^{page 4 note 1} Bacon, , ‘Henry VII’ in Works, vi. 159.Google Scholar

^{page 6 note 1} F. S. P. Lely on Trade Guilds, in the Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, iv. Ahmedabad, 1879, pp. 109–111.Google Scholar See also Ibid. viii. Baroda, p. 160.

^{page 7 note 1} Morse, H. B., The Guilds of China. 1909.Google Scholar

^{page 8 note 1} Russia, new ed. (1905) ii. 200.Google Scholar

^{page 8 note 2} Bacon, , ‘Henry VII’ in Works, vi. 94.Google Scholar

^{page 8 note 3} More, Utopia, 41.Google Scholar

^{page 8 note 4} It would appear that this kind of depopulation was no longer important in the latter part of Elizabeth's reign. Harrison, , ‘Description,’ in Holinshed (1807) 346.Google ScholarNorden, 's Surveyor's Dialogue (1618), p. 118.Google Scholar

^{page 8 note 5} Denton, , Fifteenth Century, 153.Google Scholar

^{page 9 note 6} Kowalewsky, , Die oekonomische Entwickelung Europas, iii. 70.Google Scholar

^{page 9 note 1} Norden dwells on this, Surveyor's Dialogue, p. 99Google Scholar, but there is much evidence in sermons and other literature.

‘They also which are oppressed and kept under, and bare, and needy of mighty and rich men, as God knoweth every township throughout England almost is oppressed; and some have deserved no less and some again he wraxed with undeserved misery. The rich and wealthy waste and eat up the commons of every town, so that no poor man can keep a cow upon them. They use unhonest trades in their husbandry, buying and selling corn and cattle to forestal markets; and to make an appearance of scarcity in the markets, they will overbuy things, and give more for them than they be worth, to raise the price.’ Hutchinson's Works (Parker Soc.), 301.Google ScholarLever, T., A Sermon made in the Shroudes in Poules (Arber's Reprint, pp. 29, 37)Google Scholar; Crowley, 's Epigrams (E.E.T.S.) of Forstallers, p. 34Google Scholar; of Leasemongars, p. 40Google Scholar; of Rent Raisers, p. 47Google Scholar; Harrison, in Holinshed (1807), 275, 318.Google Scholar

^{page 9 note 2} Husbandry, p. 7.Google Scholar

^{page 9 note 3} Ibid. p. 20.

^{page 9 note 4} Ibid. p. 34, 36.

^{page 9 note 5} Ibid. p. 51.

^{page 9 note 6} Ibid. p. 71.

^{page 9 note 7} ‘Neither letting two or three tenantries unto one man.’ Tyndale, , Doctrinal Treatises (Parker Soc.), 201.Google Scholar Compare also the Petition to Henry VIII, 1514.Google Scholar ‘The inconveniences thereof hath not only be begun and risen by diverse gentlmen of the same your realms, but also by diverse and many Merchants adventurers, Clothmakers, Goldsmiths, Butchers, Tanners, and other Artificers, and unreasonable covetous persons which doth encroach daily many fermes more than they can be able to occupy or maintain with tilth for corn as hath been used in times past, forasmuch as diverse of them hath obtained and encroached into their hands, x. xii. xiv. or xvi. farms in one man's hands at once.’ Quoted in Ballads front MS., by Furnivall, , p. 101.Google Scholar

‘A new way they do invent, Lettying a dozen farms under one.

Which one or two rich franklings, Occupying a dozen men's livings, Take all in their own hands alone.’ Roy, W., Rede me and be nott wrothe (Arber's ‘English Reprints,’ p. 600, also 139).Google Scholar

Private Prayers in Liturgies of Edward VI (Parker Soc.), 4581.Google Scholar

^{page 10 note 1} Brinklow, , Complaint of R. Mors, E.E.T.S., p. 9.Google Scholar

^{page 10 note 2} ‘Inquisitions into Depopulation in 1517,’ in R. Hist. Soc. Trans. N.S. xiv. (1900).Google Scholar

^{page 10 note 3} Ibid. p. 279.

^{page 10 note 4} ‘Elizabethan Village Surveys’ in R. Hist. Soc. Trans. N.S. xi. 80 (1897).Google Scholar

The grievances in Norfolk as formulated under Kett seem to have arisen through the withdrawing land from common rights, rather than from the conversion of arable land into pasture. Russell, F. W., Kett's Rebellion, 48Google Scholar; ‘Life and Reign of Edward VI’ in Kennett, , Complete History, ii. 292, 293, 296.Google Scholar

^{page 11 note 1} Hayward, J., ‘Life and Reign of Edward VI’Google Scholar in Kennett, 's Complete History, ii. 289Google Scholar, also Fitzherbert, , Suneyinge. xl.Google Scholar

^{page 12 note 1} The publication of the text of this agreement and of some of the orders in a forthcoming volume of the Camden Miscellany is under consideration by the Council of the Society.

^{page 13 note 1} On the question how far it Is possible for any individual to realise this aim, compare my article on ‘Impartiality in History’ in the Rivista di Scienza (Bologna, 1907), I. i.Google Scholar

^{page 14 note 1} ‘Adv. Learning,’ in Works, iii. 339.Google Scholar

^{page 14 note 2} Life and Letters, iii. 249.Google Scholar

^{page 15 note 1} ‘Adv. Learning,’ Works, iii. 336.Google Scholar

^{page 15 note 2} Preface to ‘Henry VII’ Works, vi. 20.Google Scholar

^{page 16 note 1} SirMackintosh, James, History of England. ii. 362Google Scholar, in Lardner's Cabinet Cyclopedia.

^{page 17 note 1} Compare also Kennett, , ‘Preface’ to Complete History of England.Google Scholar

^{page 17 note 2} Bacon, , Works, vi. 4.Google Scholar

^{page 18 note 1} A comparison of Spedding on Bacon and A. W. v. Schlegel (Dramatic Art and Literature, 419)Google Scholar on Shakespeare shows that the parallel is so close as to invite careful consideration. Are we to think that Bacon in 1605 philosophised on the mode of historical treatment which had been originated by Shakespeare, and afterwards employed it as his own, but in a literary and not in a dramatic form? Or is it possible that Bacon had an opportunity during the last decade of the sixteenth century of inspiring Shakespeare with his own views as to the treatment of history? This is, of course, a question that can only be settled by literary critics.

^{page 19 note 1} Novum Organum, i. 127.Google Scholar