^{page 1 note 1} Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 3rd. Series, iv.Google Scholar

^{page 2 note 1} Gild Merchant, i. 199.Google Scholar

^{page 2 note 2} Cambridge English Literature, iv. 302–307.Google Scholar

^{page 2 note 3} Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 3rd Series, vi.Google Scholar

^{page 2 note 4} Ibid. 3rd Series, v.

^{page 3 note 1} Maitland, , Township and Burgh, p. 37.Google Scholar

^{page 3 note 2} Goudy, and Smith, , Local Government, p. 10, note.Google Scholar

^{page 3 note 3} English Law, i. 625Google Scholar; Domesday Book and Beyond p. 173.Google Scholar

^{page 3 note 4} Innes, , Scottish Legal Antiquities, p. 105.Google Scholar

^{page 3 note 5} Gross, , Gild Merchant, i. 264.Google Scholar

^{page 3 note 6} Compare Gross, , Gild Merchant, i. 201, note 3.Google Scholar

^{page 4 note 1} Kames, , Sketches of the History of Man, iii. 464–471Google Scholar, quoted by Colston, , Guildry, p. 198.Google Scholar

^{page 4 note 2} Bateson, , Records of the Burgh of Leicester, i. xlviii.Google Scholar

^{page 4 note 3} Compare the case between the Guildry and Town Council of Edin burgh which came before Lord Cringletie in 1820 (Colston, , Guildry of Edinburgh, p. 70)Google Scholar. Also the case between the Goldsmiths and the Guildry about a diamond beetle, in Ramsay, 's Sketches of Scottish Life and Character.Google Scholar

^{page 5 note 1} Assise Willelmi Regis, c. 39Google Scholar, in Innes, , Ancient Laws and Customs of Burghs of Scotland, p. 60.Google Scholar

^{page 5 note 2} Aberdeen, (Acts, i. 78)Google Scholar; Haddington (Charters, 1–3); Lanark, (Charters, 308); Stirling (Charters, 7–9).

^{page 5 note 3} The Mounth is the range which runs east and west from Aberdeenshire to Ben Nevis; it separated the northern and the southern Picts. Mitchell, , Highlanders, 16.Google Scholar

^{page 5 note 4} Bain, E., Merchant and Craft Guilds, p. 32.Google Scholar

^{page 5 note 5} Statuta Gilde, in Innes, , op. cit. pp. 64, 65.Google Scholar

^{page 5 note 6} Innes, , op. cit. pp. 100, 110.Google Scholar

^{page 5 note 7} Innes, , op. cit. p. xxxviiGoogle Scholar

^{page 6 note 1} Acts Scot, i. 76.Google Scholar

^{page 6 note 2} By a charter dated 1222, Bain, , Merchant and Craft Gilds, p. 36.Google Scholar

^{page 6 note 3} Growth of English Industry and Commerce, i. 652.Google Scholar

^{page 6 note 4} Incorporated Trades, p. 25.Google Scholar

^{page 7 note 1} History of Trade Unionism, pp. 7, 8.Google Scholar

^{page 8 note 1} Edited by Raine for the Surtees Society.

^{page 8 note 2} Compare my Notes on the Organisation of the Masons' Craft in England, read before the Economic Section of the International Historical Congress on April 4, 1913, and published by the British Academy.

^{page 9 note 1} A masonic establishment was formed in connexion with many of the Continental religious houses. (Boos, H., Geschichte der FreimaurereiGoogle Scholar; Ramée, D., Hist, générale de l'Architecture, p. 924, noteGoogle Scholar; Janner, , Bauhütten, p. 26.)Google Scholar

^{page 9 note 2} The recognition of the masons' craft in a municipality, and the transition from operative masonry to freemasonry, are excellently illustrated in the case of Dundee, where there had been a centre of organisation. There were Dundee men who could undertake large works in the early sixteenth century. A Dundee mason, living at Dundee, was contractor for part of the building of Dunkeld Bridge in 1516 (Mylne, , op. cit. p. 24)Google Scholar, and we read of the checking of accounts and the seeking for masons through different parts of the country. Though Our Lady's Lodge of Dundee was a powerful body in 1536, and its rules for hours, etc., were accepted by the town in making a contract, there was no trade incorporation of masons in Dundee till 1659; the companies connected with the building traders are later and of different status from the other corporations there. The Lodge seems to have continued as an inner circle within the incorporation of masons, and love-brothers, who were not operatives, were received into the Lodge as late as 1734, when the Ancient Lodge of Degrees kept their S. John's Day Festival and elected the Master of Gray as Master; they also acted as the governing body of the operative masons and appointed officials to regulate the manner in which building was done in the town-The Ancient Lodge was acting even in the eighteenth century, not only as an inner circle of the operative company, but as responsible for its government. (Warden, , Burgh Laws of Dundee, p. 582.)Google Scholar

^{page 10 note 1} Carr, , Ritual of Operative Masons, p. 11.Google Scholar

^{page 10 note 2} See Appendix on Architectural Design.

^{page 10 note 3} Mylne, , p. 4.Google Scholar

^{page 10 note 4} Ibid. p. 2.

^{page 10 note 5} Gould, R. F., History of Freemasonry, ii. 385.Google Scholar

^{page 10 note 6} Mylne, , op. cit. p. 5Google Scholar. The name of Mary's Chapel, which they have commonly borne, probably dates from 1618, the time of the purchase of Mary's Chapel in Niddry's Close.

^{page 10 note 7} The next of the Edinburgh crafts of which we hear, the Hammermen, who comprised all the trades concerned in equipping a knight and his horse for the field, obtained a royal charter in 1483. There was household organisation of these industries in Germany in the fourteenth century (Lamprecht, , Deutsche Geschichte, iv. 184).Google Scholar

^{page 11 note 1} See also Acts, 1426, c. 27.

^{page 11 note 2} Colston, , op. cit. p. xxxiv.Google Scholar

^{page 12 note 1} Weber, , ‘Die protestant. Ethik u. der Geist des Kapitalismus,’ in Archiv f. Sozialwissenschaft, xx. 50 and xxi. 16, 100.Google Scholar

^{page 12 note 2} Mylne, , op. cit. p. 7.Google Scholar

^{page 13 note 1} The industrial companies in the tearlier Stuart time were incorpora tions founded by royal charter, or through municipal power conferred by royal charter; after the Restoration they were incorporated by Act of Parliament.

^{page 13 note 2} Keith, T., Commercial Relations of England with Scotland, p. 163.Google Scholar

^{page 14 note 1} Compare the agreement in regard to an upholsterer printed in Growth of English Industry, i. 345, note.Google Scholar

^{page 14 note 2} Burn, , Justice of the PeaceGoogle Scholar, s.v. Apprenticeship.

^{page 15 note 1} Dunlop, , English Apprenticeship and Child Labour, pp. 110, 111.Google Scholar

^{page 15 note 2} The expansion of Birmingham, Leicester, and other industrial centres in the seventeenth century may, perhaps, be connected with failure to enforce the system of apprenticeship.

^{page 15 note 3} Wealth of Nations, Bk. I. cap. x. pt. 2.

^{page 17 note 1} Blomfield, R., Architectural Drawing, p. 11.Google Scholar

^{page 17 note 2} Findel, , Freimaurerei, p. 776.Google Scholar

^{page 17 note 3} Blomfield, , op. cit. p. 21.Google Scholar

^{page 18 note 1} Blomfield, R., op. cit. p. 12.Google Scholar

^{page 18 note 2} We gather from the York Fabric Rolls that the ‘forma’ was approved by the Canons, and might not be altered in the Lodge without their consent.

^{page 18 note 3} Mylne, , Master Masons to the Crown of Scotland, pp. 164, 167.Google Scholar

^{page 18 note 4} Ibid. p. 171.

^{page 19 note 1} Maitland, , Edinburgh, p. 437.Google Scholar

^{page 19 note 2} In the contract for the building of a chapel in St. Giles's the masons agree to make the vault after the pattern in Holyrood which they had seen. Charters of St. Giles's (Bannatyne Club, 1859), p. 25.Google Scholar

^{page 19 note 3} Willis, (Architectural Nomenclature, p. 23)Google Scholar takes the word ‘pattern’ in this sense as it occurs in the indenture for the tomb of Queen Anne (Rymer, , Fædera, vii. 795)Google Scholar. Compare also Britton, , Architectural DictionaryGoogle Scholar, s.v. Model, for instance, at Hengrave and Audley End.

^{page 19 note 4} The word is used in 1352 for drawings on the flat in the case of patterns for stained glass. ‘For two quarters of royal paper for the painters' patrons, 1s. 8d.’ (Brayley, and Britton, , Westminster, p. 183Google Scholar, also p. 185.) For Beauchamp Chapel at Warwick compare Britton, , Arch. Ant. iv. 11Google Scholar. See also Montpellier, , 1367Google Scholar. et Ricard, Renouvier, Maîtres de Pierre de Montpellier, p. 120.Google Scholar

^{page 19 note 5} In June 1627 the governors resolved that the Hospital should be ‘buildit conforme to the patern of the same given by the Dean of Rochester.’ (Mylne, , op. cit. p. 78.)Google Scholar

^{page 20 note 1} Mylne, , op. cit. p. 116.Google Scholar

^{page 20 note 2} Willis, and Clark, , Architectural History, i. 558–9.Google Scholar

^{page 20 note 3} April 28 and 29, 1479. Minute Book of Chapter of Rouen in Rouen Archives.

^{page 21 note 1} et Ricard, Renouvier, op. cit. p. 122.Google Scholar

^{page 21 note 2} Burckhardt, J., Geschichte der neuern Baukunst, p. 91f.Google Scholar

^{page 21 note 3} Guasti, C., La Cupola di Santa Maria del Fiore, p. 15.Google Scholar

^{page 21 note 4} Scott, L., Cathedral Builders, pp. 321, 323.Google Scholar

^{page 21 note 5} Ibid. op. cit. p. 20.

^{page 22 note 1} Scripta Moralia, 498EGoogle Scholar. An vitiositas ad infelicitatem sufficiat, 3.Google Scholar

^{page 22 note 2} In Christi Resurrectionem Orationes III., in Migne, xlvi. 666Google Scholar D. Compare also Hebrews, viii. 4 and ix. 33.Google Scholar

^{page 22 note 3} Procopius, , The Buildings of JustinianGoogle Scholar, in the Pilgrims, Palestine' Text Society, ii. iii. 6.Google Scholar

^{page 22 note 4} I am indebted to Professor Carr Bosanquet for referring me to Benndorf, , ‘Antike Modellen,’ in Jahrsheften des Oester. Archäolog: Instituts, v. 178Google Scholar. On the other hand, Vitruvius mentions plans (Blomfield, , op. cit. p. 11).Google Scholar

^{page 22 note 5} Compare the cases cited in Didron, , Annales Archéologiques, vol. v. p. 87fGoogle Scholar, ‘Dessins palimpsestes du xiii^m Siècle,’ and vol. vi. p. 139fGoogle Scholar, ‘Construction des Monuments ogivaux.’

^{page 22 note 6} York Fabric Rolls, Surtees Soc., 17, 1181.Google Scholar

^{page 22 note 7} Brit. Mus., Cott. MSS., Aug. I, i. 3.Google Scholar

^{page 23 note 1} There is an elaborate model of S. Maclou in the museum at Rouen. For this and some following points I am indebted to my friend Mr. G. G. Coulton.

^{page 23 note 2} One case is on the slab to Alex, de Berneval at St. Ouen, Rouen, and another on the slab of the sixteenth century architect at Caudebec.

^{page 23 note 3} In 1382 the design of a proposed ‘jubé’ at Troyes was drawn on parchment and then was drawn on rammed clay. (Quicherat, , Mélanges Archéologiques, ii. 206.)Google Scholar

^{page 23 note 4} Chalmers, P. M., A Scots Mediæval Architect, pp. 35, 64.Google Scholar

^{page 23 note 5} The shrine of St. Thomas at Canterbury was one of the works of an incomparable artisan who was also responsible for architectural work at Wells and Salisbury. (Bushell, W. Dane, Elias de Dereham, p. 15Google Scholar, in Harrow Octocentenary Tracts, xii.Google Scholar; Matt. Paris, Hist. Min. R.S. ii. 242.)Google Scholar

^{page 24 note 1} Demetrius the silversmith was a maker of shrines (Acts xix. 24)Google Scholar. Compare Diod. Sic. xx. 14.Google Scholar