_{page 21 note 1} Cal. State Papers, Dom, . 1651–1652, p. 366Google Scholar.

_{page 22 note 1} Scotland and the Commonwealth, pp. 74–77.

_{page 22 note 2} Fisher also drew up ‘A perfect Registry of all the Colours taken from the Scots at Dunbar’ (MS. Harleian, 1,460). See Mackinnon's, Coldstream Guards, i. 25Google Scholar.

^{page 23 note 1} Walker, , Historical Discourses, p. 160Google Scholar; Balfour, , Annals, iv. 58, 70, cf, p. 81Google Scholar.

^{page 23 note 2} Cromwelliana, pp. 82, 83.

^{page 24 note 1} Carlyle, , Letters cxxv. and cxl. Cf. Memoirs of Captain Hodgson, ed. 1806, pp. 207, 256Google Scholar; Walker, , Historical Discourses, p. 181Google Scholar. Cadwell, the messenger, says: ‘Their army consisted of eighteen regiments of foot, which together with horse made, as themselves say, 27,000’ (Carte, i. 381), As 180 colours of foot are said to have been taken, it is quite possible that there were as many as eighteen regiments. A list of the regiments engaged is in the Harleian MSS. (printed in Mackinnon's, Coldstream Guards, i. 23Google Scholar). It enumerates fifteen regiments of foot and nineteen of horse.

^{page 24 note 2} Cromwelliana, p. 85; the names of the regiments are given in the State Papers and in the accounts of the campaign.

^{page 25 note 1} Carlyle, Letter cxl.

^{page 25 note 2} Mercurius Politicus, p. 227, September 12–19, 1650. Rushworth, in a letter dated September 3, says that he had personally superintended the shipping of 1,400 sick (Old Parliamentary History, xix. 341). Cromwell says that 500 sick and wounded were embarked at Musselburgh on August 30 (Carlyle, Letter cxl.).

^{page 25 note 3} Carlyle, Letter cxxxix.

^{page 25 note 4} On the rain see Hodgson's, Memoirs, ed. 1806, pp. 137, 211, 227, 234, 243. 263Google Scholar.

^{page 25 note 5} Terry, , Life of Alexander Leslie, Earl of Leven, p. 466Google Scholar.

^{page 26 note 1} Cromwelliana, p. 85.

^{page 26 note 2} See Memoirs of Captain Hodgson, pp. 225, 227, 244, 263, 266, and Carlyle, Letter cxl. Colonel Baldock, who calls attention to the importance of this factor in the history of the campaign, says that Cromwell did not pay sufficient attention to his communications. ‘In this case he trusted to his ships to form fresh bases as he advanced close at hand. But his armies depended principally, not only for supplies but also for transport, on the country through which they passed. By Leslie's precautions Scotland afforded him neither. Consequently, directly he attempted to move away from the coast, he was brought back again, not so much from want of bread, which the ships could probably have supplied in large quantities, but for lack of means of carrying it. Every endeavour should therefore have been made to keep the land communications open, if only to get up a sufficiency of land transport. There seems to have been no lack of forage for the transport animals, as there was much unripe and uncut corn in the fields. There was therefore no difficulty on that score. Without sufficient land transport the English army was sadly hampered’. (Baldock, , Cromwell as a Soldier, p. 454Google Scholar; cf. pp. 431, 435, 437, 438.) Most English armies during this period seem to have been equally defective in their transport and commissariat arrangements.

^{page 26 note 3} Carlyle, Letter cxl.; Hodgson, p. 267, ed. 1806.

^{page 27 note 1} ‘Saturday the 30th of August,’ says Cromwell by mistake, Saturday being the 31st.

^{page 27 note 2} Carlyle, Letter cxl. Compare the letter in Mercurius Politicus, September 12–19, p. 227. ‘The enemy (unknowne to us) attended upon our right wing, and in the evening drew up a strong party upon our rear-guard, and might probably have spoyled them, if not providentially prevented by the overshaddowing clouds, which so eclipsed the moone as thereby a period was put to the enemie's motion untill the sky was cleared, and then they fell into our quarters with a resolute party, and were as resolutely received by Coll. Fairfax his regiment, which(after an houre's dispute)put the repulse upon them.’ See also Hodgson, p. 277, where it is said that the attack was made by ‘a party of mounted musketeers,’ and Cadwell's account in Carte's, Original Letters, i. 381Google Scholar.

^{page 27 note 3} Carlyle, Letter cxl.

‘Finding the Scottish army so close and advantageously drawn up at the west end of the towne, wee drew forth eastward in a fair and equal field for both armies to have engaged in,’ says the letter of ‘an honourable commander’ printed in Mercurius Politicus, p. 227. ‘The next morning was the Sabbath, and our officers were consulting on which side of the town to fight them; and drawing several regiments to the west side of the town, we were presently ordered to retreat and to leave the town of Haddington betwixt us. We staid until about ten o'clock, had been at prayer in several regiments, sent away our waggons and carriages towards Dunbar, and not long afterwards marched, a poor, shattered, hungry, discouraged army; and the Scots pursued very close, that our rearguard had much ado to secure our poor weak foot that was not able to march up. We drew near Dunbar towards night and the Scots ready to fall upon our rear: two guns played upon them, and so they drew off and left us that night, having got us into a pound asthey reckoned’. (Hodgson, p. 143).

^{page 208 note 1} Carlyle, Letter cxl.

‘The enemy marched about two miles distant in the rear,’ says A True Relation of the Routing of the Scottish Army. ‘The enemy pressing close to the rear of ours, within a mile and sometimes within half a mile of ours,’ says Cadwell, the messenger (Carte, , Original Letters, i. 381Google Scholar). ‘They pursued us close within a mile and a halfe, and upon a passe, endeavoured to have (as wee supposed) fallen upon our rear; which wee observing (not having received orders what ground to draw upon) were in some disorder; but finding the enemy in good earnest, wee faced about to have fought them. Whereupon they drew off to the hills.’ (Mercurius Politicus, 227).

^{page 28 note 2} ‘The enemy flanckt us upon the hills on the right hand, where they lay all night within a mile of our army’ (A True Relation, Hodgson, , p. 276Google Scholar). ‘The enemy, following them close, drew up their whole army on a high hill within a mile of the town’ (Cadwell, Carte, i. 381).

^{page 29 note 1} Carte, i. 381.

^{page 29 note 2} The banks of earth surrounding and intersecting the English camp are not entrenchments, but probably represent the ‘baulks’ or ‘dykes’ marking the limits of the town fields.

^{page 29 note 3} Two farmhouses are marked in the plan. They possibly represent Chester-hall and Easter Broomhouse. But on the whole Lochend seems more likely to be the site of the farmhouse in the fields.

^{page 29 note 4} A True Relation, Hodgson, , p. 276Google Scholar.

^{page 29 note 5} Carte, , Original Letters, i. p.381Google Scholar.

^{page 30 note 1} Pease Bridge rather than Cockburnspath was probably the actual site of the ‘pass’ referred to. Leslie's detachment could hardly have occupied it much before Monday morning. Cromwell received the news on Monday, as his letter to Sir Arthur Haselrig shows, which must have been written immediately it came to him. ‘The enemy,’ he says, ‘hath blocked up our way at the pass at Copperspath, through which we cannot get without almost a miracle.’ ‘I perceive your forces are not in a capacity for present release.… If your forces had been in readiness to have fallen upon the back of Copperspath it might have occasioned supplies to have come to us’ (Carlyle, Letter cxxxix.). A detailed description of this pass at Cockburnspath is given in Bissett's, Commonwealth of England, 1864, i 331Google Scholar.

^{page 34 note 2} ‘Before sunrising the enemy drew down part of their army to the foot of the hill towards our army’ (Cadwell, Carte, i. 381).

^{page 34 note 3} There is considerable evidence in support of the view that Leslie was obliged to fight against his better judgment by the Committee of Estates and the clergy. ‘I hear,’ writes Cromwell, ‘when the enemy marched last up to us the ministers pressed their army to interpose between us and home, the chief officers desiring rather that we might have way made, though it were by a golden bridge. But the clergy's counsel prevailed.’ (Carlyle, Letter cxlii.) Major White's account, given to the House of Commons on September 10, says: ‘The General and Lieutenant-General of the Scots were of opinion to have let our army retreat till they came to their last pass, and so to fall upon their rear, but the ministers did so importune them that they could not rest quiet till they had engaged’ (Commons' Journal, vi. 464Google Scholar). See also Mercuritis Politicus, September 5–12, 1650, p. 223. Not only in the English camp but amongst the Scots the same theory was accepted. Burnet attributes Leslie's movement to Warriston and the Committee (Own Time, ed. Airy, , i. 95, 96Google Scholar). Baillie, referring to the subsequent inquiry into the causes of tha defeat, says: ‘After all tryals, finding no maladministration on him to count of, but the removall of the armie from the hill the night before the rowt, which yet was a consequence of the Committee's order, contrare to his mind, to stop the enemie's retreat, and for that end to storm Broxmouth House so soon as possible; on these considerations, the State, unanimously, did with all earnestness intreat him to keep still his charge’ (Letters, iii. III). Leslie and Major-General Holburne were both exonerated by the Scottish Parliament on December 23, 1650 (Balfour, , Annals, v. 214Google Scholar). On the other hand, Lord Orrery, in his Art of War, observes, with evident reference to Dunbar: ‘Within my own memory I have known that a general greedy of honour and impatient of delay, when, by the wise conduct of those under him, or the ill conduct of those against him, his enemies’ army was so cooped up that it could not long subsist, nor force its way; he drew his army off of the passes which shut up his adversary, that he might come out and decide it by a battel; which he lost, and deservedly’ (p. 149).

According to the Memoirs of James Burns, published by Maidment (Edinburgh, 1832, p. 16), the Scottish army at Dunbar was ‘ordered to be disposed of by 8 persons, as bothe the Leslies (that is the Earl of Leven and General David Leslie), Colonell Lumsdain, that was Sir James Lumsdain of Innergelly, Colonell Holburne, Colonell Robert Montgomery, Sir John Browne, Colonell Strachan, and Colonell Ker.’

^{page 31 note 1} ‘About 4 in the afternoon the enemy drew down their train to that part of the body of horse and foot that was drawn down to the foot of the hill before; the enemy's horse being on both wings of their own foot feeding’ (Cadwell, Carte, i. 381).

^{page 31 note 2} To Leslie's right—that is, towards the eastern end of Doon Hill, where it is easy of descent and the slopes are gentler.

^{page 31 note 3} Towards Cat Crag.

^{page 32 note 1} Somewhere near East Barns.

^{page 32 note 2} ‘There was between the two armies a great dike about 40 or 50 foot wide, and as deep as broad, with a little rundle of water running in the middle of it, but very good grass growing on each side of the dike; so that either army's marching over first was a great disadvantage to them’ (Cadwell). ‘A great clough was betwixt the armies’ (Hodgson, p. 144). Cromwell does not mention this ravine, which in parts of its upper course is nearer 100 than 50 feet broad.

^{page 32 note 1} Exactly when Broxmouth House was occupied does not appear. Cromwell watched the movement of the Scots from it on Monday afternoon. The house belonged to the Duke of Roxburgh, and Hodgson calls it Roxburgh House. On the damage caused by this occupation see Douglas, W. S., Cromwell's Scotch Campaigns, p. 165Google Scholar. It was probably garrisoned by Pride's regiment, which supplied the detachment for its outpost.

^{page 33 note 1} This house and its capture are described in the following terms: ‘On the side of the bank was a poor house which stood in a shelving pass; Lieut.-Gen. Fleetwood and Col. Pride sent 24 foot and 6 horse to secure that pass, that the enemy should not come over. The enemy about four of the clock drew down about two troops of lanciers unto this pass to beat off the said party; the six horse gave way; they killed 3 of the foot and took 3, and wounded and drove away the rest, and so they gained the pass, but nevertheless kept it not.’ (Cadwell). The Brief Relation gives a similar account, but says the capture took place ‘about five of the clock that Monday morning’ (Terry, p. 476). ‘The enemy… the day before having taken about 30 of Col. Pride's men, who being to possess a house between the enemy and theirs, and not seconded by those appointed to bring them off, the enemy killed 3 of them and wounded all the rest after quarter given’ (True Relation). ‘They having the evening before taken 40 of Colonel Pride's men that went to possess a house, they cut and mangled them in a most barbarous manner after they had given them quarter’ (Rushworth, , Old Parliamentary History, xix. 342Google Scholar). Carlyle assumes that this poor house was on the Dunbar side of the Brock burn, and Mr. Douglas thinks it stood where Brand's Mill now stands. But it was evidently, from the words of the True Relation, between the positions of the two armies, and therefore on the Berwick side. I take it to have been somewhere on the line of the present road, near where the south lodge of Broxmouth House now is. The small house marked in the picture-plan would stand thereabouts, and it is inserted in the plan presumably because it was in some way connected with the fighting.

^{page 34 note 1} Carlyle, Letter cxl. Cadwell says: ‘On the same day about four of the clock in the afternoon our general with the officers went and supped at Dunbar for refreshment, and presently after, before five of the clock, they took horse and went into the fields, and then called a council of war: what the result was he knows not’ (Carte, i. 381).

^{page 34 note 2} Hodgson says the council was held about nine o'clock at night. Being at that time only a lieutenant, he was certainly not present, and could only know from hearsay what took place. He attributes rather too much to his colonel, ‘honest Lambert,’ but Lambert no doubt took a prominent part in the debates. He knew what Cromwell's plan was, and as Cromwell was presiding, would naturally act as his spokesman. Monk, who was also in Cromwell's confidence, and Lieut.-General Fleetwood, the other general officers present, were neither of them speakers.

It should be remembered that Hodgson's Memoirs were written about thirty years later, but considering that fact, they are wonderfully accurate.

^{page 34 note 3} Leslie perhaps thought that Cromwell had shipped some of his guns. ‘How will you fight,’ he asked a prisoner taken on September 2, ‘when you have shipped half your men and all your great guns? ‘Sir,’answered the prisoner, ‘if you please to draw your army to the foot of the hill you shall find both men and great guns also’ (Carte, i. 382). DrGardiner, interprets the dialogue as showing Leslie's belief that Cromwell had shipped his guns (Commonwealth and Protectorate, i. 322Google Scholar). MrDouglas, W. S. argues that it was merely Leslie's way of inquiring for information on the subject (Cromwell's Scotch Campaigns, p. 107Google Scholar).

^{page 35 note 1} ‘They had a great mountain [Doon Hill] behind them which was prejudicial as God ordered it,’ says Hodgson a few lines before.

^{page 35 note 2} The exact limits of the position occupied by the foot forming the Scottish centre are not very easy to fix. In Fisher's plan they appear to be posted on the lower slopes of the hill, near its eastern extremity. Just behind their right is a farmhouse on a knoll, surrounded by trees. I am inclined to identify this with Meikle Pinkerton, which stands out very prominently on the hillside, and corresponds more closely to the position suggested in Fisher's plan than any other of the farms thereabouts. Attached to the house is an old stone dovecote, which seems to date from the sixteenth or seventeenth century.

The only other place corresponding in any way with the house shown on Fisher's plan is Little Pinkerton, but though it stands out a little from the rest of the hillside, it is not nearly so conspicuous a feature in the landscape. Little Pinkerton is a quarter of a mile nearer Dunbar, and if it were the place meant by Fisher, the Scottish position was still more cramped than I have supposed.

^{page 36 note 1} The left wing of Leslie's horse seems to have consisted originally of 3,000 or 4,000 horse. But at least half, or according to Cromwell two-thirds, of this force had been drawn to the right wing, where the ground was more suitable for cavalry. The left wing was posted somewhere between Doon Bridge and Little Pinkerton, if Fisher's plan is correct.

^{page 36 note 2} Cromwell had a good many guns, but it is impossible to say how many or of what calibre. The Council of State vaguely ordered a train of artillery to be provided suitable for an army of 12,000 men (Cal. State Papers, Dom, . 1649–1650 pp. 48, 86, IIIGoogle Scholar). It is probable that each infantry regiment had a couple of field-pieces attached to it (cf. Carte, i. 383; Hodgson, pp. 219, 247). Besides this he had great guns, probably demi-culverins and culverins, and perhaps a couple of demi-cannons. The great guns were probably placed in the salient angle formed by the course of the burn just above Brand's Mill, as suggested in Dr. Gardiners plan of the battle. The field-pieces probably accompanied the regiments to which they were attached when they crossed the burn. But this is mainly hypothetical. However, Hodgson describes Major-General Lambert as ‘ordering the guns’ before the attack began—i.e., placing them (p. 146); and Cadwell describes the great guns as playing very hot on both sides during the battle.

^{page 37 note 1} ‘These with other reasons altered the council; and one steps up and desires that Colonel Lambert might have the conduct of the army that morning, which was granted by the general freely.’ Hodgson also describes Lambert as giving orders for the flank attack of Pride's brigade.

^{page 37 note 1} As to Monk, , Gumble, says: ‘Monk urged a battail [in the council] and that in the place where they were to assault the enemy, as they were lodged round about them; there was great opposition, but he offered to undertake the work; and as brigadere with three regiments of foot, at the head of them, with his pike fetus hand, he charged up the hills that are above the town from the seaside’ (p. 38)Google Scholar. See also Heath's, Chronicle, 1663, p. 504Google Scholar.

^{page 38 note 1} Letter cxl.

^{page 38 note 2} The six regiments of horse were those of Lambert, Fleetwood, and Whalley, all naturally with their commanders; these three regiments bore the brunt of the fighting, as their losses show. Twisleton's is mentioned further on in Cromwell's letter, and Lilburne's is mentioned in Cad well's account. The sixth regiment was probably Hacker's, which was the one most prominent in the pursuit.

^{page 38 note 3} The composition of Monk's brigade Cannot be determined with certainty. His own regiment was one of the three and a half, and it did not contain the regiments of Pride, Lambert, and Cromwell. The regiments of Mauleverer, Coxe, Fairfax, and Daniel were either in Monk's or Overton's brigade.

^{page 38 note 4} Pride's brigade of foot apparently included his own regiment and those of Cromwell and Lambert.

^{page 38 note 5} Colonel Overton's own regiment was not there. His brigade apparently consisted of a regiment and a half. The Diary of the Proceedings of the Army, under September 14 says: ‘Major-General Overton left to be governor of Edinburgh, with Colonel Fairfax and Colonel Coxe's regiments, and Colonel Daniel's regiment in Leith; all these three regiments being of Major-General Overton's brigade' (Appendix to Hodgson’s, Memoirs, p. 315Google Scholar). But immediately after Dunbar some reinforcements joined Cromwell, and probably the brigades were rearranged.

^{page 39 note 1} The two remaining regiments of horse were Cromwell's own regiment and Okey's dragoons.

^{page 39 note 2} According to Cadwell, the messenger, the fighting began at four on Tuesday morning, and the Scots were routed about six. The Brief Relation adopts Cadwell's time, but it is based on his statements. The True Relation says that ‘about break of the day on Tuesday morning both armies were engaged,’ but speaks of an hour's dispute previous to that at ‘the pass.’

The fact seems to be that the preliminary fighting began about four or five, and the real battle an hour or more afterwards. Cromwell probably refers to the latter. Dr. Gardiner notes that on September the sun rises at 5.33, and infers that Cromwell's statement was not correct (History of the Commonwealth and Protectorate, i. 325)Google Scholar.

^{page 39 note 3} Cromwelliana, p. 112.

^{page 39 note 4} ‘Early the next morning Cromwell drew out a strong party of horse and fell on the horseguards, and made them retire, and if his design were formerly but to make his way, he now altered it by this opportunity of the great security of his enemies, so presently his bodies both of horse and foot advanced’ etc. (Walker, , Historical Discourses, p. 180)Google Scholar.

^{page 39 note 5} In Payne. Fisher's picture-plan some of Cromwell's horse are shown attacking the camp of the Scottish cavalry on the left and cutting down straggling Scots amongst their tents. In the Memorie of the Somervilles we are told that at Dunbar young Bannatyne of Corhouse ‘narrowly escaped being knocked on the head or made prisoner, for his father's tent was cut down above him by the enemie before he could get to horse.’ His father was Lieut.-Colonel to Colonel Stewart's regiment of horse (Memorie, ii. 421). It is evident that the statement that the Scots had no tents is too sweeping. Some portion of their army had them, though the greater part had none. Earlier in the civil war the Scottish armies certainly had tents. Cf. Terry, , Life of Alexander Leslie, p. 106Google Scholar.

As to the lime of this attack on the Scottish left there is no evidence. I assume it to have taken place in this preliminary fighting, because an hour later, when the whole Scottish army was on the alert, such a surprise would not have been possible. In Fisher's picture-plan it seems to be occurring at the same time as the decisive cavalry battle on the right, but the plan represents, I think, successive rather than simultaneous movements. It is certain that in the actual battle Cromwell's cavalry was massed on his right, and he had not three regiments of horse to spare for his left.

^{page 40 note 1} ‘On Tuesday morning about four of the clock our army gave the enemy a strong alarm. A brigade of horse and foot consisting of Major-General Lambert's, Colonel Whalley's, and Colonel Lilburne's regiments of horse, and two of foot, drew down to a roadway upon a pass to Berwick, and firing very hard upon one another the dispute lasted an hour and was very hot, the great guns playing on both sides very hot on each other's main body; being moon-light, our horse and foot gaining of their ground possessed themselves of the pass.’ (Cadwell's narrative, Carte, i. 383.) ‘On Tuesday morning about four of the clock, a brigade of our army drew down to possess themselves of a pass upon the road between Edinburgh and Berwick, by which being had, they might with more ease pass over to the enemie to fall upon them ’ (A Brief Relation; Terry's, Alexander Leslie, p. 477Google Scholar). ‘A party of ours, advancing to gain the wind of the enemy, were discovered by a party of theirs who came to alarm us; but notwith-standing (through the Lord's great mercy), after above an hour's dispute at the pass upon the broadway between Dunbar and Berwick, our men obtained their end, possessed the pass, whereby we might with ease come over with our army; which was prosecuted so effectually that about break of the day on Tuesday morning both armies were engaged’ (Trtte Relation; appendix to Hodgson's, Memoirs, p. 277Google Scholar).

^{page 40 note 2} ‘Our Scottis army wer cairless and secure, expecting no assault’ (Nichol). ‘Our army being in grate security … wer surprised and routed’ (Blair).

^{page 41 note 1} Mercurins Politictis, p. 228; Nichol's, Diary, p. 27Google Scholar.

^{page 40 note 2} ‘The Scottish army exposed in the fields, yet standing to their arms and receiving two alarms’ (Walker, , Historical Discourses, p. 180Google Scholar). ‘At ten o'clock the enemy did give an alarm to ours. The whole army then being in a readiness they were repulsed’ (Life of Robert Blair, p. 238).

^{page 40 note 3} According to the Private Hand, many of the Scottish foot ‘were killed in their hutts fast asleep.’

^{page 40 note 4} Walker, p. 180.

^{page 40 note 5} Blair says that after the false alarm at ten o'clock ‘it was reported and often by sundry affirmed, that orders were given to the foot to put out their matches.’ ‘About midnight command was given to put out all their matches, except the file leaders, which hardly could be keeped in for the rain. …’ ‘Those that fought had most part firelocks' (Collections by a Private Hand at Edinburgh, p. 28). ‘The private soldiers, I know not by whose order, had put ojit thrir matches’ (Bates, , Elenchus, ed. 1685, p. 106Google Scholar).

^{page 42 note 1} Aticram and Lothian Correspondence, ii. 297.

^{page 42 note 2} On these purgings see Walker, pp. 165, 168, 179; Gardiner, , Commonwealth and Protectorate, i. 316Google Scholar.

^{page 42 note 3} Cromwell's words are: ‘The Major-General, Lieut.-General Fleetwood, and Commissary-General Wlialley, and Colonel Twisleton gave the onset, the enemy being in a very good posture to receive them, having the advantage of their cannon and foot against our horse. Before our foot could come up the enemy made a gallant resistance, and there was a very hot dispute at sword's point between our horse and theirs.’ The mention of these four suggests that their regiments formed Lambert's first line, and that the other two were held in reserve. It is possible that the other two regiments—viz., Hacker's and Lilburne's—were on the left wing, but not likely, as Cromwell's plan was to throw all the force he could collect on the Scottish right.

^{page 43 note 1} Colonel Strachan especially distinguished himself on the Scottish side. ‘Major Straughan was in this fight, and charged desperately’ (True Relation, p. 279). ‘Some of the horse charged, especially those commanded by Coll. Strachan, who was wounded’ (Collections by Private Hand).

^{page 43 note 2} Major Christopher Lister was an officer in Col. Lilburne's regiment, I believe.

^{page 43 note 3} The three and a half regiments forming Monk's brigade may be estimated at 900 or 1,000 apiece, making a total of 3,150 or 3,500 men. The part taken by Overton's brigade during the battle is uncertain. ‘To bring up the cannon and rear’ was the part assigned to it, according to Cromwell. The heavy guns seem to have remained on the Dunbar side of the stream. Just above the two upper crossings the stream makes a bold curve to the east and towards the position held by the Scots. On this sort of promontory, protected from attack by the steep banks of the stream, Cromwell appears to have stationed his guns. Dr. Gardiner places them here (p. 326). Thence, as Hodgson says, they could ‘have fair play at the left wing’ of the Scots, and could even reach the infantry of the left centre. Cromwell doubtless kept part of Overton's brigade, and possibly Okey's dragoons, on the Dunbar side of the stream, to guard his guns. He may possibly have sent part of the foot or the dragoons to reinforce Monk's brigade. There is no evidence on the point: it is a question of military probabilities.

^{page 43 note 4} ‘At last the Major-General came and ordered Packer, major to the general's regiment, Gough's, and our two foot regiments, to march about Roxburgh House towards the sea, and so to fall upon the enemie's flank, which was done with a great deal of resolution.’ Hodgson's details are a little inaccurate. Packer was not major of the general's regiment till a couple of years later, but as the major had been wounded two or three days previously, it is no doubt true that Packer was in command. Goffe was then lieutenant-colonel, as Cromwell calls him, but was made colonel of the regiment directly after the battle. ‘Our two regiments’ mean Lambert's, in which Hodgson was serving, and pretty certainly Pride's, which is mentioned as seconding Cromwell.

^{page 44 note 1} Fisher's picture-plan shows a regiment actually crossing the stream below Broxmouth House, thus confirming Hodgson's account. Two others are also shown as having just crossed. They are coming up in the rear of the infantry already engaged, and rather to the left, but hardly on the flank.

^{page 44 note 2} Appendix to Hodgson's, Memoirs, p. 279Google Scholar. On the incident which Pride's men sought to avenge, see p. 33 ante.

^{page 44 note 3} Lambert's regiment seems, from Hodgson's words, to have come up last of the brigade, and more to the left than the other two regiments. ‘The general himself comes in the rear of our regiment and commands to incline to the left; that was, to take more ground to be clear of all bodies.’ He goes on to describe it as ‘coming up to the top of the hill with the straggling parties that had been engaged,’ and says it ‘kept them from bodying,’ i.e., forming again.

^{page 44 note 4} Rushworth, to the Speaker, , Old Parliamentary History, xix. 341Google Scholar.

^{page 45 note 1} Cadwell briefly sums up these movements: ‘Our horse immediately rallying and our foot advancing charged the enemy, and put them to the run very suddenly, it being near six of the clock in the morning. Which rout the enemy's foot seeing, threw down their arms and fled.’ (Carte, i. 383.)

^{page 45 note 2} This seems to have been what Packer was ordered to do (according to Hodgson), and no doubt he carried out his orders. But there is no other reference to a flank attack on the Scottish cavalry.

^{page 45 note 3} ‘The best of the enemy's horse being broken through and through in less than an hour's dispute, their whole army being put into confusion, it became a total rout‘(Carlyle, Letter cxl.). ‘They routed one another after we had done their work on their right wing’ (Hodgson).

^{page 45 note 4} Old Parliamentary History, xix. 341; Hodgson, p. 147.

^{page 45 note 5} This regiment was doubtless the regiment of Highlanders commanded by Campbell of Lawers. Gumble says in his Life of Monk: ‘Onely Lawers his regiment of Highlanders made a good defence, and the chief officer, a lieutenant-colonell, being slain by one of the general's sergeants (the colonel was absent), of the name of the Campbells, they stood to the push of the pike and were all cut in pieces’ (p. 38). ‘Those that fought had most part firelocks; Lawers' regiment of foot was one‘ (Collections by a Private Hand). A list of men of note killed at Dunbar, given by Sir James Balfour (Annals, iv. 97), shows that the regiment of Sir John Haldane of Gleneggies had its colonel, lieutenant-colonel, and major all killed. Possibly this was the other regiment referred to. Burnet also says that the brunt of the righting was borne by two regiments only.

^{page 45 note 6} Collections by a Private Hand.

^{page 46 note 1} ‘Which rout the enemie's foot perceiving threw down their arms immediately and fled’ (Cadwell).

‘The foot threw down their arms and fled towards Dunbar (our pinfold), and there they were surrounded and taken’ (Hodgson, p. 148). ‘The Scotch infantry took the rout and ran away over the sands towards Bell Haven, and were most taken prisoners’ (Gumble, p. 38). The direction of the flight of the Scottish infantry is one of the proofs that the accepted theory of the position of the two armies is erroneous.

^{page 46 note 2} ‘Which the enemie's left wing of horse perceiving fled also’ (Cadwell).‘The left wing of their horse, who had not been in anie action hitherto, seeing this, fled also’ (Brief Relation).

^{page 46 note 3} ‘Our horse and foot pursued even the whole army, … following them as far as Haddington, being about eight miles from the place, and Hacker's regiment pursued beyond Haddington, our general himself being also in the pursuit’ (Cadwell). ‘Our army is now at the least eight miles in pursuit of their horse, their foot being taken wholly.’

^{page 46 note 4} Carlyle, Letter cxl.; Carte, i. 383.

^{page 46 note 5} Carlyle, Letter cxlii. and Appendix No. 19; Cary, Memorials of the Civil War; Mercurins Politicus, pp. 266, 279.

^{page 46 note 6} ‘We took all their train, being 32 pieces of ordnance, small, great, and leather guns’ (True Relation). ‘Twenty-two field guns, besides smaller pieces’ (Mercurim Politicus, p. 229). ‘Nine guns, which were all they had,’ says Cadwell, no doubt referring to the great guns; and the same number is given in Colonel Fenwick's letter. Cadwell adds that 10,000 serviceable arms were also taken.

^{page 47 note 1} ‘All their foot colours besides horse; they are already brought in, nearly 200 colours horse and foot’ (True Relation). A description of some of these flags is given in Mercurius Politicus, p. 224. Parliament ordered them to be hung up in Westminster Hall, as those taken at Preston had been. A ‘perfect registry’ of them, drawn up by Payne Fisher, is amongst the Harleian MSS., 1,460. It consists of sketches of the devices and mottoes. See Mackinnon, , Coldstream Guards, i. 25Google Scholar.

^{page 48 note 1} Carlyle, Letter cxl.; Burnet, , Own Time, i. 95Google Scholar, ed. Airy.

^{page 48 note 2} Diary of Ambrose Barnes (Surtees Society, 1867), p. III.

^{page 48 note 3} Hodgson, p. 146.

^{page 48 note 4} Ibid., p. 147.

^{page 48 note 5} Ibid., p. 148.

^{page 49 note 1} In Aubrey's Miscellanies there is a curious account of Cromwell's excitement at one period of the battle, which is worth recording. Aubrey is writing of what he calls ‘the afflatus,’ which sometimes in moments of excitement affects men of emotional temper. ‘Oliver Cromwell had certainly this afflatus. One that I knew, and who was present, told me that Oliver was carried on as with a divine impulse. He did laugh so excessively as if he had been drunk, and his eyes sparkled with spirits. He obtained on that occasion a great victory, though the action was said to be contrary to human prudence. The same fit of laughter seized him just before the battle of Naseby, as a kinsman of mine and a great favourite of his, Colonel J. P. (John Pickering?), then present, testified.’ (Aubrey's, Miscellanies, p. 113Google Scholar.)

^{page 49 note 2} Whitelock, , Memorials, iii. 236Google Scholar. The messenger was Cadwell (Mercurius Politicus, p. 217). Ludlow, however, says: ‘When the first news of this great victory was brought to London by Sir John Hipsley, it was my fortune, with others of the Parliament, to be with the Lord Fairfax at Hampton Court, who seemed much to rejoice at it’ (Memoirs, ed. 1894, i. 254).

^{page 49 note 3} Commons Journals, vi. 464Google Scholar; Mercurius Politicus, p. 220.

^{page 50 note 1} Cal. State Papers, Dom, . 1650, p. 330Google Scholar.

^{page 50 note 2} Commons Journals, vi. 380, 464Google Scholar; Carlyle, Letter clxv. On the public thanksgiving see Mercuiius Politicals, pp. 219, 265. The Act for appointing a Thanksgiving Day, which contains also a narrative, is reprinted in the Old Parliamentary History, xix. 353–57. There is a curious sermon or discourse on the victory by John Fenwick, senior, concluding with ‘one of the Songs of Sion in thankfulness of minde and spirit to the prayse of our Jehovah of Hosts, in remembrance of his Triumphant Victories,’ 1651. Prynne, on the other hand, published Sad and Serious Political Considerations touching the invasive waur against our Presbyterian Protestant Brethren in Scotland, in which (p. 9) he concludes that the thanksgiving was prescribed ‘to involve the whole nation in a double guilt of their blood.’ There are references to the battle of Dunbar in a ballad called ‘Jockie's Lamentation’ (Bagford Ballads ii. 331).

^{page 52 note 1} Carte MSS. xviii. p. 417.