¹ Ed. Dreves, Guido M., Blume, C., and Bannister, H. M., 55 vols. (Leipzig 1866–1922); cited hereafter as AH.Google Scholar

² The Structure of Spanish History, tr. King, Edmund L. (Princeton 1954) 79. This work is cited hereafter as Structure. Google Scholar

³ The most prestigious pilgrim to Compostela during the high point of the 11th century was King Louis VII of France. Defourneaux, Marcelin, Les Français en Espagne aux XI ^e et XII ^e siècles (Paris 1949) 114. The cult begins its decline in popularity before the 15th century. A writer like Erasmus showed a change of attitude toward the religious practice of the pilgrimage in a colloquy on this subject wherein a certain Ogygius described his unenthusiastic trip to Compostela made at the urging of his wife and mother-in-law. This colloquy is a brilliant satire. Ten Colloquies of Erasmus , tr. Craig, R. Thompson (New York 1957) 56–91. Cervantes in Don Quijote pokes fun at the battle cry ‘Santiago y cierra España.’ Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra, The Visionary Gentleman Don Quijote de la Mancha , tr. Smith, Robinson, Part II (New York 1932) 483. In 1629 James finally lost his special place as the only patron of Spain. St. Teresa of Avila was named co-patroness of Spain by Urban VIII. Castro, Structure 197. For a modern account of the pilgrimage there is Walter Starkie, The Road to Santiago (London 1957).Google Scholar

⁴ Structure 78.Google Scholar

⁵ Szövérffy, Joseph, A Mirror of Medieval Culture: Saint Peter Hymns of the Middle Ages (Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, Transactions 42, pp. 97–403; New Haven 1965). This work will be used as guide for material on the Peter hymns throughout this study and is hereafter cited as Mirror. The author wishes to thank Prof. Szövérffy for his help. This study complements his magistral work on the Peter hymns.Google Scholar

⁶ Szövérffy, J., Die Annalen der lateinischen Hymnendichtung I (Berlin 1964) 15–26. This work will be cited hereafter as Annalen. Google Scholar

⁷ Mt 20.20–28. In the Gospel of Mark (10.35–41) it is James, and John, , not their mother, who ask Christ for this favor.Google Scholar

⁸ Ermoni, V., ‘Jacques (Saint) Le Majeur,’ in Vigouroux, T., (ed.), Dictionnaire de la Bible (Paris 1895–1912) 3.1082–1084.Google Scholar

⁹ Jn 19.25. For an explanation of this relationship see Lefrançois, J. A. ‘James (Son of Alphaeus), St.,’ The New Catholic Encyclopedia (New York 1967) 7.805–6. Isidore of Seville also speaks of this relationship: Etymologiae 7.9.15 (PL 82.288).Google Scholar

¹⁰ Hymn no. 76. In referring to specific hymns on James from AH two or more numbers may be used. The first number refers to the list of hymns given below (p. 287). This number stands on the left side of the list, in front of the incipit of the hymn to which it refers. The second number refers to the stanza or stanzas of the hymn; this number is omitted, however, when it is appended directly to the text quoted, as in the present case. If there are no numbered stanzas in a hymn, other indications will be used; e.g. ‘ad 1 Vesp.’ tells the reader to refer to the first vespers of a rhymed office. The stanza number (or substitute for it) will be put in parentheses. In the list of hymns just mentioned, the first number on the right refers to the volume of AH, the second refers to the page of the volume, and the third is that given the hymn by the editors. — Hymns not from the St. James canon, but quoted in this study, will be related either to the Analecta Hymnica (with the abbreviation AH followed by the volume number and the page number) or to other specific sources. The call of James is mentioned in the following hymns: 77, (2); 105, (2); 67, (3); 99, (4);16, (la, lb); 104, (2a); 97, (2a); 51, (lb); 83, (1); 81, (3); 40, (3); 64, (2); 65, (2); 22, (3); 36, (2); 106, (2); 58, (3a); 27, (ad Introitum, ad Versum Fulberti); 6, (2); 5, (2); 89, (2); 53, (2); 112, (2); 54, (in Laud.); 92, (ad Mat.); 48, (2); 37, (2a); 15, (3a); 29, (4a); 74, (2a); 93, (5). The Peter hymns also stress his calling by Christ, and to his vocation as fisherman is added a metaphorical elaboration, making him a fisher of men, which becomes ‘an independent attribute’ (Szövérffy, , Mirror 220). 4 Hunc elegit et vocavit de marino fluctu [Jesus Christus] ad piscationes hominum. 5 Hic relictis reti, navi et omnibus suis Dominum Jesum secutus est salvatorem. (AH 53.335) Since James is a fisherman, he too becomes a fisher of men like Peter. 2a Quondam sulcans maria Tractus ad salubria Verbo Salvatoris. 2b Coetum liquit piscium Turbam docens hominum Fidem redemptoris. 3a Ab insultu fluminum Imitatus Dominum Fit piscator hominum Dono singulari…. (Hymn no. 44) See also the following hymns: 22, (4); 53, (2); 24, (in 1 Vesp.); 37, (2b); 74, (2b).Google Scholar

¹¹ There is no doubt that hymns often served a moral or didactic purpose. See Messenger, R. E., Ethical Teachings in Latin Hymns of Medieval England (New York 1930). When St. Ambrose defended his writing of hymns, he stressed their didactic effects. Speaking of hymns on the Trinity he said very pointedly of those singing them: ‘Facti sunt igitur magistri, qui vix poterant esse discipuli’ (Sermo contra Auxentium [attachment to Letter 24] 34 [PL 16. 1018]).Google Scholar

¹² Hymn no. 57. Other hymns which include this episode are the following: 105, (3); 10, (2a); 16, (2b); 114, (3b); 104, (3b); 51, (3a); 49, (4); 96, (4); 81, (4); 64, (3); 69, (2); 60, (2); 36, (3); 106, (13); 58, (10b); 27 (ad Introitum, ad Versum Fulberti); 5, (3); 112, (3); 54, (Responsoria ad 1 Noct.); 92, (in 1 Noct.); 48, (2); 37, (5a); 29, (5b); 63, (5a); 44, (3b); 43, (4). The Transfiguration is also important for the Peter hymns; see Szövérffy, , Mirror 225–226.Google Scholar

¹³ Hymn no. 97. Stanza 3b is a reference to the Agony in the Garden, which is mentioned in the following hymns: 105, (3); 16, (2b); 114, (4a); 104, (5a); 97, (3b); 96, (4); 37, (5b); 93, (10). This same episode is not emphasized in the Peter hymns; cf. Szövérffy, , Mirror 230.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Hymn no. 104. The raising of the daughter of Jairus is mentioned in the Peter hymns but does not carry the special emphasis given to it by the writers of the Jacobean hymns. This miracle is used to stress James' special relationship to Christ. Peter Hymn Suscitatam videt natam intra domum Jairi. AH 37.239 James Hymn 5b Puellam cum resuscitavit Et in agone dum oravit Huic et Petro demonstravit Ut amicis intimis. (Hymn no. 37) Other hymns which mention the raising of the daughter of Jairus are the following: 105, 3; 16, 2b; 92, (ad 1 Noct.).Google Scholar

¹⁵ Hymns: 99, (2); 16, (la); 39, (1); 64, (1); 65, (4); 61, (4); 108, (1); 58, (3a); 27 (ad Introitum, ad Versum Fulberti, ad Epistolam); 33, (2); 24, (ad 1 Noct.); 91, (2); 48, (1); 115, (2a); 74, (la) 101, (8a); 63, (3a).Google Scholar

¹⁶ Hymns: 72, (3); 16, (la); 36, (3); 58, (10a); 27, (ad Introitum, ad Versum Fulberti); 54, (ad Laud.); 13, (4).Google Scholar

¹⁷ Hymns: 16, (lb); 104, (5b); 36, (3); 106, (14); 6, (3); 54, (in 3 Noct.); 20, (in Laud.); 90, (6).Google Scholar

¹⁸ The title of ‘martyr’ was added to James' special status as an apostle. This title was most revered among Christians: ‘…. le nom de martyr est devenu le titre le plus glorieux…’ (Delehaye, Hippolyte, Les origins du culte des martyrs [Brussels 1933] 1). See also Murphy, F. X., ‘Martyr,’ New Catholic Encyclopedia 9.312–314.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Hymn no. 66. For an indication of the importance of the death of James in the minds of the hymnwriters, one need only consider the number of hymns in which this detail is mentioned. Hymns: 77, (4); 105, (7); 67, (25); 99, (6); 4, (6a); 10, (6a); 18, (8a); 114, (4b); (5a); 97, (7a); 51, (4a); 23, (5); 2, (2); 46, (2); 96, (6); 95, (3); 81, (6); 40, (4); 1, (2); 47, (2); 34, (3); 64, (4); 85, (3); 69, (3); 60, (4); 82, (1); 98, (2); 36, (5); 106, (7); 58, (7b): 27, passim; 87, (2); 21, (5); 6, (4); 5, (3); 116, (Lectio I); 25, (ad Responsum); 109, (8); 94, (3); 89, (3); 35, (2); 33, (4); 112, (5); 55, (7); 26, (3); 54, passim; 24 passim; 92, passim; 20, passim; 42, (10); 90, (7); 41, (3); 91, (3); 48, (5); 71, (4); 37, (6b); 38, (7b); 7, (7b); 62, (2b); 115, (3b); 15, (9a): 75, (5b); 76, (9b); 12, (5); 110, (5); 29, (9b); 70, (3b); 30, (7); 19, (4); 113, (4a); 101, (7b); 93, (18); 43, (8); 111, (6).Google Scholar

²⁰ Peter is presented in the hymns as ‘primus.’ The use goes back as far as St. Ambrose's hymn ‘Apostolorum passio’: 3 Primus Petrus apostolus, nec Paulus impar gratia; electionis vas sacrae Petri adaequavit fidem. (Szövérffy, , Mirror 253) The spritual power of Peter is expressed in the following stanzas in which the word ‘primatus’ is used: Petro laudis sit primatus, Cui provenit principatus In sacrum collegium; Petro tradit claves coeli Petro credit ut fideli Curam Christus ovium. (AH 55.4) Here are some examples which stress James‘ pre-eminence among the apostles: 4a Ave, dux apostolorum, Quorum primus intras chorum Laureatus sanguine …. (Hymn no. 113) 7b Primus inter senatores Ecclesiae clariores Vitae sumens bravium. (Hymn no. 63) In this stanza there is a blend of Christian and classical cultures. ‘Bravium’ suggests 1 Cor 9.24 and ‘senatores’ members of the Roman senate. The next example uses both ‘primus’ and ‘primatus’: A. O lux et decus Hispaniae, sanctissime Iacobe, apostole Dei, qui inter apostolos primatum tenens primus eorum martyrio laureatus es …. (Hymn no. 92) For more examples see especially hymns 101, (9a); 98, (2). Castro found that St. James was considered to be a 'higher ranking apostle than St. Peter’ (Structure 133).Google Scholar

²¹ A list of hymns which refer to James in terms of a blood relationship to Christ is the following: 72, (2); 79, (2a); 88, (3); 2, (2); 66, (3); 3, (5); 96, (2); 81, (3); 33, (3); 41, (1); 71, (1); 76, (4a); 14, (2); 43, (3). This tradition was known and lightly dismissed by the writer of the first book of the Liber sancti Jacobi, or the Codex Calixtinus. Transcripción de Whitehill, W. M.; 3 vols.; I, Texto; II, Musica, Reproducción en fototipia seguida de la transcription por D. German Prado; III, Estudios y indices (Santiago de Compostela 1944). There is no complete critical edition of the Liber sancti Jacobi. Whitehill's text is a reproduction of the oldest complete manuscript of the text found at Compostela. For an introductory study to the problems of the text and the historical background, age, and importance of the Liber sancti Jacobi, see David, Pierre, ‘Études sur le Livre de Saint Jacques attribué au Pape Calixte II,’ Bulletin des études portugaïses 10 (1946) 1–41; 11 (1947) 113–185; 12 (1948) 70–223; 13 (1949) 52–102. For a fuller discussion of the Liber sancti Jacobi, see below p. 286. The words of the Liber here relevant are these: Sed quia diuersa opinio est in diuersis, ita sane deffiniendum ut quicunque illorum [James the Greater and James the Less] per carnis cognationem domini frater sit, tamen uterque per Dei uoluntatem, quam uiuendo tenuit, frater eius fiat, ipso domino affirmante, qui ait: Quicunque … fecerit uoluntatem Patris mei qui in celis est, ipse meus frater est. Maius est esse fratri domini spiritualiter quam carnaliter (p. 28). For an explanation of the confusion of identity between James the Greater and James the Less, see David, Pierre, op. cit., Bulletin 13 (1949) 63.Google Scholar

²² Castro, Américo, Santiago de España (Buenos Aires 1958) 40. A reproduction of the paintings faces p. 41. The tradition of the resemblance of Christ and James the Less can be found in pseudo-Ignatius: Patres Apostolici , ed. Deikamp, Francis, II (Tübingen 1913) 321. The original of the passage quoted by Castro is found in the Legenda Aurea of Jacobus da Voragine, ed. Graesse, Th. (Dresden-Leipzig 1846; repr. Osnabrück 1965) 295. Castro pounces on the Zwillingsbildung between Christ and James with great emphasis. It must be noted that there are other instances of this. Cf. Kantorowicz, Ernst H., The King's Two Bodies: A Study in Medieval Political Theology (Princeton 1957) 65.Google Scholar

²³ Structure 138. Again the writer of the first book of the Liber sancti Jacobi (144) was aware of this tradition and dismissed it as heretical.Google Scholar

²⁴ Structure 145.Google Scholar

²⁵ Helim is mentioned in Ex 15.27 and Num 33.9. For this motif in the Peter hymns see Szövérffy, , Mirror 204.Google Scholar

²⁶ The symbol of dew and water is pervasive in the hymns, and much of it relates to the Old Testament. See hymn no. 18, (2b), (3a), (3b) as an example. This hymn refers to the wool of Gideon (Judg 6.36–40), which was popular with hymn writers. See Szövérffy, , Annalen I 415.Google Scholar

²⁷ See Exod. 16.13–14 and Deut. 32.1–2.Google Scholar

²⁸ In this stanza James is likened to the ‘columna’ which guided the Israelites (Exod. 13.22).Google Scholar

^28a In Whitehill's transcription ‘alter’ (Liber sancti Jacobi, 404).Google Scholar

²⁹ Cf. Exod. 16.15.Google Scholar

³⁰ This hymn, though taken from the Liber sancti Jacobi, is not an integral part of the text but a later addition. Hence, the quotation from the text is earlier and could well be a source for the hymn, as will be seen from the content of the quotation. See the Liber sancti Jacobi, 399.Google Scholar

³¹ For a repetition of the number twelve in a curious context see the oldest hymn in the James canon: Hymn no. 90, (2), (3). The source of number twelve in the hymn is Rev. 21.12 ft.Google Scholar

³² It is interesting to observe the use of the word ‘heroes’ in this context. St. Augustine was more self-conscious about this type of terminology and disapproved of it. De civitate Dei 10.21 ad fin. (ed. Dombart, B., Kalb, A., repr.: CCL 47.295).Google Scholar

³³ Liber sancti Jacobi 25–26.Google Scholar

³⁴ For a listing of the Spanish material connected with the life of James see Kendrick, T. D., Saint James in Spain (London 1960) 13. Concerning the more controversial questions on the amount of real historical evidence for this material, the verdict of Duchesne, who investigated this material at the turn of the century, is still noteworthy: De tout ce que l'on raconte sur la prédication de Saint Jacques en Espagne, la translation de ses restes et la découverte de son tombeau, un seul fait subsiste, celui du culte galicien. Il remonte jusqu'au premiers tiers du IX^e siècle et s'adresse à un tombeau des temps romains, que Ton crut alors être celui de Saint Jacques. Pourquoi le crut-on? Nous n'en savons rien. ‘Saint Jacques en Galice,’ Annales du Midi 12 (1900) 179.Google Scholar

³⁵ The episode of James and Hermogenes is derived from ‘The Apostolic History of [pseudo-]Abdias’; see The Apocryphal New Testament, tr. James, M. R. (London 1953) 463–64.Google Scholar

³⁶ According to Eusebius, who quotes Clement of Alexandria, ‘the person who led James to the judgment-seat’ died with him after being converted. The source of this quotation is the seventh book of the Hypotyposeis, a lost work of Clement's. No name is given to this person. Ecclesiastical History 2.9.23, tr. Lawlor, H. J. and Oulton, J. E. L., I (London 1927) 43.Google Scholar

³⁷ For prose narratives of James' passion (cf. Bollandiani, Socii, Bibliotheca hagiographica latina [Brussels 1898–99] nos. 4056ff.), see Liber sancti Jacobi 38ff.; Legenda Aurea , ed. Graesse, (cit. supra n. 22) 422ff.; Cuperus, G. in Acta sanctorum Iul. 6 (Paris-Rome 1868) 9ff.Google Scholar

³⁸ Hymns: 46, (2); 34, (4); 58, (8a); 115, (2b); 15, (6a).Google Scholar

³⁹ Hymn no. 30, (7).Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Hymns: 67, (24); 18, (8b); 5, (3); 54, (in 1 Noct.); 24, (in 3 Noct.); 41, (2); 48, (4); 37, (4b); 38, (7b); 15, (8a), (8b); 30, (5); 101, (6b).Google Scholar

⁴¹ Liber sancti Jacobi. 20. The corresponding passage from the ‘Exultet’ (Missale Romanum [New York 1952] 195) has: ‘O vere beata nox quae sola meruit scire tempus et horam in qua Christus ab inferis resurrexit.’ James' death, as will be seen, was the prelude to his triumph, as was the death of Christ.Google Scholar

⁴² Castro, , Structure 139. The attempt of the hymnwriters to link James' passion with that of Christ reflects a very old tradition in Christian literature. Probably the oldest martirion in existence is that of St. Polycarp from the second century. One recent editor has this to say on the nature of the narrative: Nous l'avons dit, et le lecteur s'en convaincra aisément, tout dans le récit du martyre, si fervente qu'y soit l'admiration pour Polycarpe, porte la marque de la sincérité et de la veracité: ni emphase, ni exageration, ni déformations légendaires. Cependant l'auteur ne dissimule pas une intention théologique précise: il ne s'agit pas seulement, par l'exemple de Polycarpe, d'exhorter les lecteurs de la lettre à la patience et à la charité, mais aussi de prouver que le martyre n'est pas autre chose que l'imitation du Christ. Si le Chrétien doit suivre son maître et l'imiter jusqu'au bout, comment le fert-il mieux qu'en souffrant et en mourant pour lui, ou plutôt comme lui. Lettres. Martyre de Polycarpe , tr. and ed. by Camelot, Th. O.P. (Sources Chrétiennes 10) (Paris 1958), 229–230. It is this tradition that the hymns of James rest on when they treat of his passion.Google Scholar

⁴³ Hermogenes is mentioned in the following hymns: 77, (3); 105, (5); 67, passim; 10, (4b); 18, (6b); 114, (2b); 81, (5); 60, (3); 5, (3); 54, (in 1 Noct.); 24, (in 1 Noct.); 92, (in 2 Noct.); 20, (in 1 Noct.); 48, (3); 37, (3b); 38, (5b); 84, (2b); 15, (6b); 75, (3b); 76, (6a); 100, (3); 30, (3); 30, (2); 14, (5); 100, (2); 63, (6b); 101, (3a).Google Scholar

⁴⁴ For hymns mentioning Philetus see: 77, (4); 67, passim; 57, passim; 10, (4b); 18, (6a); 114, (2b); 34, (2); 60, (3); 5, (3); 24 (in 1 Noct.); 92 (in 2 Noct.); 20 (in 1 Noct.); 11, (2); 41, (2); 48, (3); 37, (3b); 38, (5b); 84, (3b); 15, (6b); 75, (3b); 15, (6b); 110, (3); 30, (3); 14, (4); 101, (3a).Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Liber sancti Jacobi p. 95. See Hymns 10, (4a), (4b); 92 (ad Mat.).Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Hymns 57, (12b); 92, (in 2 Noct.) Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Hymns: 77, (7); 67, (13); 57, (15a), (15b); 42, (5); 84, (2b).Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Liber sancti Jacobi p. 96. The bacillus motif, while present in the prose legends, is a rarity in the hymns [see Hymn no. 102, (2)]. Hymn no. 84 states: 4a O sancte apostole, qui tantum erga proximum habuisti caritatem, 4b Ut ligatum solveres et solutum ire semper praeciperes, ubi vellet. These two stanzas are extremely important. First of all, they are a sort of a parody on Peter's powers. It will be recalled that Peter was given special powers by Christ (Mt. 18.18): ‘Amen dico vobis, quaecumque alligaveritis super terram, erunt ligata et in caelo, et quaecumque solveritis super terram, erunt soluta et in caelo.’ These words situate the meaning of the above two stanzas, because James, like Peter, has the power to bind and to loose. He used this power in overcoming Hermogenes, but, unlike Peter, James displays ‘caritatem’ by freeing the magus, and finally converting him, which was not the case with Peter's display of power in a similar situation, since he merely routed Simon, but did not convert him (James, , The Apocryphal New Testament [supra n. 35] 332). James' use of his power, then, is given a more Christian meaning, which is a very slight but important difference for evaluating the two legends. There is another contrasting situation in the legends, which is important. The devils were sent to bind James by order of Hermogenes and were unsuccessful, while Peter was bound, when in prison. Szövérffy, , Mirror 287ff. It is true that James was led to his death bound, which contrasts with his display of power against the magus. 21 Vinctum fune te ducebat Ac Herodi praesentabant, Qui mandavit propere, Caput tibi amputare…. (Hymn no. 67) The explanation of this passivity is again to underline James' imitation of Christ. Christ was led to His death like a lamb to the slaughter, and this is the manner in which James was led to his: 5a Hac virtute vir tam magnus Est per funem mitis agnus Ductus ad martyrium. (Hymn no. 10) Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Liber sancti Jacobi 96. See hymns 67, (19), (20); 24, (in 2 Noct.) One hymn has Hermogenes burning his books [105, (5)], and another states that he simply handed them over to James [38, (6a)].Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Szövérffy, , Mirror 283–287.Google Scholar

⁵¹ See also hymns: 67, (23); 54 (in 2 Noct.); 37, (4a); 15, (8a); 43, (6).Google Scholar

⁵² Szövérffy, , Mirror 283.Google Scholar

⁵³ 6 Herodem autem angelus aggreditur Ejus nam caro vermibus conficitur…. (Hymn no. 36) For other hymns mentioning Herod see: 16, (2a); 79, (4a); 46, (2); 96, (6); 95, (3); 81, (6); 40, (4); 60, (4); 98, (2); 106, (9); 27 (ad Epistolam, ad Benedicamus); 97, (2); 21, (5); 5, (3); 116, (ad Lectionem I); 92, (in 3 Noct.); 112, (5); 54, (in 1 Noct.); 20 (in 2 Noct.); 41, (3); 48, (4); 7, (7b); 62, (2b); 115, (3a); 15, (8a); 75, (5b); 76, (9a); 30, (7); 19, (4); 93, (17); 43, (5). The frequent mention of Herod in the hymns is another indication of the importance attached to James' death. A further possibility beyond the scope of this study is the use of the same adjectives in describing both Herod and Nero, e. g. ‘tyrannus.’ As Szövérffy says, the scenes describing the death of the persecutors are ‘stereotyped’ (Mirror 282). The tradition of punishment visited upon the shedding of Christian blood is again very old in Christian literature. See Tertullian, , Ad Scapulam 3 (ed. Dekkers, E., CCL 2.1129).Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Hymn no. 45 in 3 Noct. See also: 79, (5b); 46, (2); 86, (3); 34, (4); 36, (6); 75, (6a). Castro saw that Compostela placed itself as a rival to Rome and Jerusalem (Structure 147).Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Two motifs which appear in both legends are associated with a tower and wild animals. In the literature associated with James a source of the tower motif is the eleventh miracle mentioned in the Liber sancti Jacobi (p. 273). The hymn which mentions the miracle gives the following description: 13 De turri saltum, qui captus erat, facit altum, Ad sua regreditur, Zebedides laude potitur. (Hymn no. 110) This miracle concerns a certain ‘Bernardus’ who is bound in chains—another motif—while in prison. Freed from these chains after he invokes the help of James, Bernard is then miraculously transported to the top of a tower from which he leaps to safety unharmed. Again these motifs carry the theme of binding and loosening. The motif of the wild animals can be found in the narrative of the translation of James' body to Spain after his death (Liber sancti Jacobi 290–294). Once his body was brought to Spain, his disciples tried to enlist the help of a Queen Luparia, who is later converted. She gave the disciples wild oxen to transport the body to Compostela, hoping thereby to destroy them. As it turned out, the wild oxen become mild and pacific and transported the body of James to Compostela without incident. 8a O quam patet sancti decus, Dum mitescit ferox pecus Et draco consumitur! (Hymn no. 63) For more hymns mentioning the wild oxen, see 105, (11); 46, (3); (4); 86, (1); 45 (in 3 Noct.); 116, (Lectio V); 62, (4b); 110, (9). For more mention of the dragon, see 86, (1); 45 (in 3 Noct.); 116, (Lectio IV). The tower motif is very important for the Peter legends since it involves Simon himself, but the animals are less important and are wild dogs. Szövérffy, , Mirror 277–278.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ The earliest hymn on St. Peter goes back to the fourth century (Szövérffy, , Mirror 119). The Simon Magus legend was in existence in the fifth century, though certain parts of it can be traced back to a.d. 303 See Leclercq, Henri, ‘Pierre (Saint),’ DACL 14.1 (Paris 1939) 845–848.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Hymn no. 10. See also 5, (5). This miracle is narrated in the the Liber sancti Jacobi 262–263.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Liber sancti Jacobi: Codex Calixtinus, translated into Spanish by Moralejo, A., Torres, C. and Feo, J. (Compostela 1951) 351. The narrative of the miracle is found in the Latin text of the Liber sancti Jacobi on p. 269. The next three miracles (Capitula VIII, IX, X) are performed on behalf of Latin Christians returning from Jerusalem.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Hymn no. 52; see also 5, (6). An account of this miracle is found in the Liber sancti Jacobi pp. 267–268. This miracle has many analogues. See de Gaiffier, Baudouin, ‘Un thème iconographique: le pendu miraculeusement sauvé,’ Revue Beige d'archéologie et d'histoire de l'art, 13 (1943) 123–148.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Defourneaux, , Les Français en Espagne (cit. supra n. 3) 112.Google Scholar

⁶¹ ‘Mozarabic Hymns and Contemporary Culture in Spain,’ Traditio 4 (1946) 172, David suggests that ‘Maurecatus’ might be the name of the author, not the king (Bulletin [supra n. 21] 12 [1947] 133. J. Pérez de Urbel suggests that St. Beatus of Liébana is the author (Hispania Sacra 18 [1965] 227). The Bollandist, Baudouin de Gaiffier, suggests that the Breviarium Apostolorum was in existence long enough to account for the mention of James as patron of Spain: ‘Le Breviarium Apostolorum,’ Analecta Bollandiana 81 (1963) 89–116. Also see ‘Hispania et Lusitana,’ ibid. 77 (1959) 187–217 and 80 (1962) 395–409, where the same author surveys and reviews material on James and Spain.Google Scholar

⁶² See the Spanish translation of the Liber sancti Jacobi (cit. supra n. 58) 597.Google Scholar

⁶³ Watt, W. M., A History of Islamic Spain (Edinburgh 1965) 46.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ For a history of the Almoravid invasion of Spain, see Beraud-Villars, J., Les Touareg au pays du Cid, (Paris 1946). For a short survey see Watt, , 97ff.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ See the Dictionary of Islam 1 (London 1960), in the article on Tamīn's younger brother ‘Alī b. Yūsuf b. Tāshufīn,’ by Levi-Provençal, E. (pp. 389–390).Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Al-Man⋅ūr died in 1002, Although he seems to have died a painful death, it is difficult to guess the nature of it from Muslim documents. Dozy, R. and Levi-Provençal, E., Histoire des Musulmans d'Espagne II (Leiden 1932) 263ff.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Castro, , Structure 158.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Ibid. 141.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Defourneaux, , Les Français en Espagne 179.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ ‘Munio Alfonso,’ Diccionario de Historia de España 2 (Madrid 1952) 602. See also La España Musulmana , ed. Sánchez-Albornoz, Claudio 2 (Buenos Aires 1960) 197–202. Munio is described as ‘el mas famoso’ of the commanders of Alfonso VII (p. 198). Another document describes the victory of Munio over the Muslim rulers of Seville and Cordova (pp. 198–200), which might explain why his death is associated with this region.Google Scholar

⁷¹ Only the historical background can furnish the key to understanding this lesson. Why, first of all, should Tamīn be considered before his brother, who was the leader of the Almoravids? The answer to this question hinges on the importance of Tamīn in the history of Muslim Spain, specifically the capture of Uclés, which overshadowed any of his brother's achievements and dealt the Christians a terrible blow. One must recall that the course of the Reconquest reached an apogee with the conquest of Toledo in May 1085. The consequences of this victory were enormous for the cause of Spanish unity. Petit-Dutaillis, Ch. and Guinard, P., Histoire du moyen âge IV L'Essor des états d'occident; Paris 1944) 308–309. With the defeat of the Christians in 1108, and the subsquent death of the son of Alfonso VI in battle a few days later, Toledo was again threatened and the ideal of Spanish unity temporarily destroyed. For the history of this battle see Beraud-Villars, (supra n. 64) 183–187 and also Petit-Detaillis and Guinard, 314.Google Scholar

⁷² AH. 17.216.Google Scholar

⁷³ For this interpretation of the material, the author is indebted to generous assistance of Pérez de Urbel, J. O.S.B., Professor of Medieval Spanish History in the University of Madrid. The interpretation given above differs radically from that of Pierre David, who contends that the two Christian kings in question are Alfonso Henriques, the first King of (1143?–1185) and his son, Sancho I, who reigned until 1210. The Muslims in the lesson Portugal are not Almoravids, but the Almohads, the succeeding dynasty: '… il s'agit de l'échec retentissant d'Abou Yakûb devant Santarem en 1184 et de la conquête de Silves et de l'Algarve en 1189 par Sanche 1^er auquel on attribue des projets sur Seville (David, , in Bulletin [supra n. 21] 10 [1946] 27). The Spanish translation of the Liber sancti Jacobi (597–598) follows David: Cae la gente agarena y los justos tirunfan doquiera, 10 y bajo el rey Alfonso cae hasta el Miramolin. Y de Santiago al servicio está también el rey Sancho, como su padre antes érale fiel amigo. Ya la regia virtud y con ella fiel vasallaje que a Santiago toca, llena los dos reinados. 15 Lleva el hijo con fe el segundo cetro del reino y ha de venir Sevilla a las reales manos. Seville did not fall until 1248 (Castro, , Structure 87) and, considering the difficulties that Sancho had on his home grounds, incursions against Seville, as David maintains, seem an improbable interpretation. Livermore, H. V., A History of Portugal (Cambridge 1947), furnishes a map facing page 120 which shows the limits of Portugal's conquests from Alfonso to Sancho II. Considering distance in those days, Seville is far away from these limits. It does not seem that the translators have come to grips with the words ‘regna … gemina’ and ‘altera sceptra.’ As to their interpretation of ‘Hispalis ad Palmam’ they say: ‘En la edic. lat. Palman, pero en el Códice palmam y el sentido literal es “a la palma de la mano del rey” (aunque con mayúscula hace pensar en Palma del Río o en La Palma del Condado, pueblos no lejanos de Sevilla)’ [Liber sancti Jacobi (Sp. trans.) 598]. Lección II Cuentan las gestas que al moro Almanzor una disenteria le arrebató la vida, como catigo de Dios. Hoy malamente ha muerto de Almiramín así el hijo, de la tierra gran rey, de retención de orina [?] Luego el intruso y nefando retoño del último, herido por la divina mano, ha percido también. Abū-Ya'qūb is the ‘Miramurin’ and also the ‘filius A lmiramini,’ since it cannot be the son of Ya'qūb,‘ puesto que murió después de la fecha de 1190 que llevan estas lecciones’ (Liber sancti Jacobi [Sp. trans.] 598). ‘Misciquitare volens’ is related to ‘mictitare,’ hence is translated as ‘de retencion de orina.’ Abū-Ya'qūb died as a result of a wound received at Santarém, which was probably in the abdomen, as these translators admit. His inability to urinate is explained as a complication: ‘creemos que podria haber tenido tal complication.’ Later they admit: ‘No hemos podido identificar a este “intruso y nefando retoño…’ (ibid. p. 598).Google Scholar

⁷⁴ A motif in the Peter hymns is concerned with the number three, which is derived from Peter's denial of Christ (Mt. 26.69–75; Mk 14.66–72; Lk 22.54–62; Jn 18.25–27) and his subsequent triple confession of love (Jn 21.15–18). Ter confessus ter negatum Gregem pascis ter donatum Vita, verbo, precibus. (AH 53.317) This number symbolism is re-echoed in this hymn in the third lesson, but applied to James, even though there is no Biblical basis for it. Again there is a reference to James' power of binding and loosening as a rival to Peter's power. Hinc est, cum Jacobi redeunt tria festa beati Solvitur ecclesia, si qua legata fuit. Ad Jacobi festa trina est confessio laudis Cordis ad os novitas, justa operante fide. Haec coelos aperit culpis solvendo ligatos, Haec vitae est novitas et novitatis amor.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ Kendrick, , (supra n. 34) 21.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Ibid. 35–36.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Petit-Dutaillis, and Guinard, , (supra n. 71) 335.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Gregory claimed Spain as part of the patrimony of Rome. See Menendez Pidal, R., La España del Cid I (Madrid 1956), 227ff.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ For a brief but excellent discussion of the effects of the cult of Santiago on medieval Europe, see Mirgeler, Albert, Mutations of Western Christianity, tr. Quinn, Edward (New York 1964), especially Chapter vii, ‘The Impact of the Spanish Battle for the Faith’ and Chapter viii, ‘Medieval Christianity’ (82–120).Google Scholar

⁸⁰ Castro, , Structure 142.Google Scholar

⁸¹ Ibid. 135.Google Scholar

⁸² Ibid. 137. Later Castro (p. 143) quotes from the Liber sancti Jacobi (p. 23), where there is question of symbolism of spiritual fertility: ‘Both Boanerges “watered the earth with their rain and at the same time that they communicated the rain of divine grace to the faithful with their preaching,” …. ’ PL 163.1383. If Castro had included the previous lines of the text in this quotation (Liber, loc. cit.; PL). he would have had to include a quotation from the Old Testament, which would have partially explained the meaning of the words given above. Dum in omnem terrain exivit sonus eorum, et in fines orbis terrae verba eorum processerunt [Ps. 18.5]. Terram pluviis irrigarunt dum sua praedicatione divinae gratiae imbrem credentium mentibus intimarunt…. Further on in the same text (Liber, 23; PL loc.cit.) there is symbolism connected with light and water, but again these relate to Isaiah (60.8): ‘Qui sunt isti qui ad nubes volant, et quasi columbae ad fenestras suas, candidiores nive, nitidiores lacte, rubicundiores ebore antiquo ?’ This passage from Scripture helps to explain an obscure stanza from one of the hymns on James: 3a Ad fenestram evolavit Ut columba, dum rogavit Dextrae sessum, sed formavit Illum tua ratio. (Hymn no. 114) The symbol of water is related to another passage from Isaiah (45.8) in this context: ‘Rorate caeli desuper, et nubes pluant justum: aperiatur terra et germinet salvatorem.’ This passage can be found in the Liber sancti Jacobi, 23. The point emphasized here is that the Old Testament is a possible source for these symbols, but one ignored by Castro.Google Scholar

⁸³ Some examples are found in the following hymns: 18, (9b); 45 (in 2 Vesp.); 26, (1); 89, (3); 35, (4); 13, (3).Google Scholar

⁸⁴ See the following hymns: 23, (5); 47, (2); 85, (1); 50, (1); 36, (7).Google Scholar

⁸⁵ The use of fertility symbols pervades all the hymns, especially the symbolism of light. For some representative examples see the following: 13, (passim); 12, (passim); 93, (passim).Google Scholar

⁸⁶ Ibid. 137.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ For the use of this symbolism in hymns on other Saints see AH 41, just as a random sampling. St. Anne p. 28 (1); St. Colomannus, p. 29 (1); Saints Simon and Jude, p. 33 (1); St. Ambrose, p. 121 (2); St. Bernard, p. 126 (4); St. John the Evangelist, p. 136 (1).Google Scholar

⁸⁸ Harnack, Adolph, Militia Christi (Tübingen 1905) 93–114; O'Malley, T. P., Tertullian and the Bible (Utrecht 1967) 107–113; Mohrmann, Christine, ‘La langue de saint Benoît,’ in Études sur le latin des chrétiens II (Rome 1961) 325–245, esp. 337–340. For the use of this symbolism in hymns see Szövérffy, Annalen I 134.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ Castro, , Structure 136.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ The argument from the number of persons (2) is not conclusive, if one considers other hymns and popular piety. In a hymn on two Saints, James and Aemilianus, both of whom were associated with Spain, there is mention of two ‘luminaria’ in the sky: Eius mira protectio Cum Zebedei filio Sunt duo luminaria, Quibus fulget Esperia. As Szövérffy observes (Annalen I 344), the imagery here had its origin in another cult of two saints, Peter and Paul. The date, like Castro's poem, is in the tenth century. For a sequence of Peter and Paul also from the tenth century with this image ‘gemina lumina,’ see Szövérffy, , Mirror 144.Google Scholar

⁹¹ For more examples of this type of symbolism within the hymn tradition see Szövérffy, Peccatrix quondam femina: A Survey of the Mary Magdalen Hymns,' Traditio 19 (1963) 120. See also Schaller, Dieter, ‘Zur geistlichen Metaphorik des Bewässerns und des Regens,’ Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch 1 (1964) 59–64.Google Scholar

⁹² Liber sancti Jacobi 183–184.Google Scholar

⁹³ Power, John, History of Salvation (New York 1967) 5–6.Google Scholar

⁹⁴ ‘Sicut enim apostolorum unusquisque statim post beati Iacobi persecutionem ad locum a Deo preordinatum perrexit et populos saluandos ad Christi fidem reuocavit, sic inclitus apostolus Iacobus carne solutus transferri a Iherosolimis in Galleciam dicitur, et populos illius terre incredibiles olimque impios suo aduentu miraculisque suis ubique diffusis ad Dei cultum gratia Christi operante reuocare creditur. Quod enim uiuus non perfecit, mortuus etiam adimpleuit. Si enim uiuus magnam gentem sua predicatione et prodigio ad fidem conuertit, solutus etiam carne miraculis et uirtutibus suis multo maiorem ad Deum Spiritus Sancti clemencia operante attraxit.’ (Liber sancti Jacobi p. 86.)Google Scholar

⁹⁵ ‘The liturgy itself affirms the perpetual contemporaneity of the Passion. Annually, the Church rejoices because Christ has been born again in Bethlehem; as the winter draws near an end He enters Jerusalem, is betrayed, crucified, and, the long Lenten sadness ended at last, rises from death on Easter morning.’ Richter, Anne, Shakespeare and the Idea of the Play (Baltimore 1967) 17.Google Scholar

⁹⁶ Hardison, O. B. Jr., Christian Rite and Christian Drama in the Middle Ages (Baltimore 1965) 290.Google Scholar