¹ The city of Antioch is now known as Antakya. It lies in Turkey, on the Orontes river, to the south of the Gulf of Alexandretta, only a short distance from the border with Syria. The best map of this area in the period of Latin occupation appears in A History of the Crusades, vol. 1, ed. Setton, K. M. and Baldwin, M. W. (Madison, Wisconsin, 1955), p. 305Google Scholar.

² To date the seminal study of Latin settlement in northern Syria in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries is: Cahen, C., La Syrie du nord a l'époque des croisades et la principauté franque d'Antioche (Paris, 1940)Google Scholar. The principality has also received some attention from historians of the Normans, most notably; Douglas, D. C., The Norman Achievement 1050–1100 (London, 1969)Google Scholar; Allen-Brown, R., The Normans (Woodbridge, 1984)Google Scholar. The brief treatments in these works tend to regard the creation of the community at Antioch as an expression of Normanitas. My forthcoming monograph, The Creation of the Principality of Antioch 1098–1130, to be published by Boydell & Brewer, will explore the first three decades of the principality's history in greater detail. It should be noted that, to date, historians have treated Roger of Salerno as the regent of Antioch. I will argue, in my monograph, that he should actually be styled as prince of Antioch in his own right.

³ The detailed prosopographical study, which will appear in my forthcoming monograph on the principality's early history, indicates that almost all of Antioch's early setders were of Norman, if not always southern Italian, background. Although some of his data does not agree with mine, Dr Alan Murray has recently reached a similar conclusion through his own independent study. Murray, A. V., ‘How Norman was the principality of Antioch? Prolegomena to a study of the origins of the nobility of a crusader state’, Family Trees and the Roots of Politics, ed. Keats-Rohan, K. S. B. (Woodbridge, 1997), pp. 349–59Google Scholar.

⁴ Cahen, C., La Syne du Nord, pp. 109–204Google Scholar.

⁵ Walter, the Chancellor, Bella Antiochena, ed. Hagenmeyer, H. (Innsbruck, 1896)Google Scholar. The first Latin translation into English of Walter's text will shortly be published by Ashgate Press. Walter the Chancellor's The Antiochene Wars, transl. with historical notes by T.S. Asbridge and S. B. Edgington; Fulcher, of Chartres, , Historia Hierosolymitana ed. Hagenmeyer, H. (Heidelberg, 1913)Google Scholar; Albert, of Aachen, , ‘Historia Hierosolymitana’, Recueil des historiens des croisades. Historiens ocddentaux, vol. 4 (Paris, 1879), pp. 265–713Google Scholar. Susan Edgington's new edition of Albert's account will soon be published by Oxford University Press. References to his work will therefore be cited by book and chapter. A number of other Latin sources provide important information about the principality's foundation. Ralph, of Caen, , ‘Gesta Tancredi in Expeditione Hierosolymitana’, Recueil des historiens des croisades. Historiens occidentaux, vol. III (Paris, 1866), pp. 587–716Google Scholar; William, of Tyre, , Willelmi Tyrensis archiepiscopi chronicon, ed. Huygens, R. B. C., 2 vols (Turnhout, 1986)Google Scholar; Vitalis, Orderic, The Ecclesiastical History, vol. 6, ed. and transl. Chibnall, M. (Oxford, 1978)Google Scholar.

⁶ Bartlett, R., ‘Colonial aristocracies in the High Middle Ages’, Medieval Frontier Societies, ed. Bartlett, R. and MacKay, A. (Oxford, 1989), pp. 23–47Google Scholar; Bartlett, R., The Making of Europe. Conquest, Colonization and Cultural Change, 950–1350 (London, 1993)Google Scholar; Reynolds, S., Kingdoms and Communities in Western Europe, 900–1300 (Oxford, 1984)Google Scholar.

⁷ al-Qalanisi, Ibn, The Damascus Chronicle of the Crusades, transl. Gibb, H. A. R. (London, 1932)Google Scholar; ibn-Munqidh, Usamah, An Arab–Syrian Gentleman and Warrior in the Period of the Crusades, transl. Hitti, P. K. (New York, 1929)Google Scholar; ed-Din, Kemal, ‘La chronique d'Alep’, Recueil des historiens des croisades. Historiens orientaux, vol. 3 (Paris, 1884), pp. 577–732Google Scholar; alAthir, Ibn, ‘Kamel Altevarykh’, Recueil des historiens des croisades. Historiens orientaux, vol. 1 (Paris, 1872), pp. 189–744Google Scholar; Matthew, of Edessa, , The Chronicle of Matthew of Edessa, transl. Dostourian, A. E. (Lanham, New York, London, 1993)Google Scholar.

⁸ In this period the three criteria of legitimate authority, just cause and right intention were required for a conflict to be viewed as just. These were derived from the writings of St Augustine of Hippo by medieval canonists. For further discussion of justified and sanctified violence see: Brundage, J., Medieval Canon Law and the Crusader (Madison, Wisconsin, 1969)Google Scholar; ‘Holy war and the medieval lawyers’, The Holy War, ed. Murphy, T. P. (Columbus, Ohio, 1976), pp. 99–140Google Scholar; Cowdrey, H. E. J., ‘The Genesis of the Crusades: The Spring of Western Ideas of Holy War’, The Holy War, ed. Murphy, T. P. (Columbus, Ohio, 1976), pp. 9–32Google Scholar; ‘Pope Gregory VII's “crusading plans” of 1074’, in Outremer. Studies in the History of the Crusading Kingdom of Jerusalem Presented to Joshua Prawer, ed. Kedar, B. Z., Mayer, H. E. and Riley-Smith, J. S. C. (Jerusalem, 1982)Google Scholar; ‘Pope Gregory VII and the bearing of arms’, Montjoie: Studies in Crusade History in Honour of Hans Eberhard Mayer, ed. Kedar, B. Z., Riley-Smith, J. S. C. and Hiestand, R. (Aldershot, 1997), pp. 21–35Google Scholar; Riley-Smith, J. S. C., What were the Crusades?, 2nd edn (London, 1992)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Robinson, I. S., ‘Gregory VII and the Soldiers of Christ’, History vol. 58 (1973), pp. 169–92CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Russell, F. E., The Just War in the Middle Ages (Cambridge, 1975), pp. 16–39Google Scholar.

⁹ Walter the Chancellor, 1.5, p. 73; 11.1, p. 79; 11.2, p. 82; 11.3, p. 84; 11.5, p. 87.

¹⁰ For example, he recorded that after the Antiochene army had made confession in 1115 ‘it was enjoined on each of them by the lord patriarch, instead of a true penance … that those who would die in the war which was at hand would acquire salvation by his own absolution and also by propitiation of the Lord, while those who returned should all meet at a council arranged for the next feast of All Saints’. Thus, Walter commented, they would be saved ‘through a truce and the Church's indulgence’ and repeated that Bernard ‘pronounced absolution from their sins to the people entrusted to him’. Walter the Chancellor, 1.4–5, pp. 71–2.

¹¹ Walter the Chancellor, 1.1, p. 63.

¹² Kemal ed-Din, p. 592.

¹³ Walter the Chancellor, 11.5, p. 88.

¹⁴ Asbridge, T. S., ‘The significance and causes of the battle of the Field of Blood’, Journal of Medieval History vol. 23.4 (1997), pp. 303–5Google Scholar.

¹⁵ Walter the Chancellor, 11.8, pp. 95–6.

¹⁶ Professor B. Z. Kedar has suggested that Walter characterised Latin rule over the principality's indigenous population as ‘intolerable’ elsewhere in his account. Kedar, B. Z., ‘The subjected Muslims of the Frankish Levant’, Muslims under Latin Rule, 1100–1300 ed. Powell, J. M. (Princeton, NJ, 1990), p. 168Google Scholar. The Latin in this passage reads: ‘Graecis namque regnantibus ipsorum imperio servisse convincunctur. eisdem ex Asia propulsis Parthorum regnantium cessere domino; tandem, Deo volente, intolerabiliori succubere Gallorum potestati.’ In our forthcoming translation of ‘The Antiochene Wars’ Susan Edgington and I translate this as: ‘For while the Greeks ruled they were persuaded to be enslaved to their empire. When those same people had been driven forth from Asia they had yielded to the dominion of the ruling Persians; eventually, God willing, they succumbed to the irresistible power of the Gauls.’ Thus, ‘intolerabiliori’ is read as ‘irresistible’, that is undefeatable. We suggest, therefore, that although Walter did comment on Antiochene exploitation of the subjected population he did not do so in the passage previously identified by historians.

¹⁷ The history of Cilicia's relationship with Antioch and Byzantium between 1097 and 1110 is rather convoluted. The Cilician towns of Tarsus, Adana and Mamistra were first occupied or contacted by the Latins during the First Crusade. Albert of Aachen, 111.6–6; Ralph of Caen, pp. 633–9; Gesta Francorum et aliorum Hierosolimitanorum, ed. and transl. Hill, R. (London, 1962), IV.10, pp. 24–5Google Scholar; Fulcher of Chartres, 1.14, pp. 206–8. Latin bishops of Tarsus and Mamistra were consecrated in December 1099. Ralph of Caen, p. 704. By 1100, however, the region was back in Greek hands, only to be re-occupied by Tancred in April 1101. Ralph of Caen, p. 706. Cilicia continued to be an Antiochene possession until at least 1103, but its Armenian populace had rebelled and accepted Byzantine rule by c. 1104. Comnena, Anna, The Alexiad, ed. and transl. Leib, S.J. (Paris, 1945), XI.10 p. 41Google Scholar; Ralph of Caen, p. 712. Tancred again achieved at least partial control of the region in c. 1107, but then lost it again to Byzantium in 1108. Anna Comnena, XII.2, pp. 57–8; Albert of Aachen, XI.6. Long-term Latin rule was only established by Tancred between 1109 and 1111. Ibn al-Qalanisi, p. 99.

¹⁸ ‘Chartes de I'abbaye de Notre-Dame de Josaphat’, Revue de l'Orient Latin, vol. VII (1890), pp. 115–16, n. 4Google Scholar; Charles de Tare Sainte provenant de l'abbaye de N. D. de Josaphat, ed. Delaborde, H. F. (Paris, 1880), pp. 26–7, n. 4Google Scholar.

¹⁹ Walter the Chancellor, 1.6. p. 74.

²⁰ Albert of Aachen, XI.40. It should be noted that as far as we know Albert wrote from western Europe and, therefore, may not provide a reliable record of the titles used in the Levant.

²¹ ‘Chartes de l'abbaye de Notre-Dame de Josaphat’, p. 123, n. 13.

²² Ibn al-Athir, p. 278; Kemal ed-Din, p. 621; Chartes de Terre Sainte provenant de l'abbaye de N. D. de Josaphat, pp. 26–7, n. 4.

²³ Usamah ibn-Munqidh, p. 149.

²⁴ Deschamps, P., ‘La défense du comté de Tripoli et de la principauté d'Antioche’, Les Châteaux des Croisés en Terre Sainte vol. III (Paris, 1973), pp. 220 ffGoogle Scholar.

²⁵ Kemal ed-Din, p. 629; Le Cartulaire de chapitre du Saint-Sépulchre de Jérusalem ed. Bresc-Bautier, G. (Paris, 1984), pp. 176–83, nn. 76–7Google Scholar.

²⁶ Walter the Chancellor, 11.2, p. 82; Kemal ed-Din, p. 628.

²⁷ Kemal ed-Din, p. 639.

²⁸ Albert of Aachen, XI.40; Chartes de Terre Sainte provenant de l'abbaye N. D. de Josaphat, pp. 26–7, n. 4; Cartulaire général de l'ordre des Hospitaliers de S. Jean de Jérusalem (1100–1200), ed. Roulx, J. Delaville Le (Paris, 1894), vol. 1, p. 38, n. 45Google Scholar; Cahen, C., La Syrie du Nord, p. 243, n. 7Google Scholar.

²⁹ Walter the Chancellor, 11.4, p. 87.

³⁰ William of Tyre, XIV.5, p. 637; ‘Liber Jurium republicae Genuensis, I’, Monumenta Historiae Patriot, vol. VII (Augustae Taurinorum, 1853), pp. 30–1, n. 20Google Scholar.

³¹ Cahen, C., La Syrie du Nord, p. 543Google Scholar.

³² La Monte, J. L., The Feudal Monarchy in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem 1100 to 1291 (Cambridge, Mass., 1932)Google Scholar; Richard, J., The Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem, transl. Shirley, J. (Amsterdam, 1979)Google Scholar; Prawer, J.The Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem (London, 1972)Google Scholar; Riley-Smith, J. S. C., The Feudal Nobility and the Kingdom of Jerusalem, 1174–1277 (London, 1973)Google Scholar; Tibbie, S., Monarchy and Lordships in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem (Cambridge, 1989)Google Scholar.

³³ For early references to the constable of Antioch see: Albert of Aachen, VII.30; Liber Privilegiorum ecclesiae ianuensis, ed. Puncuh, D. (Genoa, 1962), p. 42, n. 25Google Scholar; Ibn al-Athir, p. 205; Italia Sacra, vol. IV, ed. F. Ughelli, pp. 847–8; ‘Liber Jurium republicae Genuensis, I’, pp. 30–1, II. 20. For early references to chancellor of Antioch see: Walter the Chancellor, II. Prologue, p. 78; 11.3, p. 84; ‘Liber Jurium republicae Genuensis, I’, pp. 30–1, n. 20. For the earliest reference to the chamberlain of Antioch see: Walter the Chancellor, II.3, p. 84. We should, of course, be wary of assuming that the use of a western European title indicates that its powers and responsibilities would be the same in the Levant. For further discussion of Antiochene institutions see: Cahen, C.La Syrie du Nord, pp. 435–71Google Scholar; Mayer, H. E., Varia Antiochena: Studien zum Kreuzfahrerfürstmtum Antiochia im 12. und frühen 13. Jahrhundert (Hanover, 1993)Google Scholar.

³⁴ Angold, M., The Byzantine Empire, 1025–1204. A Political History, 2nd edn (London, 1997), p. 134Google Scholar.

³⁵ La Monte and Prawer both treated Antiochene institutions as offshoots from the kingdom of Jerusalem. J. L. La Monte, The Feudal Monarchy in the Latin Kïngdom of Jerusalem 1100 to 1291; Prawer, J., Crusader Institutions (Oxford, 1980)Google Scholar.

³⁶ La Monte, J. L., The Feudal Monarchy in the Latin Kïngdom of Jerusalem 1100 to 1291, p. 106Google Scholar.

³⁷ Laurent, J., ‘Le Due d'Antioche Khachatour, 1068–1072’, Byzantinisches zeitschrift, vol. 30 (1930). PP. 405–1lGoogle Scholar;

³⁸ Glykatzi-Ahrweiler, H., Recherches sur l'administration de l'empire Byzantine aux IX–Xl siècles (Athens, 1960), pp. 52–67Google Scholar.

³⁹ Walter the Chancellor, 1.2, pp. 65–6.

⁴⁰ Cahen, C., La Syrie du Nord, pp. 457–8Google Scholar.

⁴¹ Walter the Chancellor, 1.2, p. 65.

⁴² Ibn al-Qalanisi, p. 157.

⁴³ Mayer, H. E., Varia Antiochena, pp. 110–12, n. 1Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ For the most up to date discussion of Alice's rebellion and its consequences see: Phillips, J., Defenders of the Holy hand. Relations between the Latin East and the West 1119–1187 (Oxford, 1996), pp. 44–72Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ The office described as ‘judge (iudex)’ may well have been derived from the Greek krites. In the Byzantine empire the offices ofkrites and praetor were largely interchangeable. They acted as the chief justice of a theme, responsible for passing judgement and implementing any necessary punishment. Glykatzi-Alirweiler, H., Recherches sur l'administration de l'empire Byzantine aux IX–XI siècles, pp. 67ffGoogle Scholar. Although there is no specific record of a krites or praetor at Antioch before 1085 the existing reference to a phorologos demonstrates that this administrative function was being carried out. GlykatziAlirweiler, H., Recherches sur l'administration de l'empire Byzantine aux IX–XI siècles, p. 85Google Scholar. In Norman Sicily the office of praetor was used to denote a chief judge in control of the municipal judiciary. Cahen, C., La Syrie du Nord, p. 456Google Scholar. Although it is likely that the praetor and krites of Latin Antioch both developed from Byzantine offices it is not possible to state that in this early period their holders acted as judicial administrators. The evidence does not survive to allow any conclusion beyond the fact that these two offices were involved in the administration of the city of Antioch, and given the change of role undergone by the duke of Antioch from its Byzantine antecedent it would seem foolish to base any argument purely on the evidence of an office's previous responsibilities.

⁴⁶ Matthew, D., The Norman Kingdom of Sicily (Cambridge, 1992), pp. 219–28CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Cahen, C., La Syrie du Nord, p. 456Google Scholar.

⁴⁷ Usamah ibn-Munqidh, pp. 149–50. For an excellent discussion of Usamah see: Irwin, R., ‘Usamah ibn Munqidh: An Arab–Syrian gendeman at the time of the crusades reconsidered’, The Crusades and Their Sources: Essays Presented to Bernard Hamilton, ed. France, J. and Zajac, W. G. (Aldershot, 1998), pp. 71–87Google Scholar. Walter the Chancellor, 11.14, pp. 107–9. Walter also actually suggested that Robert had previously paid a tribute to Tughtegin.

⁴⁸ Hamdan may also have held an administrative post within the principality and been given two villages by Cahen, Alan. C., La Syrie du Nord, pp. 343–4Google Scholar; Kedar, B. Z., ‘Subjected Muslims under Latin rule’, pp. 156–7Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ Matthew of Edessa, 111.78, p. 223.

⁵⁰ H. Dajani-Shakeel has discussed the series of peace treaties established between Jerusalem and Damascus down to 1153, and alluded to the development of a tribute relationship between these two powers, but did not examine events in northern Syria. Dajani-Shakeel, H., ‘Diplomatic relations between Muslim and Frankish ruler 1097–1153 A.D.’, Crusaders and Muslims in Twelfth Century Syria, ed. Shatzmiller, M. (Leiden, 1993), pp. 201–9Google Scholar.

⁵¹ Cahen, C., La Syne du Nord, p. 180Google Scholar.

⁵² For further analysis of this period of Iberian history see: Fletcher, R., ‘Reconquest and crusade in Spain c. 1050–1150’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, vol. 37 (1987), pp. 31–47Google Scholar; Moorish Spain, pp. 79–103; Kennedy, H., Muslim Spain and Portugal: A Political History of al-Andalus (London, 1997)Google Scholar; Lomax, D. W., The Reconquest of Spain (London, 1978), pp. 49–67Google Scholar; O'Callaghan, J. F., A History of Medieval Spain (Ithaca, 1975)Google Scholar; Reilly, B. F., The Contest of Christian and Muslim Spain (Oxford, 1992)Google Scholar; Wasserstein, D., The Rise and Fall of the Party-Kings. Politics and Society in Islamic Spain 1002–1086 (Princeton, 1985)Google Scholar.

⁵³ Lomax, D.W., The Reconquest of Spain (London, 1978), pp. 52–5, 63–7Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ Reilly, B., The Contest of Christian and Muslim Spain, p. 58Google Scholar.

⁵⁵ In some sense the Latins were also following Byzantine precedent in this regard because the Greeks had in the early eleventh century extracted tribute payments from the Muslim powers of northern Syria. A History of the Crusades, vol. 1, p. 91.

⁵⁶ Kemal ed-Din, p. 602.

⁵⁷ Kemal ed-Din, pp. 596–7.

⁵⁸ Ibn al-Qalanisi, p. 106; Kemal ed-Din, p. 598; Ibn al-Athir, p. 298. Ibn al-Athir recorded a tribute of 32,000 pieces of gold.

⁵⁹ Ibn al-Qalanisi, p. 132.

⁶⁰ Ralph of Caen, p. 710; Albert of Aachen, IX.39–41; Fulcher of Chartres, 11.28, pp. 473–4; Matthew of Edessa, III.18, p. 193.

⁶¹ Ibn al-Athir, pp. 262–3; Matthew of Edessa, III.39, p. 201; Albert of Aachen, X.38; Fulcher of Chartres, II.28, pp. 479–81.

⁶² Ibn al-Athir, pp. 266–7.

⁶³ Ibn al-Athir, p. 296; Kemal ed-Din, p. 608.

⁶⁴ Tughtegin also established a treaty with King Baldwin I of Jerusalem. DajaniShakeel, H., ‘Diplomatic relations between Muslim and Frankish ruler 1097–1153 A.D.’, p. 205Google Scholar.

⁶⁵ Walter the Chancellor, I.2, p. 66.

⁶⁶ Walter the Chancellor, I.2, pp. 66–7; I.4, p. 70; Fulcher of Chartres, II.53, pp. 582–3; Matthew of Edessa, III.70, p. 219; Usamah ibn-Munqidh, p. 149.

⁶⁷ Fulcher of Chartres, II.28, pp. 479–81.

⁶⁸ Walter the Chancellor, I.2, pp. 66–7.

⁶⁹ Walter the Chancellor, I.4, p. 70.

⁷⁰ Ibn al-Qalanisi, p. 156; Kemal ed-Din, p. 612.

⁷¹ Kemal ed-Din, p. 613.

⁷² Asbrídge, T. S., ‘The significance and causes of the battle of the Field of Blood’, pp. 301–16Google Scholar.

⁷³ Lomax, D., The Reconquest of Spain, pp. 68–73Google Scholar.

⁷⁴ Ibn al-Qalanisi, p. 99; Ibn al-Athir, p. 279. Ibn al-Athir recorded that Shaizar's tribute was 4,000 pieces of gold.

⁷⁵ Walter the Chancellor, 1.2, p. 67.

⁷⁶ Usamah ibn-Munqidh, p. 150.

⁷⁷ Kemal ed-Din, pp. 644–5.

⁷⁸ Usamah ibn-Munqidh, p. 150.

⁷⁹ Usamah ibn-Munqidh, p. 150.

⁸⁰ Usamah ibn-Munqidh, p. 150.

⁸¹ Kedar, B. Z., ‘The subjected Muslims of the Frankish Levant’, pp. 141–2Google Scholar.

⁸² Ibn al-Athir, p. 662; Lyons, M. C. and Jackson, D. E. P., Saladin. The Politics of Holy War (Cambridge, 1982), p. 202Google Scholar; p. 252; p. 362.

⁸³ Cahen, C., IM Syrie du Nord, pp. 621–3Google Scholar.