis uxor Caroli ” (Van Drival, E., Cartulaire de l'abbaye de Saint-Vaast rédigé au xii^e siècle par le moine Guiman, Arras, 1875, p. 111Google Scholar), and she may have been the donor of other manuscripts as well.

^{page 93 note 2} Stubbs, , Memorials, pp. 361–2Google Scholar. Stubbs regards Arnulf I as the recipient of the letter, and this view is supported by the references to the count's ecclesiastical activities, but these are for the most part common form, and on the general consideration of the date of the other letters in the collection (see above, p. 91, n. 5) I think Arnulf II is more likely. The reference in the letter to a “ mulierculam captain a Danis vestris ”, which is evidence of the piratical dispositions of the Danes settled in Flanders, possibly explains the type of incident that may have caused the raid of the English fleet on Flanders in 939 (see above, p. 89).

^{page 93 note 3} Stubbs, , Memorials, pp. 383–4Google Scholar. The date is 988-90.

^{page 94 note 1} Stubbs, , Memorials, pp. 384–5, 388–9Google Scholar. The second letter mentions that φthelgar, when travelling to Rome for his pallium, had stayed at St. Bertin's on both the outward and the return journey, and invites Sigeric to do the same; it must therefore have been written in 990. Stubbs, ibid., p. 389,, n. 2, remarks that Sigeric, as his Itinerary shows, did not comply. But the Itinerary only refers to the return journey; Sigerio may have stayed at St. Bertin's on the way out.

^{page 94 note 2} Odbert's letters mention two clerks named Richar and Sigebert, and a monk of St. Bertin's named Grimwald, who is being sent to England, and Wido's mentions a monk of St. Peter's of Ghent with the very English name of Leofsin, who has been sent on a mission to Dunstan. There was a monk at St. Bertin's between 944 and 961 with the English-sounding name of Adalsige (Folcuin, , Gesta, c. 111; Script, xiii. 633)Google Scholar.

^{page 94 note 3} Miracula S. Bauonis, i. 9 (Script., xv. 594). The Miracula date from c. 1000, but their information is usually trustworthy.

^{page 94 note 4} Vita S. Bertulfi, c. 24–7 (Script., xv. 635–6); Sermo in translatione SS. Gudwali et Bertulfi (in Acta SS., 6 June i. 742–3). Both these works date from the second half of the eleventh century, and are most untrustworthy; cf. Oppermann, op. cit., pp. 200–9.

^{page 94 note 5} Neues Archiv, viii (1883), 376Google Scholar. The indications of the date do not agree. The Annates S. Bavonis (in Script., ii. 188) place the event in 985.

^{page 94 note 6} We have already seen the cases of Archbishops Dunstan, Æthelgar, and Sigeric. The Miracula S. Bertini, c. 4 (Script., xv. 511), which date from about the year 1000, allude to a monk setting out for Rome who “ iunxit se Saxonibus ultramarinis Romam pergentibus ”, and evidently passing through the town. At Langres the party joined up with a caravan, of merchants from Verdun on the way to Spain.

^{page 95 note 1} William of Malmesbury, Gesta regum, ii. 148 (Rolls series, i. 165).

^{page 95 note 2} Liebermann, F., Gesetze der Angelsachsen (Halle, 1903), i. 232Google Scholar (a.d. 991–1002).

^{page 95 note 3} Van Lokeren, , Charles de Saint-Pierre, no. 96, pp. 72–3Google Scholar; the act is dated 25 December 1016, and there is no reason to doubt its authenticity. Its existence settles decisively the much disputed question of the relative ages of Edward and his brother Alfred; if the latter was, as some authorities declare, the elder of the two, it is inconceivable that Edward would have granted a charter which anticipates his own accession to the throne.

^{page 95 note 4} [Cnutonis regis gesta sive] Encomium Emmae, ii. 20 (ed. Pertz, G. H., Hanover, 1865, pp. 26–7)Google Scholar.

^{page 96 note 1} Encomium Emmae, iii. 4 (pp. 31–2). The Norman sources of the twelfth century give Wissant as the starting-place of the expedition (cf. Freeman, , Norm. Conq., i (3rd edn.), 490, n. 2Google Scholar), but the references in the Encomium to the fines Flandriae and the men of Boulogne suggests that it may rather have been Boulogne.

^{page 96 note 2} Her niece Judith, daughter of Richard II of Normandy, was his stepmother. The countess Adela had also married, as her first husband, Richard III of Normandy.

^{page 96 note 3} A.-S. Chronicle (C and E), a. 1037 (ed. Plummer, , i. 160, 161)Google Scholar; Encomium Emmae, iii. 7 (p. 35). The account of Bruges given by the Encomiast is practically our earliest evidence of the importance of the place; cf. Ganshof, F. L., “ Iets over Brugge gedurende de preconstitutioneele periode van haar geschiedenis ”, Nederlandsche Historiebladen, i (1938), 284Google Scholar. The statio hand longe a castello Brugensi where she landed was perhaps Oudenbourg. This is the first time we hear of any port in the region of Flanders proper.

^{page 97 note 1} Encomium Emmae, iii. 8 (pp. 35–6).

^{page 97 note 2} Ibid., iii. 8–13 (pp. 36–8); A.-S. Chronicle (C, E), a. 1039, 1040 (ed. Plummer, , i. 160, 161)Google Scholar. Cf. also Adam of Bremen, Gesta episcoporum Hammaburgensium, ii. 72 (Script., vii. 332), and the Chronicon abbatiae Rameseiensis, c. 85 (Rolls Series, pp. 149–50).

^{page 98 note 1} A.-S. Chron., (D), a. 1045 (p. 165); Florence of Worcester, Chronicon, a. 1044 (ed. Thorpe, i. 199).

^{page 98 note 2} A.-S. Chron., (C) 1046, (E) 1044, (D) 1047 (pp. 164, 165). Freeman refers to Osgod Clapa's visit to Flanders as if it were a fact, when really it is only a plausible conjecture.

^{page 98 note 3} Ibid., (C) 1046, (E) 1045 (pp. 164, 165–6).

^{page 98 note 4} Ibid., (C) 1048, (E) 1046 (pp. 166–7).

^{page 99 note 1} Ibid., (C) 1049, (D) 1050 (pp. 166, 167). Cf. also Florence of Worcester, Chron., a. 1049 (p. 201). Baldwin submitted to Henry in September at Aachen.

^{page 99 note 2} A.-S. Chron., (C) 1049, (D) 1050 (pp. 168, 169); Florence, , Chron., a. 1049 (p. 202)Google Scholar. These various accounts are difficult to follow and not wholly compatible with one another. I have made the best I can of the story. Cf. Plummer, op. cit., ii. 230.

^{page 99 note 3} A.-S. Chron., (C) 1049, (D) 1050, (E) 1046 (pp. 168–70); Florence, , Chron., a. 1049 (pp. 202–3)Google Scholar. On the whole story see Freeman, op. cit., ii (3rd edn.), 100–10, and Plummer, op. cit., ii. 229–31. Swegen, like Osgod, probably set out from Flanders on his expedition to England in 1049.

^{page 99 note 4} A.-S. Chron., (E) 1046, (p. 171); Florence, , Chron., a. 1049 (p. 203)Google Scholar.

^{page 99 note 5} Judith's parentage, a matter on which the sources are in extreme confusion, was elucidated by Freeman, op. cit., iii (2nd edn.), 663–5; cf. pp. 656–8. Our only evidence for the date of the marriage is given by the rather untrustworthy Vita Aedwardi (ed. Luard, H. R., Lives of Edward the Confessor (Rolls Series), p. 404)Google Scholar, which declares that it took place about the time of Godwine's exile. It was certainly previous to this event, since the A.-S. Chron., (D) 1052 (p. 175), refers to Tostig's wife as going into exile with the rest of the family.

^{page 100 note 1} A.-S. Chron., (C) 1051, (D) 1052, (E) 1048 (pp. 172, 175–6, 176); Florence, , Chron., a. 1051 (pp. 206–7)Google Scholar. Godwine's second son Harold fled to Ireland. The account in the Vita Aedwardi (pp. 402–3, 404) is curious; it asserts that Baldwin and Godwine had been former allies and that Baldwin had always been a good friend to the English.

^{page 100 note 2} Vita Aedwardi (p. 405). It can scarcely be supposed that Baldwin's plea can have carried much weight, unless, as Freeman (op. cit., ii (3rd edn.), 318) suggests, the recent marriage of his daughter Matilda to William of Normandy raised his credit in Edward's eyes.

^{page 100 note 3} A.-S. Chron., (E) 1052, (F) 1051, (C) 1052 (pp. 177–8); Florence, , Chron., a. 1052 (p. 208)Google Scholar; Vita Aedwardi, p. 405.

^{page 100 note 4} A.-S. Chron. (C) 1052 (p. 182); Florence, , Chron., a. 1052 (pp. 209–10)Google Scholar. Cf. Freeman, op. cit., ii (3rd edn.), 650–2.

^{page 101 note 1} Van Lokeren, , Charles de Saint-Pierre, no. 133, pp. 95–6Google Scholar. The diploma is dated 13 November 1056. In “ A visit of Earl Harold to Flanders in 1056 ”, Eng. Hist. Rev., li. (1936), 90–7CrossRefGoogle Scholar, I have suggested that Harold may have been on his way to Hungary to induce the atheling Edward to return to England.

^{page 101 note 2} Pruvost, A., Chronique et cartulaire de l'abbaye de Bergues-Saint- Winnoc, i (Bruges, 1875), 39–40Google Scholar, the account is apparently based on a lost Translatio written by Drogo of Saint-Winnoc and addressed to Abbot Rumold. Cf. Acta Sand. Bolland, 5 Aug. ii. 88, and 20 June iv. 29–30. Drogo also wrote a life of St. Oswald (ibid., 5 Aug. ii. 94– 103).

^{page 101 note 3} Van Lokeren, , Chartes, no. 124, pp. 88–90Google Scholar. Cf. Oppermann, op. cit., pp. 282–7, and the forthcoming article of M. D'hondt referred to above, p. 86, n. 5. The charter is largely interpolated.

^{page 101 note 4} William of Malmesbury, Gesta pontificum, ii. 83 (Rolls Series, p. 182), describes him as “ natione Flandrensi”, while Florence of Worcester, Chronicon, a. 1045 (ed. Thorpe, i. 199), describes him as “ de Lotharingia oriundus ”. Since Hermann was a common name in Lotharingia but rare in Flanders, I am inclined to follow Florence; the fact that Hermann later retired to St. Bertin's is no argument to the contrary, and would explain William's mistake. Freeman suggests, perhaps rightly, that his appointment to Ramsbury in 1045 marks an attempt by God wine to counteract Edward's Norman proclivities (Norm. Conq., ii (3rd edn.), 81–2).

^{page 101 note 5} Florence, , Chronicon, a. 1055, 1058 (pp. 214, 217)Google Scholar; William of Malmesbury, Gesta pontif., ii. 83 (pp. 182–3).

^{page 102 note 1} Goscelin, , Historia translationis S. Augustini, ii. 3Google Scholar (in Migne, , Patrol. lat., civ. 32Google Scholar) mentions his journey to Rome in Hermann's company; cf. on the journey, Freeman, op. cit., ii. (3rd edn.), 116–17. Goscelin had been a monk of St. Bertin's and came to England with Hermann (William of Malmesbury, Gesta regum, iv. 341 (Rolls series, i. 389) ). But it is possible that Hermann brought him to England on his return journey from Rome in 1050, and not in 1058. Presumably they met in Saint- Omer on the outward journey, and Goscelin then attached himself to the bishop.

^{page 102 note 2} Gesta Herwardi, printed as an appendix to Gaimar, 's Lestorie des Engles (Rolls Series), i. 353–64Google Scholar; there is also a (chronologically impossible) reference to Gilbert of Ghent on p. 343. The article by de Smet, J. J., “ Hereward-le-Saxon en Flandre ”, in Bull, de l'Acad. roy. de Belgique, t. xiv, ii (1847), pp. 344–60Google Scholar, is of no value. Tout, in his article on “ Hereward ” in the D.N.B., is inclined to regard Hereward's visit to Flanders as legendary.

^{page 102 note 3} See Huizinga, J., “ Scaldemariland ”, in Mededeelingen der Koninkl. Akad. van Wetensch., afd. Letterkunde: deel 84, ser. B, no. 2; (1927), pp. 2–11 (86–95)Google Scholar. This article is in the main a reply to the arguments of M. Verlinden that the expedition of Robert, known to us also from Theofrid, 's Miracula S. Willibrordi, c. 6 (Acta Sand. Bolland., 7 11 iii. 458–9)Google Scholar, took place at a much later date.

^{page 103 note 1} The data relative to Godgifu's first marriage, confused by Freeman, are made clear by Round, J. H., Studies in peerage and family history(London, 1901), pp. 148–50Google Scholar. Drogo died in 1035.

^{page 103 note 2} A.-S. Chron., (D) 1052, (E) 1048 (pp. 172–5); Florence, , Chron., a. 1051 (pp. 204–5)Google Scholar. Freeman, op. cit., ii (3rd edn.), 131–3, tells the story with a wealth of moral indignation against Eustace.

^{page 103 note 3} Arnold I of Ardres may possibly have come to England before the Conquest and been one of the foreign favourites of Edward; cf. Lambert of Ardres, Historia comitum Ghisnensium, c. 111, 114 (Script. xxiv. 614, 615)Google Scholar. On the lords of Ardres in England, see Freeman, op. cit., iii (2nd edn.), 314, 725–6, and “ The Lords of Ardres ”, Historical Essays, 4th series (London, 1892), pp. 159–98Google Scholar; and Round, J. H., “ The Lords of Ardres ”, Feudal England (London, 1895), pp. 462–4Google Scholar.

^{page 103 note 4} George, R. H., “ The Contribution of Flanders to the Conquest of England ”, in the Revue belge de philologie et d'histoire, v (1926), 81–97CrossRefGoogle Scholar. There is much of value in Toll, op. cit., pp. 38 ff., and Freeman's Norm. Conq., passim.

^{page 103 note 5} Baldwin was at this time regent of France for the young Philip I, and is often blamed by historians for not preventing the Conquest, which was by no means in the interests of the French monarchy. But he can scarcely have foreseen the completeness of William's success, and it is difficult to see what he could have done.

^{page 103 note 6} A.-S. Chron., (C) 1065 (p. 192). Cf. the other versions of the Chronicle, and Florence, , Chron., a. 1065 (pp. 223–4)Google Scholar.

^{page 104 note 1} See Freeman, , Norm. Conq., iii (2nd edn.), 157–9, 752–5Google Scholar.

^{page 104 note 2} See above, p. 95.

^{page 104 note 3} The scanty information that exists is given by Dept, G. G., “ Les marchands flamands et le roi d'Angleterre ”, Revue du Nord, xii (1926), 303CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Les influences anglaise et française dans le comté de Flandre au début du xiii^e Siècle, p. 15.

^{page 105 note 1} The phrase used is “ infra Londonem partem terre de terra illa videlicet que Warmanakre anglice nuncupatur cum warvo eidem terre pertinente et cum omnibus rectitudinibus et consuetudinibus, que ad illam pertinent ” (Van Lokeren, , Chartes, p. 88Google Scholar). On Warmansacre see Page, W., London, its origin and early development (London, 1923), p. 132–7Google Scholar; his account of its history must be treated with some reserve. The suggestion that the grant might have a commercial significance is made by Johnson, C. in the Eng. Hist. Rev., xlix (1937), 154Google Scholar.

^{page 105 note 2} Stepelinus, , Miracula S. Trudonis, ii. 74Google Scholar (Scriptores, xv. 827–8), cited by Dept, , Les marchands flamands, p. 303Google Scholar.

^{page 105 note 3} Miracula S. Winnoci, c. 10 (Mon. Germ. Hist., Script, rer. Merov., v. 784); a certain Merolfus, a native of the Boulonnais, is accustomed to sell slaves overseas. The incident described occurred in the tenth century. The mercatores ultramarini referred to no doubt included Irish as well as English traders; we know of the efforts made by St. Wulfstan in the eleventh century to put down the traffic in slaves between Bristol and Ireland.

^{page 106 note 1} Fulcard became abbot of Thorney in Cambridgeshire in 1068, and ruled till his death in 1082 (Annates monasterii de Thorney, a. 1082, in Dugdale, W., Monasticon Anglicanum, ii (London, 1819), 611Google Scholar; Vitalis, Ordericus, Historia ecclesiastica, xi. 33 (ed. Le Prevost, A., Paris, 1852, iv. 281Google Scholar) says he ruled for 16 years, which gives the date of his accession); there is no reason to believe that he was in England before the Conquest, though this has frequently been assumed to have been the case.

^{page 106 note 2} Stubbs, , Memorials, pp. 53–68Google Scholar; on the author, date, and manuscripts see Stubbs' Introduction, pp. xxx–xxxi, xli–xlii.

^{page 106 note 3} In referring to Arnulf I, Adelard writes (pp. 59–60), “ Hic tempore eodem nobile quoddam coenobium nomine Blandinium, a sancto quondam Amando structum, in majori elegantia renovavit, ibique magnum Dei sacerdotem Wandregisilum cum sociis archipraesulibus nutu Dei transtulit.” This echoes the Annales Blandinienses, which have under the year 960 the notice “ Hoc anno ab Arnulfo marchiso hoc Blandiniense coenobium in maiori elegantia est constructum” (Grierson, P., Les Annates de Saint-Pierre de Gand et de Saint-Amand, Brussels, 1937, p. 19)Google Scholar; the mention of St. Amand refers to the current controversy with the monks of St. Bavo's as to the identity of the monastery founded by the saint, and the mention of St. Wandrille recalls the translation of the relics of this saint to Ghent in 944 (Ann. Bland., a. 944; p. 18).

^{page 107 note 1} Stubbs suggests (p. xxxi) that it may have been sent to Adelard to be turned into verse, but that Adelard preferred to write a series of lections instead.

^{page 107 note 2} Van Lokeren, Chartes, nos. 45 (31 January 972), 48 (2 October 974), 61 (12 January 984).

^{page 107 note 3} Ed. Pertz, G. H., Hanover, 1865 (and in Script., xix. 509–25)Google Scholar. The best general discussion of the work and its author is in Manitius, M., Geschichte der lateiniscken Literatur des Mittelalters, ii (Munich, 1923) 329–31Google Scholar.

^{page 107 note 4} Manitius, op. cit., p. 330, points out that he sometimes gives the Latin interpretation of English names, and regards this as evidence in favour of his being an Englishman. But such a practice is common also in Flemish writings of the eleventh and twelfth centuries, and does not really prove anything. It would be interesting to know whether the author's interpretation of “ Ashdown ” is made independently, or whether he had read Asser (see above, p. 80, n. 1).

^{page 107 note 5} He ignores Emma's first marriage to Ethelred, calling her a virgo at the time of her marriage to Cnut (ii. 16; p. 24), and implying, though not directly stating, that Edward and Alfred were Cnut's children (iii. 1; p. 29).

^{page 108 note 1} Cf. my article, “ Les livres de l'abbé Seiwold de Bath ”, which will shortly appear in the Revue Bénédictine.

^{page 108 note 2} See above, p. 93.

^{page 109 note 1} The manuscript is mentioned in the twelfth-century catalogue of the library of Marchiennes under the title “ Historia Britannorum ” (Catalogue général des mss. des bibliothèques des départements, sér. in 4⁰, t. vi (Paris, 1878), p. 767)Google Scholar.

^{page 109 note 2} Script., xiii. 678; cf. p. 675, and Mon. Germ. Hist., Auctores anti-quissimi, xiii. 133. This Flemish copy of Nennius was also used by Lambert of Saint-Omer in the Liber Floridus (cf. Delisle, L., “ Notice sur les manuscrits du Liber Floridus ”, in Notices et extraits des mss. de la Bibl. nationale, xxxviii (1906), no. 78, p. 640Google Scholar) in the early twelfth century.

^{page 109 note 3} Part of Cambridge University Library, Mm. v. 29, and part of Bodley 163 (2016). Both contain the pseudo-Hieronymian Vita S. Methodii under the curious title Libellus Bemetoli (mistake for Beali Methodii ?), and both contain a Series comitum Flandrensium (Scriptores, ix. 336) which is found in manuscripts in Flanders. One of the two manuscripts in England was no doubt copied from the other, but present circumstances have made it impossible for me to examine them and ascertain any further particulars about them.

^{page 109 note 4} This manuscript is now Boulogne 16; cf. Fehr, B., Die Hirtenbriefe Aelfrics (Bibl. der Angelsächischen Prosa, t. ix. Hamburg, 1914), pp. x–xivGoogle Scholar. A mark of ownership on folio 2r⁰ proves that it was in the possession of St. Bertin's by the thirteenth century at least.

^{page 109 note 5} Meyerus, J., Commentarii sive Annales rerum Flandricarum, Antwerp, 1561Google Scholar, a. 1389, folio 209v. The manuscript has since disappeared. Meyerus confused the sister of Harold with Gunhild, daughter of King Cnut and wife of the Emperor Henry III, and wrongly attributed the legacy to the latter.

^{page 109 note 6} A.-S. Chron., (D) 1067 (ed. Plummer, , i. 202)Google Scholar.

^{page 110 note 1} Cf. a useful if somewhat romantic account of Judith by Harrsen, M., “ The Countess Judith of Flanders and the library of Weingarten Abbey ”, Papers of the Bibliographical Society of America, xxiv (1930), 1–13CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

^{page 110 note 2} Sturluson, Snorri, Heimskringla, ix. 102–3Google Scholar (tr. S. Laing, iii (London, 1844), 97–100). But possibly the boys were illegitimate, since their names are not from Judith's family nor, so far as we know, from Godwine's.

^{page 110 note 3} See the twelfth-century Vita S. Oswini, c. 4, 6, in Miscellanea Bio-graphica (Surtees Society, vol. viii, 1838), pp. 14–15, 18–20Google Scholar.

^{page 110 note 4} They were amongst those which she presented to Weingarten.

^{page 110 note 5} A.-S. Chron., (D) 1061 (pp. 189, 191).

^{page 110 note 6} Vitalis, Ordericus, Historia ecclesiastica, iii. 11Google Scholar (ed. Le PréVost, ii. 120) and the sources cited above, p. 103, n. 6.

^{page 110 note 7} De inventione et translatione sanguinis Domini (in Scriptores, xv. 922–3).

^{page 110 note 8} Her obit is given by the Weingarten necrology as 5 March (Hess, G., Monumentorum Guelficorum pars historica [1784], p. 136Google Scholar), and she was still alive when the list of her gifts and those of her husband to Weingarten (ibid., pp. 153–4) was drawn up on 12 March 1094. She must therefore have died in 1095 or later. I do not understand why Hess (p. 154) makes her die on 13 March 1094.

^{page 110 note 9} De inventione (in Script., xv. 922–3).

^{page 110 note 10} The list is given in Fulda, Aa. 21, folio 89v. It is printed in Hess, op. cit., pp. 153–4.

^{page 111 note 1} The list of her donations includes “ duo preciosissima scrinia in auro et artificio, tria plenaria—cum uno textu evangelii ”, which may refer to Morgan MSS. 708 and 709 and Fulda Aa. 21 (Harrsen, op. cit., pp. 6–7). There is no mention of the other two manuscripts. Two of the manuscripts (Pierpont Morgan 708 and Fulda Aa. 21) contain entries relating to Judith, but no assertion that the volumes were given by her. On the Fulda manuscripts one can consult the note of Haseloff, A., “ Aus der Weingartner Klosterbibliothek”, in the Deutsche Literaturzeitung, 1905, col. 1998–9Google Scholar, and on the two manuscripts now in America see Dorez, L., Les Manuscrits à peintures de la bibliothèque de Lord Leicester à Holkham Hall (Paris, 1908), pp. 9–11 and Planche iiiGoogle Scholar.

^{page 111 note 2} Miss Harrsen suggests (p. 9) that Monte Cassino B.B. 437, an eleventh- century evangeliary executed in England, may have passed through her hands.

^{page 111 note 3} See Homburger, O., Die Anfänge der Malschule von Winchester im x Jahrhundert (Studien fiber christliche Denkmaler; N.F., t. xiii. Leipzig, 1912), pp. 66–7Google Scholar.

^{page 111 note 4} Harrsen, op. cit., p. 3.

^{page 111 note 5} This is the view of Miss Harrsen (p. 4), who gives a list of other manuscripts that on artistic grounds can be assigned to the same scriptorium; one of these, though decidedly earlier, was certainly executed at Thorney. I am rather less confident about the later ones, for there is no evidence that Fulcard of St. Bertin's was at Thorney before the Conquest (see above, p. 106, n. 1), though of course there may have been Flemish influence at Thorney independently of him. It may perhaps be noted that Godwine apparently had interests at Thorney; according to one manuscript of the Chronicle, his family took refuge there before their flight to Flanders in 1051 (A.-S. Chron., (D) 1052; p. 175).

^{page 111 note 6} Harrsen, p. 7.

^{page 112 note 1} Harrsen, p. 6. For an account of the Paris MS., see Leroquais, V., Les sacramentaires et les missels manuscrits des bibliothèques publiques de France, i (Paris, 1924), no. 43, pp. 105–7Google Scholar.

^{page 112 note 2} Harrsen, pp. 9–11.