¹ For a selection of views, see Leonard, E. M., The Early History of English Poor Relief (Cambridge, 1900), pp. 158–64, 181–3Google Scholar; Barnes, T. G., Somerset 1625–40 (London, 1961)Google Scholar, ch. vii; Fletcher, A., A County Community in Peace and War: Sussex 1600–1660 (London, 1975), pp. 224–5Google Scholar; Walter, J. and Wrightson, K., ‘Dearth and the Social Order in Early Modern England’, Past & Present, no. 71 (1976), 32Google Scholar; Thompson, E. P., ‘The Moral Economy of the English Crowd in the Eighteenth Century’, Past & Present, no. 50 (1971), 108–9.Google Scholar

² Orders and Directions together with a Commission for the better Administration of Iustice, and more perfect Information of His Maiestie How, and by whom the Lawes and Statutes tending to the reliefe of the Poore, the well ordering and training up of youth in Trades, and the reformation of Disorders and disordered persons, are executed throughout the Kingdome (London, 1630; Pollard, A. W. and Redgrave, G. R., A Short-Title Catalogue of Books printed in England … 1475–1640 (London, 1926)Google Scholar [hereafter STC], 9252); Rymer, T. et al. , Foedera, xix (London, 1732). pp. 231–5.Google Scholar

³ STC, 9253; Foedera, xix, pp. 195–8.Google Scholar

⁴ STC, 9342; Foedera, xix, pp. 160–1.Google Scholar

⁵ Certaine Statutes (London, 1630)Google Scholar, sigs. P₄–Q₄; Foedera, xix, pp. 116–18, 177–84, 228Google Scholar; Leonard, E. M., ‘The Inclosure of Common Fields in the Seventeenth Century’, T. R. Hist.S., n.s., xix (1905), 128–9Google Scholar; Abriefe note of … the observation of Fishdaies (London, 1630Google Scholar; STC, 9978). Cf. the new orders for proceedings in the Council itself The Ancient State Authoritie, and Proceedings of the Court of Requests, by Sir Julius Caesar, ed. Hill, L. M. (Cambridge, 1975), pp. xx, 249–52).Google Scholar

⁶ For example, In this boke are conteyned these statutes (London, 1538Google Scholar; STC, 9338); Elton, G. R., Policy and Police (Cambridge, 1972), pp. 253–4.Google Scholar

⁷ Orders dewised for the reliefe of the present dearth of Graine (London, 1586Google Scholar; STC, 9194); Heinze, R. W., The Proclamations of the Tudor Kings (Cambridge, 1976), pp. 99–101, 228Google Scholar; Gras, N. S. B., The Evolution of the English Corn Market (Cambridge, Mass., 1915), pp. 234–40, 448–9.CrossRefGoogle ScholarCf. Outhwaite, R. B., ‘Food Crises in Early Modern England: Patterns of Public Response’ (Paper to Seventh International Economic History Congress, Edinburgh, 1978).Google Scholar

⁸ STC, 9201, 9202, 9217, 9218. The most substantial alteration in this series was the introduction of a set of articles on alehouses in 1594 (STC, 9201, pp. 20–2)Google Scholar and their omission in 1608 (STC, 9217), presumably because of the separate publication of Articles of Direction touching Alehouses (London, 1608, 1609; STC, 9214–6).Google Scholar

⁹ For examples, see ‘Supplementary Stiffkey Papers 1578–1620’, ed. Brooks, F. W., Camden Miscellany XVI (Camden, Third Ser., lii, 1936), pp. 5–6Google Scholar; Clark, P., English Provincial Society from the Reformation to the Revolution (Hassocks, 1977), pp. 232–3Google Scholar; Leveson-Gower, G., ‘Note Book of a Surrey Justice’, Surrey Arch. Collections, ix (1885–1888), 178Google Scholar; Essex Record Office, D/B 3/3/423/10; Hants. Record Office, J. L. Jervoise, Herriard Coll. 44M69/010, 012; British Library, Add. MS. 33511, fos. 299–300.

¹⁰ P.R.O., SP 12/45, p. 27. Cf. Articles to be enquired of … for the restreinyng of the infected … within the Citie of London (London, 1577Google Scholar; STC (revised edition, 1976), 16707.1); Acts of the Privy Council 1577–8 [hereinafter APC], pp. 387–8, 413, 435; 1578–80, p. 211.Google Scholar There had been printed orders specially for Westminster as early as 1564 (STC (revised edition), 16704.9).

¹¹ Orders, thought meek by her Maiestie, and her priuie Councell, to be executed throughout the Counties of this Realme, in such Townes, Villages, and other places, as are … infected with the plague (n.d.; STC, 9195): STC suggests 1588 for this edition, but it is more probably 1578. Later editions are STC, 9199, 9200,9209, 9244, 9245. The 1592 edition is printed in Present Remedies Against the Plague, intro. by W. P. Barrett (Shakespeare Assoc, Facsimile 7, London, 1933). I hope to consider the impact of these orders at greater length on another occasion.

¹² Mullett, C. F., The Bubonic Plague and England (Lexington, 1956), pp. 71–3, 380–3Google Scholar; Present Remedies, p. viiGoogle Scholar; Orders concerned and thought fit, as well by the Lord Maior … as by the Iustices of Peace in the Countie of Middlesex (London, 1608Google Scholar; STC, 16723); Foure Statutes specially selected and commanded by his Maiestie to be carefully put in execution by all Iustices (London, 1609Google Scholar; STC, 9341). The London orders printed in the latter (pp. 83–95) had been revised thoroughly since 1608.

¹³ Orders Appointed … for … the dearth (London, 1630), pp. 26–7Google Scholar; Heinze, , Proclamations of Tudor Kings, pp. 229–30.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Certaine Statutes (1630)Google Scholar, sigs. K_2–4V. Cf. B. L., Lansdowne MS. 74, fos. 75–6. The need for the separate isolation of the sick and the sound was more explicitly stated when the ‘Advice’ was printed again in 1636 (Certaine Necessary Directions (London, 1636Google Scholar; STC, 16769), sig. B_3V). A similar direct statement may have been contained in the College's first draft of 1630, for it was certainly shortened before publication (P.R.O., SP 16/533/17, fo. 48r).

¹⁵ Davies, M. G., The Enforcement of English Apprenticeship 1563–1642 (Cambridge, Mass., 1956), pp. 190, 198, 231–4Google Scholar; Cockburn, J. S., A History of English Assizes 1558–1714 (Cambridge, 1972), ch. 8.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁶ Tittler, R., Nicholas Bacon (London, 1976), p. 79Google Scholar; B.L., Add. MS. 12504, fo. 64. The draft conciliar commission of 1620 in the latter was the model for the commission of January 1631 (printed in Orders and Directions, pp. 1–33)Google Scholar, which simply added extra phrases and paragraphs to it. See notes 42 and 47 below. A smaller conciliar commission on the poor had been appointed in June 1630 (APC 1630–1, p. 4).Google Scholar

¹⁷ Hoskins, W. G., ‘Harvest Fluctuations and English Economic History, 1620–1759’, Agric. Hist. Rev., xvi (1968), 20Google Scholar; Shrewsbury, J. F. D., A History of Bubonic Plague in the British Isles (Cambridge, 1970), pp. 354–64Google Scholar; Supple, B. E., Commercial Crisis and Change in England 1600–42 (Cambridge, 1959), pp. 102–19Google Scholar; Walter, and Wrightson, , ‘Dearth and the Social Order’, 26, 36Google Scholar; Clark, P., ‘Popular Protest and Disturbance in Kent, 1558–1640’, Econ. Hist. Rev., Second Ser., xxix (1976), 370.Google Scholar

¹⁸ These conclusions cannot be documented fully here. They are suggested by evidence from the North-West in Appleby, A. B., Famine in Tudor and Stuart England (Liverpool, 1978), p. 155Google Scholar; by the aggregate burial figures collected by the Cambridge Group for the History of Population, displayed in Coleman, D. C., The Economy of England 1450–1750 (Oxford, 1977), p. 16Google Scholar; and by my own study of thirteen English towns, which shows that while more than eight of them suffered a serious mortality crisis in 1596–8, and again in 1603–5, only four did so in 1630–1.

¹⁹ Creighton, C., A History of Epidemics in Britain (Cambridge, 1891), i, pp. 340–7, 493–4Google Scholar; Hoskins, W. G., ‘Harvest Fluctuations and English Economic History, 1480–1619’, Agric. Hist. Rev., xii (1964), 38–9.Google Scholar The various orders of 1608–9 are cited in notes 8 and 12 above; and the campaign against new building in London is described in Barnes, T. G., ‘The Prerogative and Environmental Control of London Building in the Early Seventeenth Century: The Lost Opportunity’, California Law Review, lviii (1970), 1343–9.Google Scholar

²⁰ APC 1630–1, p. 72.Google Scholar The cumulative impact of different problems can be seen in the deliberations of the Council in the spring of 1630 (APC 1629–30, pp. 306–411).Google Scholar On Irish vagrants, see P.R.O., SP 16/141/75.

²¹ Wright, T., Queen Elizabeth and her Times (London, 1838), ii, pp. 17–21, 62–4, 66–9, 164–7Google Scholar; B.L., Lansdowne MS. 38, fo. 23.

²² P.R.O., SP 12/75/52; B.L., Lansdowne MS. 157, fo. 344. Adelmare was the father of Sir Julius Caesar, whose papers show that he also was concerned with the problems considered here (e.g. B.L., Add. MS. 12496, fos. 297–300; and Add. MS. 12504, fo. 64 (cited above, note 16)).

²³ P.R.O., SP 16/187/60. The document was signed by all the King's physicians, but it was written in French, in Mayerne's hand, and was clearly his work. A contemporary English translation in SP 16/533/17 has been used for quotation here. Cf. APC 1630–1, p. 274.Google ScholarMayerne, 's life is summarized in Dictionary of National Biography, xxxvii, pp. 150–2Google Scholar, but we must look to Lord Dacre of Glanton's forthcoming study for a full account of his long and fascinating career. I am greatly indebted to Lord Dacre for advice on this aspect of Mayerne's activities.

²⁴ APC 1629–30, pp. 306, 310, 312–14Google Scholar; London Corporation Record Office, Remem-brancia, vii, nos. 18, 19; Repertory 44, fo. 228r; Journal 35, fos. 169r, 180v, 187r.

²⁵ Royal College of Physicians, Annals III, fos. 97r, 98, 99r (I am grateful to the Registrar of the College for permission to cite its archives); Keynes, G., The Life of William Harvey (Oxford, 1966), pp. 189–91Google Scholar; Certaine Statutes, sigs. K_1r, K_4V.

²⁶ Royal College of Physicians, Annals III, fos. 108–109r; P.R.O., SP 16/25/97. Cf. APC 1630–1, p. 257.Google Scholar Italian boards of health are discussed in Cipolla, C. M., Public Health and the Medical Profession in the Renaissance (Cambridge, 1976), pp. 11–66Google Scholar; and others listed in Biraben, J.-N., Les Hommes et la Peste en France et dans les Pays Européens et Méditerranéens (Paris, 1975–1976), ii, pp. 138–43.Google Scholar

²⁷ There had been a small pesthouse in London since the 1590s, and others were added in the suburbs after 1630, all of them proving inadequate (Wilson, F. P., The Plague in Shakespeare's London (Oxford, 1927), pp. 74–80Google Scholar; Bell, W. G., The Great Plague in London in 1665 (London, 1951), pp. 38–9).Google Scholar In 1665 there may have been an echo of Mayerne's proposal in a committee of the Privy Council to deal with plague, but it achieved little (P.R.O., PC 2/58, pp. 135, 141–2; Bell, , Great Plague, p. 69).Google Scholar

²⁸ Solomon, H. M., Public Welfare, Science and Propaganda in Seventeenth Century France. The Innovations of Théophraste Renaudot (Princeton, 1972), ch. ii.Google Scholar

²⁹ Fosseyeux, M., L'Hôtel-Dieu au XVIIe et au XVIIIe Siècles (Paris, 1912), pp. 39–40, 216–33, 300–3Google Scholar; de l'Espinay, A. Miron, François Miron et l'Administration Municipale de Paris sous Henri IV, 1604–6 (Paris, 1885), pp. 172–4Google Scholar (I owe this reference to Mr. R. Briggs); Ranum, O., Paris in the Age of Absolutism (New York, 1968), pp. 51–82.Google Scholar

³⁰ APC 1629–30, pp. 356, 364Google Scholar; Royal College of Physicians, Annals III, fo. 99r; Hist. MSS. Com., Cowper, i, pp. 383, 410.Google Scholar

³¹ P.R.O., SP 16/175/3, 94; Colvin, H. M., Ransome, D. R. and Summerson, J., The History of the King's Works III 1485–1660 (Part I) (London, 1975), pp. 138–9, 142–4Google Scholar; Summerson, J., Inigo Jones (Harmondsworth, 1966), pp. 29, 86Google Scholar; Barnes, , ‘Prerogative and Environmental Control’, 1342–3, 1349.Google Scholar

³² Stuart Royal Proclamations, ed. Larkin, J. F. and Hughes, P. L., i (Oxford, 1973), pp. 111, 345Google Scholar; Foedera, xviii, p. 98, xix, p. 273Google Scholar; APC 1630–1, p. 311.Google Scholar

³³ London Corporation R.O., Remembrancia, vii, no. 19; Repertory 44, fo. 167V; Repertory 45, fos. 234v–235r; APC 1630–1, pp. 281–2, 296.Google Scholar

³⁴ Pearl, V., London and the Outbreak of the Puritan Revolution (Oxford, 1961), pp. 33, 80Google Scholar; APC 1629–30, p. 371Google Scholar, 1630–1, pp. 4, 274.Google Scholar

³⁵ APC 1629–30, pp. 343, 357, 371, 373Google Scholar; The Letters of John Chamberlain, ed. McClure, N. M. (Philadelphia, 1939), ii, pp. 97, 107Google Scholar; Letters from and to Sir Dudley Carleton (1616–1620), ed. Yorke, P. (London, 1775), p. 96Google Scholar; Commons Journals, i, p. 851.Google Scholar A mutual contact of Mayerne and Carleton was another Huguenot, Pierre du Moulin, whose son, Louis, was to be involved in discussion of plague policy in 1640 (Calendar of State Papers Domestic 1629–31, p. 314Google Scholar; Letters of Chamberlain, ed. McClure, , i, p. 591Google Scholar; Royal College of Physicians, Annals III, fo. 212r).

³⁶ P.R.O., SP 16/177/31; 16/186/62.

³⁷ APC 1630–1, pp. 111, 128Google Scholar; Cal. S.P. Dom. 1629–31, pp. 378, 391–2.Google ScholarCf. Pearce, B., ‘Elizabethan Food Policy and the Armed Forces’, Econ. H.R., xii (1942), 39–46.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Wimbledon may have been concerned with more than corn policy, but I have been unable to discover the details of his proposals.

³⁸ Cal. S.P. Dom. 1629–31, p. 406Google Scholar; APC 1630–1, pp. 172–3, 190–1Google Scholar; Essex Record Office, Q/SBa 1/46.

³⁹ Cal. S.P. Dom. 1629–31, pp. 234, 252, 384, 417–18Google Scholar; APC 1629–30, p. 373Google Scholar; B.L., Add. MS. 52798, fo. 9r.

⁴⁰ P.R.O., SP 16/203/48; 14/128/55, 65; 14/137/16; 16/184/61; 16/203/69, 98; Cal. S.P. Dom. 1629–31, p. 473.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Cal. S.P. Dom. 1629–31, pp. 403, 418, 419, 525Google Scholar; APC 1630–1, pp. 280–1Google Scholar; P.R.O., SP 16/186/74, 203/60, 210/61; Kent Archives Office, Sa/ZB2/83; A Royalist's Notebook, ed. Bamford, F. (London, 1936), p. 60.Google Scholar

⁴² All the additions made in 1631 to the draft commission of 1620 (note 16 above) either concerned employment and charities, or made the conciliar machinery more elaborate and more effective by providing for deputies and local commissions. The emphasis on charitable bequests and workhouses may well have been due to disputes over Kendrick's charity in Reading, William Laud's home-town (P.R.O., SP 16/213, fos. 7–8; Victoria County History, Berkshire, i (London, 1906), p. 392).Google Scholar

⁴³ The Montagu correspondence, now in Northants. Record Office, Montagu (Boughton) MSS., has been calendared in H.M.C., Buccleuch and Queensberry, i and iii (London, 1899, 1926).Google Scholar In what follows, I have cited the originals only where the published reports are inadequate, and I am grateful to the Duke of Buccleuch, K.T., for permission to do so. The importance of this correspondence for the 1631 Book of Orders was recognized by Davies, M. G., Enforcement of English Apprenticeship, p. 213Google Scholar, and by Cooper, J. P., ‘The Fall of the Stuart Monarchy’, in New Cambridge Modem History IV (Cambridge, 1970), p. 563.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴⁴ Nichols, J., The Progresses … of James the First (London, 1828), ii, p. 156Google Scholar; Certaine Statutes, sig. Q₄; H.M.C., Buccleuch, iii, p. 203Google Scholar; Exeter College, Oxford, MS. 47.A.6, p. 190; D.N.B., xxxviii, pp. 249–51.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Edward, , Earl of Clarendon, History of the Rebellion and Civil Wars, ed. Macray, W. D. (Oxford, 1888), i, p. 68.Google Scholar Later in the 1630s, Manchester's famed sobriety seems to have slipped: he was said to be drunk at every meal (Letters and Memorials of State, ed. Collins, A. (London, 1746), ii, p. 454).Google Scholar

⁴⁶ H.M.C., Buccleuch, i, p. 272Google Scholar; iii, pp. 354–6; H.M.C., Montagu of Beaulieu, p. 113Google Scholar; Northants. R.O., Montagu (Boughton) MSS., vol. 16, fo. 87; vol. 6, no. 58 (dorse). Cf. the Middlesex justices' reply to conciliar inquiries on price controls (P.R.O., SP 16/173/25) and the partial enforcement of the orders in Norfolk (Seventeenth-Century Economic Documents, ed. Thirsk, J. and Cooper, J. P. (Oxford, 1972), pp. 346–7).Google Scholar

⁴⁷ H.M.C., Buccleuch, i, p. 271Google Scholar (the date may be a few days earlier than 25 November, which is suggested in the calendar: see original, Montagu (Boughton) MSS., vol. 6, no. 58). This implies that Manchester was primarily responsible for the draft conciliar commission of 1620 cited above, note 16.

⁴⁸ H.M.C., Buccleuch, i, pp. 271–3Google Scholar; iii, pp. 146–7 (misdated in calendar: this is a draft of part of Orders and Directions), 355Google Scholar; Orders and Directions, sig. G_2r.

⁴⁹ H.M.C., Buccleuch, i, p. 273.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Reports of Cases in the Courts of Star Chamber and High Commission, ed. Gardiner, S. R. (Camden Soc., NS, xxxix, 1886), pp. 46–7Google Scholar; P.R.O., SP 16/174/45, 178/29; Oxford University Archives, Register of Congregation 1630–4, fos. 156r, 274V.

⁵¹ H.M.C., Buccleuch, iii, p. 352.Google Scholar

⁵² APC 1630–1, pp. 169–70.Google ScholarCf. Certaine Statutes, sig. L_1r.

⁵³ Foedera, xix, pp. 195–8Google Scholar; H.M.C., Buccleuch, i, p. 272Google Scholar; iii, pp. 355–6. Manchester's own religious position was much closer to that of his brother than to that of Laud (see Clarendon, , History, i, p. 69Google Scholar, and Manchester's tract on death, Manchester al Mondo. Contemplatio Mortis et Immortalitatis (London, 1902), pp. 16, 78, 87–8, 92).Google Scholar

⁵⁴ The Letters and the Life of Francis Bacon, ed. Spedding, J., vi (London, 1872), p. 306Google Scholar; Orders and Directions, pp. 10–11, 19Google Scholar; Orders Appointed … for … the dearth, p. 25Google Scholar; Certaine Statutes, sig. P3; Barnes, T. G., Somerset Assize Orders 1629–40 (Somerset Ree. Soc., lxv, 1959), pp. 57–8Google Scholar; P.R.O., SP 16/187/50; Hertford County Records. Session Rolls, ed. Hardy, W. J., i (Hertford, 1905), pp. 47–8Google Scholar; Northants. R.O., Montagu (Boughton) MSS., vol. 27, fo. 26/7–9. Cf. Walter and Wrightson, ‘Dearth and the Social Order’, 37, which argues for a greater divergence between centre and localities than that suggested here.

⁵⁵ Orders Formerly Conceived and Agreed to be published by the Lord Major (London, 1646)Google Scholar, sig. B_3V.

⁵⁶ Quarter Sessions Records of the County of Northampton, ed. Wake, J. (Northants. Rec. Soc, i, 1924), pp. 49–51Google Scholar; Thompson, , ‘Moral Economy’Google Scholar, passim; Walter, and Wrightson, , ‘Dearth and the Social Order’, passim.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Wright, , Queen Elizabeth and her Times, ii, p. 462Google Scholar; Royalist's Notebook, p. 61.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ ‘Love's Triumph through Callipolis’, performed 9 01 1631Google Scholar, was ‘the first of Charles's symbolic assertions of divine kingship’ (Orgel, S. and Strong, R., Inigo Jones. The Theatre of the Stuart Court (London, 1973), i, pp. 52–3, 405).Google ScholarCf. James, M., English Politics and the Concept of Honour 1485–1642 (Past & Present Supplement No. 3, 1978), pp. 72–6.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ P.R.O., SP 16/533/17, fo. 35r.

⁶⁰ Mousnier, R., The Assassination of Henry IV (London, 1973), p. 259Google Scholar; Mousnier, R., ‘L'Opposition politique bourgeoise à la fin du XVIe siècle et au début du XVIIe siècle’, Revue Historique, ccxiii (1955), 1–20.Google Scholar

⁶¹ de Mayerne-Turquet, Louis, La Monarchie Aristodemocratique (Paris, 1611), pp. 234, 209, 542Google Scholar; P.R.O., SP 16/533/17, fos. 34V, 37r, 42r. Cf. Adelmare on the need for a supreme magistrate in London (P.R.O., SP 12/75/52, fo. 102), and see Cipolla, , Public Health, pp. 37–8Google Scholar, for similar provisions in Florence in 1630.

⁶² In 1604, however, the plague orders were given belated statutory backing by 1 James I, c. 31.

⁶³ See the valuable discussion in Kent, Joan R., ‘Attitudes of Members of the House of Commons to the Regulation of “Personal Conduct” in Late Elizabethan and Early Stuart England’, Bull. Inst. Hist. Res., xlvi (1973), 41–71CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Barnes, , ‘Prerogative and Environmental Control’, 1355–61.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ H.M.C., Buccleuch, iii, p. 140.Google Scholar On this theme, see Hirst, D., ‘The Privy Council and Problems of Enforcement in the 1620s’, J. British Studies, xviii (1978), 46–66CrossRefGoogle Scholar, which appeared after this paper was substantially completed.

⁶⁵ Staffordshire Record Office, Sutherland Papers, D 593/S/4/14/16, 18/7 (1586), 36/1 (1595). I am grateful to the Rt. Hon. the Countess of Sutherland for permission to cite these papers, relating to Kent.

⁶⁶ Northants. R. O., Montagu (Boughton) MSS., vol. 27, fo. 26/2, 4,6, and H.M.C., Buccleuch, iii, p. 247.Google Scholar These orders are the same as those printed and dated in Hamilton, A. H. A., Quarter Sessions from Queen Elizabeth to Queen Anne (London, 1878), pp. 67–71.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Northants. R. O., Montagu (Boughton) MSS., vol. 10, no. 47; H.M.C., Buccleuch, i, p. 273.Google ScholarCf. Walter Yonge's doubts about the same commission (B.L., Add. MS. 35331, fos. 40–41r).

⁶⁸ To the rebuilding of St. Paul's, after considering London's hospitals and Kendrick's bequest to Reading (P.R.O., SP 16/213). There were some local commissions appointed under the authority of the conciliar commission in 1632, but they confined their investigations to charitable trusts (Leonard, , English Poor Relief, p. 157, n. 1).Google Scholar

⁶⁹ APC 1630–1, pp. 401–2Google Scholar; Barnes, , Somerset Assize Orders, pp. xxix–xxx, 64Google Scholar; P.R.O., SP 16/259/15; Clark, , English Provincial Society, p. 352.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ For examples, see Gardiner, , Reports of Cases in Star Chamber, pp. 45–6Google Scholar; A Decree Lately made in the High Court of Starre-Chamber (London, 1633)Google Scholar, sig. B_2r; Barnes, , Somerset Assize Orders, pp. 57–8Google Scholar; Barnes, , ‘Prerogative and Environmental Control’, 1358–9.Google Scholar

⁷¹ I count 94 reports from Herts., and only 22 from Northants., in the State Papers Domestic 1630–9.

⁷² Northants, R. O., Montagu (Boughton) MSS., vol. 1, fo. 60.Google Scholar

⁷³ Faction and Parliament. Essays in Early Stuart History, ed. Sharpe, K. (Oxford, 1978), pp. 37–42Google Scholar; Russell, C., ‘Parliamentary History in Perspective, 1604–29’, History, lxi (1976). 25–77Google Scholar

⁷⁴ The last version was Rules and Orders … for prevention of the spreading of the Infection of the Plague (London, 1666)Google Scholar, printed in Bell, , Great Plague, pp. 333–5.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ Seasonable Orders Offered from former Precedents, Whereby the Price of Corn … may be much abated (London, 1662)Google Scholar; Steele, R., A Bibliography of Royal Proclamations of the Tudor and Stuart Sovereigns (London, 1910), i, nos. 4131 (1693), 4472 (1709).Google Scholar