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² I quote from the text established by the Società Dantesca Italiana, La Commedia secondo l'antica vulgata, ed. Petrocchi, G. (Milan 1966–67) 4 vols. Discussion of Satan's three heads up through 1957 is provided by Hermann Gmelin, Die Göttliche Komödie (Stuttgart 1957) I 483–86. Of particular interest is Charles S. Singleton, Commedia, Elements of Structure; Dante Studies 1 (Cambridge, Mass. 1954) 37f.Google Scholar

³ Freccero, ‘The Sign’ 12–15, provides a good background for this idea.Google Scholar

⁴ Fallani, Giovanni, Dante e la cultura figurativa medievale (Bergamo 1971) 78–80, stresses the importance of this mosiac. For other Last Judgment scenes with which the poet may have been familiar, see Arturo Graf, Miti, leggende e superstizioni del Medio Evo (1892–93; repr. Bologna 1965) II 92–94.Google Scholar

⁵ The first modern critic, to my knowledge, to place these faces in a specifically geographic context was Savage, J. J., ‘The Medieval Tradition of Cerberus,’ Traditio 7 (1949–51) 410 n. 25, who noted that Bernard Silvestris and the Third Vatican Mythographer had connected Cerberus’ three heads with the three known continents: ‘the three colors so conspicuous in Lucifer's features may well connote the three races of men who inhabited the three continents known to Dante.’Google Scholar

⁶ ‘Marco Polo, Dante Alighieri e la cosmografia medievale,’ in Oriente Poliano Studi conferenze tenute all'Is. M.E.O. in occasione del VII centenario della náscita di Marco Polo (Rome 1957) 46–65. See also Franci, G., ‘Dante e l'oriente,’ Saggi indologici (Bologna 1969) 145–68.Google Scholar

⁷ For a survey of the literature of maps, see Andrews, Michael C., ‘The Study and Classification of Medieval Mappae Mundi,’ Archaeologia 75 (1926) 61–76; Dana B. Durand, The Vienna-Klosterneuburg Map Corpus of the Fifteenth Century (Leiden 1952) 13–20; Marcel Destombes, Mappemondes A.D. 1200–1500 (Monumenta cartographica vestustioris aevi 1; Amsterdam 1964); Leo Bagrow, History of Cartography, rev. R. A. Skelton (Cambridge, Mass. 1964); Anna-Dorothee von den Brincken, ‘Mappa mundi und Chronographia,’ Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters 24 (1958) 118–86, and ‘“… ut describeretur universus orbis”: Zur Universalkartographie des Mittelalters,’ Miscellanea Mediaevalia 7 (1970) 249–78; and Uwe Ruberg, ‘Mappa Mundi des Mittelalters im Zusammenwirken von Text und Bild,’ in Christel Meier and Uwe Ruberg edd., Text und Bild, Aspekte des Zusammenwirkens zweier Künste in Mittelalter and früher Neuzeit (Wiesbaden 1980) 550–92.Google Scholar

⁸ See on this point Brieger, Peter, Meiss, Millard, and Singleton, Charles S., Illuminated Manuscripts of the Divine Comedy (Princeton 1969) I 33–157.Google Scholar

⁹ Fanfani, Pietro, ed., Commenta alla Divina Commedia d'Anonimo Fiorentino del secolo XIV (Bologna 1866) I 707.Google Scholar

¹⁰ See on this subject Block Friedman, John, The Monstrous Races in Medieval Art and Thought (Cambridge, Mass. 1981) 51–54.Google Scholar

¹¹ Del Monte, Alberto, ed., Dante Alighieri, opere minori (Milan 1960): De monarchia 2–3, pp. 653, 567–58.Google Scholar

¹² On Lucifer see generally Lo Castro, Antonio, Lucifero nella Commedia di Dante (Messina–Florence 1971).Google Scholar

¹³ Macrobius, Commentarii in Somnivm Scipionis 2.5.11–12, ed. Willis, J. (Leipzig 1963) 111–12. See also W. H. Stahl, Roman Science (Madison, Wisc. 1962) 158–69.Google Scholar

¹⁴ For a description of this manuscript, see Ker, N. R., Medieval Manuscripts in British Libraries (Oxford 1969) I 283–85. The codex was recently sold at auction and is now in the collection of Dr. Peter Ludwig of Aachen. I owe this information to Willene B. Clark.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Iannucci, Amilcare, ‘Ulysses’ “folle volo”: The Burden of History,’ Medioevo Romanzo 3 (1976) 437.Google Scholar

¹⁶ See Friedman, , Monstrous Races 46–48, and Marcello Seta, ‘Dante agli antipodi con Ulisse dal centro della terra alla luna,’ Argomenti 6 (1970) 189–201.Google Scholar

¹⁷ See on this point Freccero, John, ‘Dante's Firm Foot and the Journey without a Guide,’ Harvard Theological Review 52 (1959) 252–57.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Jerusalem's placement derives in part from the interpretation of Psalm 73.12: ‘operatus est salutem in medio terrae,’ and in part from Ezechiel 5.5, where God says that He will establish Jerusalem in the midst of nations. Thus the city was seen as the navel of the world in medieval tradition. See Müller, Werner, Die heilige Stadt: Roma quadrata, himmlisches Jerusalem und die Mythe vom Weltnabel (Stuttgart 1961); Robert Konrad, ‘Das himmlische und das irdische Jerusalem im mittelalterlichen Denken,’ in Speculum Historiale … Festschrift Spoerl, edd. Clemens Bauer et al. (Munich 1965) 523–40; and James Dougherty, The Fivesquare City (Notre Dame 1980) 1–22.Google Scholar

¹⁹ This map, St. Gall Stiftsbibliothek Cod. 237, p. 1, is mentioned by Destombes, Mappe-mondes, section 1.6, p. 30. A drawing appears in Konrad Miller, Mappaemundi VI, Rekonstruierte Karten (Stuttgart 1898) 58 fig. 26, who dates it in the 8th century.Google Scholar

²⁰ The literature on this map is quite extensive. For discussion, see Friedman, , Monstrous Races 45–46 no. 27. Hermann Kanow, ‘Literatur zur Entstehung der Ebstorfer Weltkarte,’ Nachrichten aus dem Karten- und Vermessungswesen 32 (1966) 31–35, gives a good bibliographical essay on the subject.Google Scholar

²¹ Lactantius, Divinae institutiones 4.26.36, ed. Brandt, S. (CSEL 19; Vienna 1890) 383.Google Scholar

²² See on this alabaster Miner, D. and Verdier, P., The International Style: The Arts in Europe around 1400 (Baltimore 1962) 86–87. Elements of the overall image are interestingly discussed by Ilene H. Forsyth, The Throne of Wisdom (Princeton 1972).Google Scholar

²³ See Schlee, E., Die Ikonographie der Paradiesesflüsse (Leipzig 1937).Google Scholar

²⁴ Freccero, ‘The Sign’ 14–15.Google Scholar

²⁵ See Kleinhenz, Christopher, ‘Dante's Towering Giants: Inferno XXXI,’ Romance Philology 27 (1974) 275.Google Scholar

²⁶ See Coutant, Victor and Eichenlaub, Val, edd. and tr., Theophrastus, De ventis (Notre Dame 1975), for a good study of medieval wind lore, as well as J. Baltrušaitis, ‘Roses de vents et roses de personnages à l’époche romane,’ Gazette des beaux-arts 20 ser. 6 (1938) 265–76.Google Scholar

²⁷ See Davidson, E. Clifford and O'Connor, David, York Art: A Subject List of Extant and Lost Art Including Items Relevant to Early Drama (Kalamazoo, Mich. 1978) 20 fig. 3.Google Scholar

²⁸ Anglicus, Bartholomaeus, De proprietatibus rerum 2.18 (Nuremberg: A. Koberger 1483) 16.Google Scholar

²⁹ See on this miniature, D'Alverny, M.-T., ‘Le Cosmos symbolique du xii^e siècle,’ Archives d'histoire doctrinale et littéraire du Moyen Ǎge 28 (1953) 79; and A. C. Esmeijer, Divina quaternitas (Amsterdam 1973) 109.Google Scholar

³⁰ Fontaine, Jacques, ed., Isidore de Séville, Traité de la nature 36.3 (Bordeaux 1960) 295.Google Scholar

³¹ Freccero, ‘The Sign’ 17 n. 10, has called attention to the similarity of thought between the two authors.Google Scholar

³² Hildegard of Bingen, Liber divinorum operum 1.4 (PL 197.841–42). See Liebeschütz, Hans, Das allegorische Weltbild der heiligen Hildegard von Bingen (Leipzig and Berlin 1930 72–86, and Bertha Widmer, Heilsordnung und Zeitgeschehen in der Mystik Hildegards von Bingen (Basel and Stuttgart 1955) 22f.Google Scholar

³³ On this distinction, see Lombard, Peter, Sententiarum libri 3.34.1–11 (PL 192.823–27). On fear generally as a perturbation of the soul, see Hagendahl, H., ‘Latin Fathers and the Classics,’ Studia Graeca et Latina Gotheburgensia 6 (1958) 331–46.Google Scholar

³⁴ For a collection of texts on this subject, see Friedman, Monstrous Races 52–54 and notes.Google Scholar

³⁵ See on this point Freccero, John, ‘Infernal Inversion and Christian Conversion (Inferno XXXIV),’ Italica 42 (1965) 35–38 and ‘Dante's Pilgrim in a Gyre,’ Publications of the Modern Language Association 76 (1961) 170–71, 178. Also of interest is the appearance in the Commedia of the arbor inversa theme. See Edsman, Carl-Martin, ‘Arbor inversa,’ Festschrift Walter Baetke, edd. Kurt Rudolph et al. (Weimar 1966) 85–109.Google Scholar

³⁶ This miniature is discussed in Brieger et al., Illuminated manuscripts, I 240–41.Google Scholar

³⁷ See for example John of Garland, Morale scolarium, ed. Paetow, L. J. (Berkeley 1927) 219: ‘Mundi giravit parallellum crux mediantem / Horas equantem cum sol hac parte meavit.’Google Scholar

³⁸ See Kleinhenz, Christopher, ‘Infernal Guardians Revisted: “Cerbero, il gran vermo,”’ Dante Studies 93 (1975) 186–99; and Gerard Luciani, Les Monstres dans La Divine Comédie (Paris 1975).Google Scholar

³⁹ There had been a long tradition connecting the three heads of Cerberus with the three continents. See Savage, J. H., ‘Mediaeval Notes on the Sixth Aeneid in Parisinus 7930,’ Speculum 9 (1934) 212 n., as well as a scholium to John of Garland's Morale scolarium 603–4, ed. Paetow; V. Nannucci, ed., Petri Allegheri, Super Dantis ipsius genitoris Comoediam commentarium (Florence 1844) 91; and V. Cioffari, ed., Guido da Pisa's Expositiones et Glose super Comediam Dantis (Albany, N.Y. 1974) 121.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ In somewhat different form, this paper was presented at the First Annual Conference of the American Association of University Professors of Italian, University of Illinois, Urbana–Champaign, November 1980. I am much indebted to Anthony Cassell and Christopher Kleinhenz for helpful suggestions and corrections, and to the Graduate Research Board of the University of Illinois for financial help with the illustrations.Google Scholar