¹ I am indebted to Dr Barbara Dodwell, Professor H. R. Loyn, Dr A. Hassell Smith and Professor W. L. Warren for their comments on this paper on the occasion of its delivery. I am further indebted to the staffs of the Map Room of the British Library, the Print Room of the British Museum, the Victoria and Albert Museum, the National Trust, the National Slide Loan Service and Sothebys for assistance in its preparation. Its faults are my own. The lecture was accompanied by illustrations that it has not been possible to reproduce here. However, as far as possible at the appropriate points reference is made to published sources containing versions of these illustrations.

² Nichols, J., The Progresses and Public Processions of Queen Elizabeth… (London, 1823) II, 133–6Google Scholar. The summary of Churchyard's life in the DNB should be supplemented by Rahter, C. A., ‘Some Notes on the Career and Personality of Thomas Churchyard’, Notes & Queries, ccv (1960), 211–15Google Scholar, corrected in N&Q, ccvi (1961), 309, and Goldwyn, M. H., ‘Notes on the Biography of Thomas Churchyard’, Review of English Studies, n.s., xvii (1966), 1–15CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Churchyard was also responsible for preparing entertainments for the progress to Bristol in 1574 and the proposed visit to his native Shrewsbury in 1575 (Goldwyn, ‘Notes’, 1). Mr. Goldwyn's suggestion (p. 10), that Churchyard may have been resident in Norfolk in 1577 cannot be sustained without further evidence than the mere mention of the name in a muster roll for that year (The Muster Returns for Divers Hundreds in the County of Norfolk, 1560, 1572, 1574 and 1577, ed. Millican, P. (Norfolk Record Society, VII, 1936) pt. ii, p. 128)Google Scholar.

³ Nichols, Progresses and Public Processions. For Limbert, see Saunders, H. W., A History of the Norwich Grammar School (Norwich, 1932), pp. 264–9Google Scholar. The whole speech contains many radical protestant commonplaces. For Limbert's religious affiliations, see Saunders, , p. 265, and The Letter Book of John Parkhurst Bishop of Norwich, ed. Houlbrooke, R. A. (Norfolk Record Society, XLIII, 1974–1975), pp. 254–6Google Scholar.

⁴ Wilson, E. C., England's Eliza (Cambridge, Mass., 1939)Google Scholar; Strong, R., Festival Designs by Inigo Jones: An Exhibition of Drawings for Scenery and Costumes from the Court Masques of James I and Charles I ([New York], 1967)Google Scholar; Harris, J., Orgel, S. and Strong, R., The King's Arcadia: Inigo Jones and the Stuart Court … Exhibition held at the Banqueting House, Whitehall (London, 1973)Google Scholar; Strong, R., Splendour at Court: Renaissance Spectacle and Illusion (London, 1973)Google Scholar; Orgel, S. and Strong, R., Inigo Jones: The Theatre of the Stuart Court (2 vols., London, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1973)Google Scholar; Orgel, S., The Illusion of Power: Political Theater in the English Renaissance (Berkeley, 1975)Google Scholar; Yates, Frances A., Astraea: The Imperial Theme in the Sixteenth Century (London, 1975)Google Scholar; Strong, R., The Cult of Elizabeth: Elizabethan Portraiture and Pageantry (London, 1977)Google Scholar.

⁵ Elton, G. R., ‘Tudor Government: The Points of Contact. III. The Court’, T.R.Hist.S., 5th ser., 26 (1976), 211–28CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Cf. Rowse, A. L., The Elizabethan Renaissance: The Life of the Society (London, 1971), pp. 30–60Google Scholar.

⁶ This is an espousal of parsimony for, on my reckoning, 244 meanings of the word ‘culture’ have been defined by our anthropological cousins. See Kroeber, A. L. and Kluchohn, C., Culture: A Critical Review of Concepts and Definitions (Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology, Papers, V. 47, no. i, Cambridge, Mass., 1952)Google Scholar.

⁷ I am indebted to the National Trust for the loan of photographs of this tapestry. See below nn. 71 and 72.

⁸ For the role of navigation and military requirements in improving surveying and cartography, see Waters, D. W., The Art of Navigation in Elizabethan and Early Stuart Times (London, 1958)Google Scholar; Robinson, A. H. W., Marine Cartography in Britain: A History of the Sea Chart to 1855 (Leicester, 1962), pp. 15–46, 152–7Google Scholar. For the military background, see O'Neil, B. H. St. J., Castles and Cannon: A Study of Early Artillery Fortifications in England (Oxford, 1960)Google Scholar; Colvin, H. M., Ransome, D. R. and Summerson, J., The History of the Kings Works, III, 1483–1660 (Part I) (London, 1975)Google Scholar, esp. pt. iv, plates and appendix D, which suggests the type of work that was also undertaken on the English coasts by royal surveyors. In addition to the collections at the Public Record Office, much of the surviving work of these men is now in the following collections: B.L., MS. Cotton Augustus I, i and ii; some is amongst the Salisbury manuscripts at Hatfield (Skelton, R. A. and Summerson, J., A Description of Maps and Architectural Drawings in the Collection made by William Cecil First Baron Burghley now at Hatfield (The Roxburghe Club, Oxford, 1971))Google Scholar and in the additional photostats of Hatfield manuscripts in B.L., Map Library, 186. h. The one surviving general manuscript map of the British Isles from the fifteenth century is based on the Gough-type (B.L., MS. Harley 1808, fo. 9). An anonymous map of c. 1535 (B.L., MS. Cotton Augustus I. i. 9), although based on the medieval prototype, incorporates corrections in its outline (see Bagrow, L., History of Cartography, rev. Skelton, R. A. (London 1964), p. 163)Google Scholar. On the relationship between the ptolemaic and Gough models, see Shirley, R. W., Early Printed Maps of the British Isles 1477–1650: A Bibliography, pt I, 1477–1555 (The Map Collectors Circle, no. 90, London, 1973)Google Scholar; and B. L., Map Library, Kings Topog. V, 1–33.

⁹ For Saxton's life and work, see SirFordham, George, Christopher Saxton of Dunningley: His Life and Work (Leeds, 1928Google Scholar; reprinted from Thoresby Society Miscellanea, xxviii, 1928); An Atlas of England and Wales: the Maps of Christopher Saxton Engraved 1574–1579, ed. Lynam, E. (London, 1936Google Scholar; revised introduction, 1939); Saxton's Survey of England and Wales with a facsimile of Saxton's Wall-map of 1583, [ed.]Skelton, R. A., with Baxter, A. D. and Newman, S. T. M. (Imago Mundi, Supplement no. VI, Amsterdam, 1974)Google Scholar. I regret that I only gained access to this last work after this paper was delivered, but my conclusions do not differ substantially from those of Skelton. For Saxton's work as a local surveyor, see below, n. 15; for the county atlas and Saxton's continuing influence, see Rodger, Elizabeth M., The Large Scale County Maps of the British Isles 1596–1850: A Union List (2nd. edn., rev., Oxford, 1972)Google Scholar; Skelton, R. A., The County Atlases of the British Isles, 1579–1850: A Bibliography (London, 1970)Google Scholar, p.v. For the eventual super-session of the Saxon-type in the eighteenth century, see Harley, J. B. and Laxton, P., A Survey of the County Palatine of Chester [by] P. P. Burdett 1777. (The Historic Society of Lancashire and Cheshire, Occasional Series I, 1974), pp. 11–18Google Scholar and Rodger, , Large Scale County Maps, pp. vi–viiGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰ For the London map trade, see below, n. 66; Skelton, , County Atlases, pp. 231–240Google Scholar; and for discussion and examples of the various states of the plates and editions of the Atlas, see Skelton, County Atlases, and B.L., Grenville Library, 3604 and Maps c. 7, c. I.

¹¹ Rowse, A. L., The England of Elizabeth: The Structure of Society (London, 1962 edn.), pp. 46–65Google Scholar.

¹² In general see Thompson, F. M. L., Chartered Surveyors. The Growth of a Profession (London, 1968), pp. 1–18Google Scholar; in detail, the complaints of the incompetence of his fellow practitioners by the Suffolk surveyor, Ralph Agas, in two letters to Burghley (B.L., MS. Lansdowne 73, fos. 107–108vand MS. Lansdowne 84, fos. 69–70V), and the justification of the profession in N[orden], John, The Surveyors Dialogue (1607), pp. 1–37Google Scholar, a work dedicated to Cecil, and which expresses gratitude to Burghley, sig. A3V.

¹³ Dictionary of Land Surveyors and Local Cartographers of Great Britain and Ireland 1550–1850, ed. Eden, P. (3 parts, [London] 1975–76)Google Scholar; Eden, P., ‘Land Surveyors in Norfolk 1550–1850, pt. 1: The Estate Surveyors’, Norfolk Archaeology, xxxv, pt. iv (1973), 474–82Google Scholar. I am indebted to Dr. Eden for discussion of this topic.

¹⁴ For Saxton, see above, n. 9. For Norden, , Pollard, A. W. (‘The Unity of John Norden: Surveyor and Religious Writer’, The Library, n.s., vii, 3 (1926), 233–52)Google Scholar corrects the biography in DNB; see his revised bibliography in A Short- Title Catalogue of Books… 1475–1640, ed. Jackson, W. A., Ferguson, F. S. and Pantzer, Katherine F. (2nd edn., London, 1976)Google Scholar, II, I88b–190a For Symonson, see Gardiner, R. A., ‘Philip Symonsons ‘New Description of Kent’, 1596’ Geographical Journal, 135 (1969), 136–138Google Scholar.

¹⁵ Evans, I. M., ‘A Newly-Discovered Manuscript Estate Plan by Christopher Saxton, Relating to Faversham in Kent’, Geographical Journal, 138 (1974), pp. 480–6CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and references therein to earlier discoveries; Norden quoted in Ravenhill, W., ‘The Missing Maps from John Norden's Survey of Cornwall’, Exeter Essays in Geography, ed. Gregory, K. J. and Ravenhill, W. (Exeter, 1971), p. 103, n. 4Google Scholar. When his employment as a surveyor took him to Cornwall, Norden also seems to have shifted his chorographical interests to that county. For examples of Norden's work as a surveyor, see John Norden's Survey of Barley Hertfordshire 1593–1603, ed. Wilkerson, J. C. (Cambridge Antiquarian Records Society, 2, 1973)Google Scholar and Orford Ness: A Selection of Maps mainly by John Norden presented to James Alford Steers (Cambridge, 1966)Google Scholar, for his survey work on behalf of Sir Michael Stanhope in Suffolk.

¹⁶ A History of Technology, III, From the Renaissance to the Industrial Revolution c. 1500–1750, ed. Singer, C. et al. , (Oxford, 1957), pp. 533–43, 620–9Google Scholar; Taylor, E. G. R., The Mathematical Practitioners of Tudor and Stuart England (Cambridge, 1954), p. 28Google Scholar; Tudor Geography 1485—1583 (London, 1930), pp. 140–56Google Scholar; and ‘The Plane-Table in the Sixteenth Century’, The ScottishGeographical Magazine, 45 (1929), 205–11; Richeson, A. W., English Land Measuring to 1800: Instruments and Practices (Cambridge, Mass., 1966), pp. 9–13Google Scholar, 43–89.

¹⁷ Manley, G., ‘Saxton's Survey of Northern England’, Geographical Journal, 83 (1934), 308–16CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Dr. Thorpe suggests a similar use of vantage points in Saxton's survey of Warwickshire and Leicestershire(Harvey, P. D. A. and Thorpe, H., The Printed Maps of Warwickshire 1576–1900 (Warwick, 1959), p. 3)Google Scholar. Privy Council letters on Saxton's behalf required that he be ‘conducted unto any towne, castle, high place or hill to view that countrey’; (Acts of the Privy Council, [A.P.C.] 1575–77, P. 159); see also B.L., MS. Harley 6250, fo. 5V. For Owen's corrections, see the facsimile in The Account of the Official Progress of His Grace Henry the First Duke of Beaufort… through Wales in 1684, ed. Banks, R. W. (London, 1888), pp. 252–4Google Scholar, and the excellent discussion of this Welsh squire's cartographic interests in Charles, B. G., George Owen of Henllys: A Welsh Elizabethan (Aberystwyth, 1973), pp. 151–9Google Scholar. For Norden's comments on techniques for surveying counties, see the introduction to his England: An Intended Guydefor English Travailers (London, 1625)Google Scholar and his Preparative to his Speculum Britanniae (London, 1596), pp. 3–15Google Scholar.

¹⁸ See below, n. 26.

¹⁹ See above, n. 8; Colvin, , Kings Works, III, 374Google Scholar.

²⁰ Lynam, E., ‘English Map s and Mapmakers of the Sixteenth Century’, Geographical Journal, 116 (1950), 8CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Robinson, , Marine Cartography, pp. 19–20, 149, 154–6Google Scholar;B.L., MS. Cotton Augustus I. ii. 62. On his map of 1564, Lawrence Nowell thought it worthwhile to emphasise that it showed ‘The costes adioyning’, and his compilation of maps in the British Library includes one of the south coast and Isle of Wight (Crone, , Early Maps of the British Isles (Royal Geographical Society, 1961)Google Scholar, plate 17). B.L., MS. Cotton Domitian. A. XVIII, fos. 112V–113, 110v–112 consist of pen sketches of the southern coastal counties of Cornwall, Devon and Dorset. For other such, see photostats of maps at Hatfield in B.L., Map Library, 186, h. For the Spanish interest in this coast, see Loomie, A. J., ‘An Armada Pilot's Survey of the English Coastline, October 1587’, Mariners Mirror, 49 (1963), 288–300CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²¹ Lynam, , ‘English Maps and Map-Makers’ 24Google Scholar; Dunlop, R., ‘Sixteenth Century Maps of Ireland’, Eng.Hist.Rev., xx (1905), 309–37CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Andrews, J., Ireland in Maps… Catalogue of an Exhibition… (Dublin, 1961)Google Scholar; Andrews, J. H., ‘The Irish Surveys of Robert Lythe’, Imago Mundi, xix (1965), 22–31Google Scholar, and ‘Geography and Government in Elizabethan Ireland’, Irish Geographical Studies in Honour of E. Estyn Evans, ed. Stephens, N. and Glasscock, R. E. (Belfast, 1970), pp. 178–91Google Scholar; see also Irish Historical Studies, xiv(1965), 267–71Google Scholar; B.L., Map Library, 188, v. 2 (photostats of originals in the National Library of Ireland, mainly of maps and plans of fortifications drawn by Richard Barthlett during the campaign of Lord Mountjoy in Ulster in 1602); ‘Facsimiles of maps of the escheated counties and baronies in Ulster’ (Ordnance Survey Southampton 1860)Google Scholar; B.L., MS. Cotton Augustus I, ii, 30. In the P.R.O. there are composite copies of Irish maps prepared by Norden for Salisbury's use, with other maps and related information collected in Ireland for Salisbury (P.R.O., SP. 63/228/54–54E). There is much of Irish interest in Nowell's collection of maps. In addition to a composite chronicle of Ireland, there is a finely drawn pen map of the whole island (B.L., MS. Cotton Domitian XVIII, fo. 97). More detailed maps of southern and northern Ireland have the names of local leaders inscribed in red (fos. 100v–IOIV, 102V–103), as do similar maps of Scotland (fos. 98V–99, 104V–105, 106V–107); Calendar of Border Papers, II, 1595–1603, P. 529; P.R.O., MPF. 146 (from SP. 59/42 and SP. 12/287/88).

²² Gillow, J. ‘Lord Burghley's Map of Lancashire, 1590’ Catholic Record Society, Miscellanea IV (Catholic Record Society, 1907), pp. 162–222Google Scholar; P.R.O., SP. 12/235/45, 68 (MPF. 123), and a copy in Burghley's atlas B.L., MS. Royal 18. D. III, fos. 81V–82. 82.

²³ P.R.O., MPC 212. The catalogue ascribes this to 1576, the date of Saxton's base map, but in fact it is later. (P.R.O., DL. 42/119/fo. 378). The Duchy had purchased from Saxton a copy of his Atlas on its completion in 1579–80 ‘for the better instruction of the queen's officers in such causes as in that book were mentioned’ (Somerville, R., History of the Duchy of Lancaster, I, 1265–1603 (London, 1953), p. 330)Google Scholar.

²⁴ Smith, A. Hassell, County and Court: Government and Politics in Norfolk, 1558–1603 (Oxford, 1974), pp. 76–86, 102–8Google Scholar. Robert Beale, Walsingham's brother-in-law and clerk to the Privy Council, considered it incumbent upon a secretary to have books of maps and a note of the various divisions of the shires, and of nobility and gentry resident in them (Read, Conyers, Mr. Secretary Walsingham and the Policy of Queen Elizabeth (Oxford, 1925), I, 428)Google Scholar.

²⁵ B.L., MS. Harley 6250, fos. 4^V–5^V.

²⁶ B.L., MS. Royal 18. D. III. For a contemporary reference to maps in the Cecils' library, see HMC Salisbury, XXIV, p. 149. In addition to other maps, Burghley also possessed two other composite atlases. One, a small book in vellum covers, at one time folded for the pocket, is in the possession of the Marquess of Lansdowne; the other is owned by the Marquess of Exeter. The Lansdowne volume appears to contain maps of utility for both internal and external affairs and is of a somewhat earlier date than the other two compilations. The Exeter volume is based on the Ortelius, Theatrum Orbis Terrarum (1570)Google Scholar, and complements for external affairs the emphasis on the British Isles in MS. Royal 18. D. III, based on Saxton's maps. They are discussed more fully in Skelton and Summerson, Maps and Architectural Drawings in the Collection made by … Burghley. His annotated and corrected copy of Ortelius' map of Ireland is now in the National Library of Ireland, Dublin. Burghley was well known for his interest in maps and plans, and his correspondents tried to satisfy his appetite (see List and Analysis of State Papers Foreign Series, Elizabeth I, Vol. II, July 1590–May 1591, ed. Wernham, R. B. (London, 1969), pp. 270, 193)Google Scholar. Sir Francis Walsingham had similar tastes (e.g. Calendar of State Papers Foreign, 1589, p. 127); Walsingham's copy of Saxton's Atlas is now in the Library of Congress (see Catalogue of Rosenbach Co. (New York, 1938)Google Scholar; A List of Geographical Atlases in the Library of Congress, 6, comp. by Gear, Clara Egli Le (Washington, 1963) pp. 113–14Google Scholar; The Rosenwald Collection: A Catalogue of Illustrated Books and Manuscripts, (Washington, 1954) p. 134)Google Scholar.

²⁷ Norden's probably somewhat disingenuous complaints of poverty are to be found in a manuscript address in a presentation copy of his Speculi Britaniae Pars: The discription of Hertfordshire (London, 1590)Google Scholar, B.L., Grenville Library, 3685. For Nowell, see B.L., MS. Lansdowne 6. fo. 135; MS. Cotton Domitian A. XVIII; and photostats of Hatfield MSS. in B.L., Map Library; Flower, R. ‘Laurence Nowell and the Discovery of England in Tudor Times’, Proceedings of the British Academy, xxi (1935), 47–73Google Scholar; Ward, B. M., The Seventeenth Earl of Oxford 1550–1604 from Contemporary Documents (London 1928), p. 20Google Scholar. However, the assumption that this Laurence Nowell was Dean of Lichfield and brother of Alexander, Dean of St. Pauls, is apparently incorrect. See Warnicke, R. M., ‘Notes on a Court of Requests Case of 1571’, English Language Notes, xi (1974), 250–256Google Scholar.

²⁸ For Seckford's sponsorship of Saxton, see the dedication and arms on the map of 1583 and A.P.C., 1575–77, P. 94, in which Saxton is referred to as Seckford's servant; Fordham, , Christopher Saxton, p. 6Google Scholar; Harrison, William, The Description of England, ed. Edelen, G. (Ithaca, New York, 1968), pp. 219–20 and n. 47Google Scholar; Hurstfield, J., The Queens Wards (London, 1958), p. 224Google Scholar. In the 1560s Seckford was often employed by the Privy Council on interrogatory and investigatory commissions and was considered to be ‘in place of credytt and trust’ (A.P.C., 1558–70, p. 175 et passim).

²⁹ B.L., MS. Harley, 6252, fo. 3; Norden, Surveyors Dialogue, sig. A3^V; Norden, , Preparative, sig. A3; A.P.C., 1575–77, pp. 94, 159Google Scholar. Unfortunately, the reference in these letters to Saxton's appointment by royal letters missive cannot be verified as the signet office docket books do not survive before 1584 (P.R.O., S.O. 3/I); however, signet letters would constitute a formal form of appointment. His epitaph refers to letters of 28 July 1573 (Fordham, , Christopher Saxton, p. 5)Google Scholar. Norden was issued with letters in his favour to local officials (Norden, John, Speculum Britanniae. The First part: an historicall discription of Middlesex (London, 1593)Google Scholar, sig. [A]). Copies are to be found amongst the papers of the leading Essex gentleman and J.P., Sir Thomas Barrington (B.L., MS. Egerton 2644, fos. 45, 49).

³⁰ Norden, Speculum, Britanniae, sig. H2; Barnett, R. C., Place, Profit and Power: A Study of the Servants of William Cecil, Elizabethan Statesman (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1969), pp. 20, 142–3Google Scholar. As one might expect, clerks to the Privy Council displayed a distinct interest in cartography; for Robert Beale, see above, n. 24. At the Council's instruction another of its clerks, Anthony Ashley, translated Wagenaer's, LucasSpieghel der Zeevaert as The Mariners Mirrour (1588) (Waters, Art of Navigation, pp. 168–75)Google Scholar.

³¹ Cal.Pat.Rolls, Elizabeth I, 1572–5, pp. 373–4 (no. 2130), p. 475 (no. 2913B). Norden was appointed a surveyor of Crown woods and of the Duchy of Cornwall (A.P.C., 1613–10, pp. 608–11; Calendar of State Papers Domestic, 1603–10, pp. 509, 518, 544, 553, 566; HMCSalisbury, XXIV, p. 46; B.L., MS. Harley 3749, MS. Add. 6027; Norden, John, Speculi Britanniae Pars An Historical and Chorographical Description of the County of Essex, 1594, ed. SirEllis, Henry (Camden Society, Old Series, IX, 1840), pp. xxv–xliiiGoogle Scholar.

³² Fordham, , Christopher Saxton, pp. 6, 22–3Google Scholar.

³³ Harrison, , Description of England, pp. 214–15, 404, n. 9, 422Google Scholar.

³⁴ B.L., MS. Harley 6252, fos. 3V–4.

³⁵ Ibid., fos. 4–4.V.

³⁶ The abridgment of Camden's Britannia With the Maps of the Severall Shires of England and Wales (London, 1626)Google Scholar, sigs. a–[b]. The copy of Saxton's Atlas, now in B.L., Map Library, Maps. C. 7, c. 1, contains a note by Howard Nixon on its provenance and binding history.

³⁷ van Schlosser, J., Die Kunst– Und Wunderkammem Der Spdtrenaissance: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte desSammelwesens (Monographien des Kunstgewerbes, XI [Neue] Folge, Leipzig, 1908)Google Scholar. Perhaps the best surviving collection is that in the Nationalsmuseet, Copen-hagen.

³⁸ England as seen by Foreigners in the Days of Elizabeth and James the First, ed. Rye, W. B. (London, 1865), pp. 160–6Google Scholar; Colvin, , Kings Works, III, 347Google Scholar; Skelton, R. A., ‘The Royal Map Collections,’ British Museum Quarterly, xxvi (1962), 1–6CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁴⁰ See above, nn. 29, 17.

⁴¹ Skelton, R. A., ‘Early Maps and the Printer’, Printing Review, 57 (1951–2), 39–40Google Scholar; Grenacher, F., ‘The Woodcut Map: A form-cutter of Maps wanders through Europe in the first quarter of the sixteenth century’, Imago Mundi, xxiv (1970), 31–41Google Scholar; E. Lynam, Ornament, Writing and Symbols on Maps, 1250–1800 (reprinted from the Geographical Magazine, n.d.); Norden, , Preparative, pp. 2, 13Google Scholar; B.L., MS. Harley 6250, fo. 5V.

⁴² Amongst other writings see Arnheim, R., Visual Thinking (London, 1970)Google Scholar; Argan, G. C, ‘Ideology and Iconology’, Critical Inquiry, ii (1975), 297–305CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Watson, J. W., ‘Perception and Place’, Geographical Journal, 141 (1975), 271–4CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Kirk, W., ‘Historical Geography and the Concept of the Behavioural Environment’, Indian Geographical Journal, 26 (1951), 159–60Google Scholar.

⁴³ Camden regretted the lack of maps in the first edition of Britannia. In 1589 he wrote to Ortelius asking him to recommend an engraver. Those in the 1607 edition are based on Saxton-Norden-Smith (1586 edn., sig. [As^v]; 1637 edn., sig. [i5^v]; Camden, William, Epistolae [London, 1691], pp. 72–3)Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ Reproduction of Early English Engraved Maps It: English County Maps in the Collection of the Royal Geographical Society, ed. Heawood, E. (R.G.S., London, 1932), pp. 6–7Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ For these interests, see below, pp. 146–9.

⁴⁶ E.g., B.L., Grenville Library, 3604.

⁴⁷ D'Ewes, Simonds. A Compleat Journal of the… Debates … Throughout the Whole Reign of Queen Elizabeth (London, 1708), p. 169bGoogle Scholar. The remark is made in the context of a speech on the rights of county representation.

⁴⁸ But see Baker, J. N. L., ‘Academic Geography in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries’, Scottish Geographical Magazine, 51 (1935)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, reprinted in his The History of Geography (Oxford, 1963), pp. 14–22; The Diary of Thomas Crosfield, M.A., B.D., Fellow of Queen's College Oxford, ed. Boas, F. S. (London, 1935), pp. 10, 23Google Scholar;A Register of the Members of St. Mary Magdalen College, Oxford, II, 20, 40; Cooper, C. H., Annals of Cambridge (1850) II, 224Google Scholar; Two Puritan Diaries, ed. Knappen, M. M. (Chicago, 1933), p. 113Google Scholar; Fisher, R. M., ‘William Crashawe and the Middle Temple Globes 1605–15’, GeographicalJoumal, 140 (1974), 105–12CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Wallis, Helen ‘The Use of Terrestial and Celestial Globes in England’, Actes du XI' Congrès International d' Histoire des Sciences (Warsaw, 1968), pp. 206–07Google Scholar; and what can be gleaned from Gunther, R. T., Early Science in Oxford, (Oxford Historical Society, LXXVII, 1923), I, 324–85Google Scholar and Watson, F., The Beginnings of the Teaching of Modem Subjects in England (London, 1909), pp. 89–117, 146Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ RuthKelso, , The Doctrine of the English Gentleman in the Sixteenth Century (1929;repr., Gloucester, Mass., 1964), pp. 138–9Google Scholar, 142–6; , V.G.D., Holy Meditations Upon Seaven Penitentiall Psalmes (London, 1611)Google Scholar, sig. A4.

⁵⁰ Burton, Robert, The Anatomy of Melancholy (1621, Everyman edn.), II, 89Google Scholar.

⁵¹ Ibid., I, 18. In addition to compiling the Description of Leicestershire (1622), William Burton was responsible for corrections to Saxton's map of Leicestershire incorporated in the map of that county by William Smith c. 1602–3 (Skelton, County Atlases, pp. 19–20).

⁵² Blundeville, Thomas, A Briefe Description of Universal Mappes and Cardes (London, 1589)Google Scholar, sig. [A2V]. For his Norfolk background see Campling, A., ‘Thomas Blundeville, of Newton Flotman’, Norfolk Archaeology, xxi (1923), 336–60Google Scholar; and for his studies, Taylor, , Mathematical Practitioners, p. 173Google Scholar.

⁵³ Bacon, Francis ‘Of the Greatness of Kingdoms and Estates’, Works, ed. Spedding, J., Ellis, R. L. and Heath, D. D. (London, 1878), VI, 445Google Scholar. The two are neatly conjoined in a muster roll for 1591 to which have been pasted miniature county maps (B.L., MS. Cotton Otho E. XI, fos. 245V–298. I am indebted to Dr. Peter Roberts for this reference). Internal evidence suggests that the maps cannot be earlier than 1617. For an earlier and coloured version of the same maps, see B.L., MS. Harley 3813; Dr. Helen Wallis' introduction to the facsimile Atlas of the British Isles by Pieler Van Den Keere c. 1605 (Lympne Castle, Kent, 1972)Google Scholar; and Skelton, , County Atlases, pp. 22–5, 50–51, 57–61, 62Google Scholar.

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⁵⁹ Dee, John in his preface to The Elements of Geometric of… Euclide… translated… by Billingsley, H. (London, 1570)Google Scholar, sig. a.iiij. The Bacon portrait was exhibited at the Tate Gallery in 1972. There is a rather indistinct reproduction in Millar, O., The Age of Charles I (London, 1972), p. 31Google Scholar. For Bacon, see Denvir, B., ‘Sir Nathaniel Bacon: Some Notes on a significant artist’, The Connoiseur, exxxvii (1956), 116–19Google Scholar.

⁶⁰ Saxton, Christopher, Britannia insularum in oceano maxima … (London, 1583)Google Scholar. The Hare volume is now B.L., Map Library, C.y.d.y., reproduced in Imago Mundi, Supplement no. VI (1974): it is probably a seventeenth-century impression. Saxton's epitaph is quoted in Batho, G. R., ‘Two Newly-Discovered Manuscript Maps by Christopher Saxton’, Geographical Journal, 125 (1959), 70CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Skelton, , County Atlases, p. 8Google Scholar.

⁶¹ Skelton, , County Atlases, pp. 8Google Scholar, 237; see above, n. 9.

⁶² The Abridgment of Camden's Britannia with the Maps of the Severall Shires of England and Wales (London, 1626)Google Scholar, sigs. [t>4v], G.

⁶³ Hopton, Aurther, Speculum Topographicum: Or the Topographicall Glasse (London, 1611)Google Scholar; Taylor, , Mathematical Practitioners, p. 200Google Scholar. The engraved title-page by William Hole for Drayton, Michael, Poly-Olbion (1612)Google Scholar, has Great Britain draped in a robe th decorated with the symbols employed on contemporary maps (Michael Drayton Tercentenary Edition, ed. Hebel, J. W. (Oxford, 1961) facing p. ii)Google Scholar. Hollar employs a similar symbolic map-motif for Pan in Manilius, M., The Sphere (London, 1673)Google Scholar.

⁶⁴ A Direction for the English Traviller (London, 1635)Google Scholar (B.L., 291. a. 46). There are some minor differences between this and the augmented edition of the following year Arts (B.L., Map Library, c.7.a.29). However, both use the thumb-nail sketches of the Mat counties originally seen on playing cards forty years earlier; see below, n. 65, and Box, E. G., ‘Two Sixteenth Century Maps of Kent with Further Notes on Early Road Books’, Archaeologia Cantiana, xlv (1934), 49Google Scholar.

⁶⁵ British Museum, Print Room, 1938–7–9–57 (1–60) set of 1595. The incomplete in set owned by the Royal Geographical Society is reproduced in Heawood, Reproductions of Early Engraved Maps, sheet 21. They are discussed in Skelton, , County Atlases, pp. 16–17Google Scholar and Hind, A. M., Engraving in England in the Sixteenth and Seventeeth Centuries, I, Tudor (Cambridge, 1952), pp. 182–6Google Scholar. The Jacobean set is B.M., Print Room, 1878–6–8 (15–73) E. 179/4 Willshire Case. It was unknown to previous writers, but is described in Mann, Sylvia and Kingsley, D., ‘Playing Cards’, Map Collectors Circle, ix, no. 87 (1972)Google Scholar.

⁶⁶ Wiltshire, W. H., A Descriptive Catalogue of Playing and Other Cards in the British Museum (London, 1876, 1877), pp. 306–7Google Scholar; Mann and Kingsley, ‘Playing Cards’, passim; Hind, , Engraving, I, 73–4, 82Google Scholar; Rostenberg, Leona, English Publishers in the Graphic Arts 1509–1700: A Study of the Printsellers & Publishers of Engravings, Art & Architectural Manuals, Maps & Copy Books (New York, 1963), pp. 1–24Google Scholar.

⁶⁷ For mainly later sets of instructive, historical and fanciful cards, see O'Donoghue, F. M., Catalogue of the Collection of Playing Cards Bequeathed to the Trustees of the British Museum by the late Lady Charlotte Schreiber (London, 1901), pp. 160–6Google Scholar. However, in the early seventeenth century Peacham was familiar with national maps on cards I intended for both play and instruction (Peacham, Henry, The Complete Gentleman, ed. Heltzel, V. B. (1622, Ithaca, N.Y., 1962), p. 77)Google Scholar; Yates, Frances A., The Art of Memory (London, 1966)Google Scholar; the purpose of the Jacobean set is stated on the introductory cards.

⁶⁸ Strong, R., The English Icon; Elizabethan & Jacobean Portraiture (London, 1969), in p. 23Google Scholar and frontispiece; Portraits of Queen Elizabeth (Oxford, 1963), pp. 75–8Google ScholarPubMed. The pattern survives in at least six copies.

⁶⁹ Strong, , English Icon, pp. 23Google Scholar, 350–1, and Splendour at Court, p. no 110; Chambers, E. K., Sir Henry Lee: An Elizabethan Portrait (Oxford, 1936), pp. 276–97Google Scholar.

⁷⁰ I hope to be able to set out the details of the connection elsewhere.

⁷¹ Barnard, E. A. B. & Wace, A. J. B., ‘The Sheldon Tapestry Weavers and their Work’, Archaeologia, lxxviii (1928), 255–314CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Humphreys, J., Elizabethan Sheldon Tapestries (Oxford, 1929Google Scholar; reprinted, with additions, from Archaeologia, lxxiv (1923–24), 1 181–202); Thompson, W. G., Tapestry Weaving in England from the Earliest Times to the End of the XVIIIth Century (London, 1914), pp. 46–64Google Scholar;A History of Tapestry from the Earliest Times to the Present Day (revised edn., 1970), pp. 264–70.

⁷² Victoria and Albert Museum Portfolios. Tapestries: Part III. Tapestry Maps. English; 16th and 17th centuries (London, 1915)Google Scholar. See above, n. 71; Sotheby's Catalogue of English and Continental Glass … (8th April, 1960), pp. 24–7 and plates, lots 112–116; Victoria and Albert Museum, Bodleian Loan, 1–2, T. 61, 618–1954, T. 261–1960; National Trust, Blickling Hall, see above, n. 7. In addition there is a tapestry map of Nottinghamshire, independently executed in 1632 by Eyre, Mary of Rampton, (Gobel, H., Wandtepiche, III, Die Germanischen und Slawischen Lander (Berlin, 1934), II, 159Google Scholar; Clayton, Muriel, ‘A Tapestry Map of Nottinghamshire’ Trans. Thornton Society, xxxviii (1935), 65–80Google Scholar.

⁷³ Digby, G. W., ‘Some Important English Tapestries Exhibited at Birmingham in 1951’, The Connoisseur, cxxix (1952), 11Google Scholar.