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The Development of the Idea of Habit in the Thought of Saint Augustine

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  29 July 2016

John G. Prendiville*
St. Thomas More College, University of Western Australia


This study is concerned with Augustine's use of habit (consuetudo) to explain man's reluctance to raise his mind to God, and his difficulty in doing good. In the books that will be examined here, consuetudo is nearly always used in a pejorative sense, and can thus be translated as bad habit (be it of a psychological or ethical nature). Habit as a formal instrument of thought was known to Augustine early in his life from a reading of the Categories. There he learned that habit was a quality of a substance, not a substance itself: ‘One kind of quality let us call habits ἕξιϛ and conditions (διάθεσις). A habit differs from a condition in being more stable and lasting longer. Such are the branches of knowledge and the virtues. Justice, temperance, and the rest seem to be not easily changed.’ Augustine was also aware of the idea of habit as a second nature (consuetudo secunda natura), i.e. a tendency which is created by one's own activity, and which in turn produces effects in a predictable sort of way. This idea was a commonplace of the ancient world, and may have come to Augustine through the professors of rhetoric, who taught speech and composition through the inculcation of good habits.

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1 It was probably in the Latin translation of Marius Victorinus, according to Marrou, H., Augustin, S. et la culture antique (Paris 1938) 34. L. Minio-Paluello puts forward the hypothesis that it was the translation of Albinus, who may have been one of Macrobius's circle. ‘The text of the Categoriae: the Latin Tradition’ in Classical Quarterly 39 (1945) 66. Conf. 4.16.28.

2 Categories 8b,26. See Bekker, (ed.) (Berlin 1831) 8.

3 See the word list in Bréhier, E. (ed.) Ennéades VI2 (Paris 1938): ἕξιϛ (p. 217) and διάΘ∊σις (p. 212).

4 Lists of consuetudo in Augustine's works (by no means complete) can be found in Lenfant, D., Concordantiae Augustinianae (Paris 1656–1665) 2 vols. and in the general index to Augustine (PL 46.185).

5 Retractationes Prologue par. 3.

6 E.g. De ordine 1.1.3; 3.6; De moribus ecclesiae catholicae et de moribus Manichaeorum 2.19.70; De quantitate animae 33.71; De genesi contra Manichaeos 1.22.34; 2.19.29; 21.31; 22.34; De musica 2.8.15; 5.5.10.

7 De vera relig. 1. Latin citations from this work will be given from CCL 32 (1962) and by paragraphs only.

8 De vera relig. 5 (CCL 32.191).

9 La Révélation d'Hermès Trismégiste IV (Paris 1954) 261.

10 And also when he speaks of the soul being demersa, implicata in temporal things, e.g. De ordine 1.10.29; 2.11.20. Cf. also De moribus ecclesiae catholicae et de moribus Manichaeorum 1.3.3.

11 De vera relig. 3 (CCL 32.189).

12 Ibid. 6 (CCL 32.192).

13 Ibid. 64 (CCL 32.228).

14 Ibid. 65 (CCL 32.229).

15 Ibid. 88 (CCL 32.244). Note his usage in other works: ‘In five passages [in the sermons] corpus and caro are mentioned as the opposite of the human soul in almost the same breath.’ Schumacher, W. A., Spiritus and Spiritualis. A Study in the Sermons of St. Augustine (Mundelein 1957) 60. Cf. M. Löhrer, Der Glaubensbegriff des heiligen Augustinus in seinen ersten Schriften bis zu den Confessiones (Einsiedeln 1955) 72.

16 De vera relig. 22; 67.

17 De vera relig. 40, cf. ibid. 95.

18 Ep. 3 (CSEL 34.8). Cf. also Contra academicos 1.3.9; De ordine 2.6.19. I have kept the dichotomous presentation in this outline since this work is concerned not so much with the soul in itself, as the relation between body and soul. However, to understand many of the citations that follow, it is as well to recall here the trichotomous explanation: the soul as concerned with ideas is often called animus (De ordine 2.6); as concerned with the body it remains anima, or sometimes anima animalis (on the relation between the two cf. Siebeck, H., Geschichte der Psychologie Part I, section 2 [Amsterdam 1961] 386). Mens is a faculty of the animus (Ep. 3.4) which is capable of a lower discursive function called ratio (De ordine 2.30, 38, 50), and a higher intuitional function called intellectus (De ordine 2.41, 42; Ep. 3.4). R. Schwarz finds the trichotomous division in the Fathers from the time of Justin, Irenaeus, and the Alexandrians (influenced by 1 Thess. 5.23). (See ‘Die leibseelische Existenz bei Aurelius Augustinus’ in Philosophisches Jahrbuch der Görres-gesellschaft 63, 2er Halbband [1955] 325.) Cf. J. J. O'Meara's note in St. Augustine, Against the Academics (Ancient Christian Writers 12; London 1951) 169 n. 6; Dom Mark Pontifex's note in St. Augustine, The Problem of Free Choice (Ancient Christian Writers 22; London 1955) 242 n. 19; R. A. Markus, ‘Marius Victorinus and Augustine’ in The Cambridge History of Later Greek and Early Medieval Philosophy (Cambridge 1967) 354–376.

19 Cf. De quantitate animae 23.41.

20 Sensus est corporis passio per seipsam non latens animamDe quantitate animae 30.59 (PL 32.1068). On this definition Colleran, J. M. writes: ‘At the basis of this conception of sensation are the principles (i) that the human soul is never inferior to the body (De musica 6.5.8) and (ii) that all subject matter is inferior to that which acts upon it (‘… omnis materia fabricatore deterior,’ ibid.) Hence, it follows that the soul cannot receive anything from the body, or be acted upon by it. It is the soul alone that acts, and it notices the physical effects that occur in the body’ (The Greatness of the Soul [Ancient Christian Writers 9; London 1950] 208 n. 73). Cf. De quantitate animae 23.41; 24.46; 25.48.

21 De vera relig. 3 (CCL 32.188). Cf. also De div. quaest. 83, 9 (PL 40.13), and Contra academicos 3.11.26 (CSEL 63.67).

22 De quantitate animae 33.74 (PL 32.1076).

23 De quantitate animae 33.70 (PL 32.1074). Cf. also: ‘Quaeris quid sit animus: facile respondeo. Nam mihi videtur esse substantia quaedam rationis particeps, regendo corpori accommodata’ (De quantitate animae 13.23 [PL 32.1048]).

24 De quantitate animae 33.71–72 (PL 32.1074–5).

25 De musica 6.5.9 (PL 32.1168).

26 De musica 6.5.10 (PL 32.1169).

27 … sic animus a se ipse fusus immensitate quadam diverberatur et vera mendicitate conteritur, …De ordine 1.2.3 (CSEL 63.123).

28 Later he will speak of the soul abandoning itself, so to speak, for the sake of the body (De musica 6.5.12 [PL 32.1169–70]). J. Trouillard has noticed the same thing in Plotinus's theory of sensation: ‘Il faut que la passion soit assumée par la raison pour ětre quelque chose d'humain. Mais alors la raison doit se prěter à l'impression et donc se livrer à elle pour une part. L'affectivité de la sensation est moins subie que consentie’ (apropos of Enn. 3.6.1; La purification Plotinienne [Paris 1955] 30).

29 Ratio ad intellectum cognitionemque perducit.De vera relig. 45 (CCL 32.215).

30 De vera relig. 19.

31 Cf. the similar idea of the Incarnation in Lactantius: ‘nam cum justitia nulla esset in terra, doctores misit quasi vivam legem, … ut verum ac pium cultum per omnem terram et verbis et exemplo seminaret.’ Divinae institutiones 4.25 (CSEL 19.375). And also Irenaeus (particularly Adversus haereses 3.20.2): cf. Pierre Évieux, ‘Théologie de l'Accoutumance chez Saint Irénée,’ in Recherches de Science Religieuse 55.1 (1967) 554.

32 De vera relig. 4.

33 Ibid. 31.

34 Ibid. 98.

35 Ibid. 47.

36 ‘… videamus, quatenus ratio possit progredi a visibilibus ad invisibilia et a temporalibus ad aeterna conscendens.’ De vera relig. 52 (CCL 32.221).

37 Ibid. pars. 52–68.

38 Ibid. 56–57 (CCL 32.224).

39 Ibid. 65.

40 1 John 2.16. De vera relig. 70.

41 Ibid. 65 (CCL 32.230).

42 Ibid. 72 (CCL 32.234)

43 Ibid. 88,89.

44 … ipse recte utitur temporalibus …op. cit. 91 (CCL 32.247).

45 De vera relig. 49 cf. De quantitate animae 75.

46 De vera relig. 90 (CCL 32.246).

47 Conf. 7.17.23; 9.10.24.

48 E.g. the hermits of Trier (Conf. 8.6.15) and the description of Pachomian monasticism in the De moribus ecclesiae catholicae et de moribus Manichaeorum 1.31. 67–68.

49 Ibid. 1.33.70.

50 Rom. 14.3.

51 Rom. 14.15.

52 De moribus ecclesiae, etc. 1.33. 70–73.

53 detestantes turbulentas humanae vitae molestias paene iam firmaveramus remoti a turbis otiose vivere …Conf. 6.14.24 (BA 13.566). Citations from the Confessions come from the critical edition of Skutella, H. (1934), published in the Bibliothèque Augustinienne (BA) series, vols. 13 and 14 (Paris 1962).

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54 Sed si hoc excedit nostram tolerantiam.De moribus ecclesiae 1.31.67.

55 Holte, R., Béatitude et Sagesse (Paris 1962) 189. Note also: ‘La conception du christianisme, telle qu'Augustin l'a exprimée dans ses premiers écrits, s'accorde parfaitement, dans ses lignes essentielles, avec la gnose d'Alexandrie. Lorsqu'Augustin désigne le Christ comme veritas ou sapientia, cela signifie que, pour lui tout comme pour Clément, seul un intellect philosophiquement exercé et purifié moralement est capable de le comprendre’ (Ibid. 187).

56 Conf. 3.9.8.

57 Possidius, Vita Augustini 3. For the monastic background to Thagaste I am particularly indebted to Rudolf Lorenz, ‘Die Anfänge des abendländischen Mönchtums im 4. Jahrhundert’ Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte 77 (1966) especially 38–41.

58 Ep. 6.

59 Ep. 4.2.

60 … deificari enim utrisque in otio licebat.Ep. 10.2 (CSEL 34.24); cf. ‘agite otium …’ De vera relig. 65.

61 Ibid. According to Folliet, G., Augustine's expressions in this letter, in particular deificari in otio (which he understands as reflexive), suggest ‘que son idéal de vie présent est beaucoup plus proche de celui du sage, tel que le présentent les philosophes néoplatoniciens, que de celui de l'Évangile; la préoccupation de la mort, la possession dès ici-bas de l'apatheia et du bonheur, la purification qui à elle seule nous “rend semblable à Dieu,” sont des traits caractéristiques de l'ascèse néoplatonicienne’ (‘ “Deificari in otio,” Augustin, Epistula, X,2’ in Recherches augustiniennes 2 [1962] 226).

62 See Retractationes 1.26.2.

63 De div. quaest. 83, 12.

64 Contra academicos 1.1.3. Cf. also 2.2.3.

65 De utilitate credendi 1.2.

66 Contra academicos 2.3.8.

67 Ibid. 1.1.3.

68 … postquam tuas acerrimas interrogationesDe vera relig. 12.

69 Ep. 15.

70 Ep. 7 (PL 61.179).

71 Retractationes 1.13.1.

72 De vera relig. 17.

73 ‘Defendi autem adversus loquaces, et aperiri quaerentibus, multis modis potest …’ De vera relig. 20 (CCL 32.200).

74 De vera relig. 107.

75 For sympathetic accounts of Manichaeism, based on the latest research, see Gerald Bonner, St. Augustine of Hippo (London 1963) 157193, and Peter Brown, Augustine of Hippo (London 1967) 46–61. Both authors attempt to show the Manichaean myth as a serious effort to come to grips with the problem of evil. Only such an approach can explain how a sophisticated man of his times like Augustine could have been a Manichaean for nine years. Cf. also Puech, H., ‘Der Begriff der Erlösung in Manichäismus’ in Eranos Jahrbuch (1936) 183–286, and ‘Le Manichéisme; son fondateur, sa doctrine’ (Paris 1949) 59–93; R. Jolivet and M. Jourjon, Introduction to Six traités Anti-Manichéens BA 17 (1961) 41–49; G. Widengren, Mani and Manichaeism, trans. C. Kessler (London 1965) 122–126.

76 De vera relig. 16.

77 De haeresibus 46.6.

78 Manichäische Homilien ed. Polotsky, H. J. (Stuttgart 1934) 6.

79 A Manichaean Psalm Book, Part II ed. Allberry, C. R. C. (Stuttgart 1938) 135.

80 De moribus ecclesiae catholicae 2.18.65.

81 Allberry, C. R. C., ed. op. cit. 99; 117; 149. On the ugliness of the body cf. Kephalaia I (Stuttgart 1940) 200.

82 De vera relig. 21 (CCL 32.200).

83 … unus Deus, una veritas, una salus omnium, et prima atque summa essentia, ex qua est omne quidquid est, in quantum est …ibid. ‘Unde fecit? Ex nihilo.’ Ibid. 35 (CCL 32.209).

84 Ibid. 21 (CCL 32.200). Cf. ‘Nulla substantia malum est’; ibid. 32 (CCL 32.207). ‘Quoniam quidquid est, quantulacumque specie sit necesse est; ita etsi minimum bonum tamen bonum erit et ex Deo erit.’ Ibid. 35 (CCL 32.209).

85 Ibid. 36 (CCL 32.209).

86 Ibid. 21 (CCL 32.200).

87 … vita, quae fructu corporis delectata neglegit Deum, inclinatur ad nihilum, et ista est nequitia.Ibid. 22 (CCL 32.201).

88 Et hoc est totum quod dicitur malum, id est peccatum et poena peccatiop. cit. 23 (CCL 32.202). Cf. ‘Vitium ergo animae est quod fecit, et difficultas ex vitio poena quam patitur. Et hoc est totum malum.’ Ibid. 39 (CCL 32.211).

89 Ibid. 23 (CCL 32.202). Cf. ‘… diligendo inferiora in egestate voluptatum suarum et in doloribus apud inferos ordinatur’ ibid.

90 Ibid. 67 (CCL 32.231). Cf. Ibid. 38: the tree of Paradise was not evil, but the transgression of God's command.

91 Ibid. 25 (CCL 32.202).

92 Ibid. 44. Note, too, Augustine's remark on Christ's Resurrection, that it shows how God saves our entire human nature, and how easy it is for the body to serve the soul, when the soul is subject to God, op. cit. 32. See Marrou, H., The Resurrection and Saint Augustine's Theology of Human Values (Villanova 1966) 12.

93 De vera relig. 64 (CCL 32.228).

94 Ibid. 96 (CCL 32.249). Cf. also 40 and 95.

95 Ibid. 63 (CCL 32.228).

96 Ibid. 64 (CCL 32.229).

97 Ep. 19.

98 Die ersten Kapitel der Einleitung muten wie ein Bekenntnis zum Neuplatonismus an.Dörries, H., ‘Neuplatonisches und Christliches in Augustins de vera religione’ in Zeitschrift für Neutestamentliche Wissenschaft 33 (1924) 77.

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99 For Plotinus see Enneads 4.7.8: ‘Sensation is the perception of material objects by the soul using the body.’ The ‘non latere’ of Augustine is similar to the μὴ λα∊ĩν of Plotinus (Enn. 4.4.19).

100 According to Dörries, H., in the seven grades listed in par. 49 of the de vera religione ‘begegnen wir einem reinen Neuplatonismus’ op. cit. 78.

101 Plotinus, The Enneads trans. Mackenna, S. (London 1962) 206. Henceforth referred to as Mackenna.

102 (CCL 32.189).

103 Mackenna, , op. cit. 32. O. du Roy places Enn. 1.2 on his list of passages read by Augustine (L'Intelligence de la Foi en la Trinité selon Saint Augustin [Paris 1966] 70).

104 De mus. (PL 32.1170).

105 De ordine 1.1.3 (CSEL 63.123).

106 Solignac, A., ‘Plotiniennes et Porphyriennes dans le début du De Ordine de S. Augustin,’ Archives de Philosophie (1957) 456.

107 Ibid. See also Bidez, J., Vie de Porphyre, le philosophe néo-platonicien (Gand 1913) 110111.

108 Ch. 41, p. 40, lines 4–6 (Mommert ed. Leipzig 1907). Solignac thinks that Augustine knew the Sentences because Marius Yictorinus introduced some passages at least of these Porphyrian glosses in his translation of the Enneads. See op. cit. p. 462. J. J. O'Meara gives an important place to Porphyry in Augustine's early development; cf. The Young Augustine (London 1954) 143 ff. and ‘Augustine and Neo-Platonism,’ Recherches Augustiniennes I (1958) 97. See also M. N. Bouillet (trans.) Ennéades (Paris 1857) 2.555.

109 Sentences ch. 37 p. 33 (Mommert ed.).

110 Ibid. ch. 32 p. 23.

111 The Hortensius, quoted in Contra Julianum 4.14.72.

112 De natura deorum 2.17.45 (Loeb ed. pp. 164–166).

113 Testard, M., Saint Augustin et Cicéron vol. I (Paris 1958) 75.

114 Cf. Dörries, H., ‘Neuplatonisches und Christliches’ 81.

115 Enn. 1.8.14. Mackenna 77.

116 Bréhier, E., La philosophie de Plotin (Paris 1928) 6468; A. Festugière, La Révélation d'Hermès Trismégiste III (Paris 1953) 95 ff.; C. Tresmontant, La métaphysique du Christianisme (Paris 1961) 319–344.

117 Enn. 4.7.2. Mackenna 357.

118 Ibid. Mackenna 358.

119 Dodds, E. R., Pagan and Christian in an Age of Anxiety (Cambridge 1965) 25.

120 Enn. 4.7.13; 5.1.1; 4.8.4.

121 Enn. 6.9.5.

122 Enn. 5.1.1.

123 Enn. 5.2.2.

124 Note the remarks of Puech, H. in the discussion of his paper ‘Plotin et les Gnostiques': ‘Plotin a pris de plus en plus conscience de ce qui l'opposait à ceux-ci. Il a voulu dissiper les équivoques, écarter les confusions possibles.’ Les sources de Plotin (Entretiens sur L'Antiquité Classique, Tome V; Vandœuvres - Genève 1960) 185.

125 Enn. 5.7.12. Mackenna 432.

126 Enn. 2.9.11.

127 Mackenna 272.

128 Enn. 1.1.12.

129 Enn. 1.4.16. Mackenna 52.

130 O'Connell, R. J., ‘The Plotinian Fall of the Soul,Traditio 19 (1963) 7. I have, unfortunately, not been able to take into consideration the fuller exposition O'Connell presents of this idea in St. Augustine's Early Theory of Man (Cambridge, Mass. 1968).

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131 E.g. De civitate Dei 11.23. 1–2 and Ep. 166 to Jerome.

132 See above pp. 45–47.

133 De vera relig. 51 (CCL 32.221).

134 Ibid. 25 (CCL 32.202).

135 Ibid. 29 (CCL 32.205).

136 Ibid. 38 (CCL 32.210).

137 Ibid. 41 (CCL 32.212).

138 Si autem diligatur ab anima, quae neglegit Deum, ne sic quidem malum fit ipsa …ibid. 40 (CCL 32.211).

139 Ibid. 41.

140 Ibid. 41.

141 Tune sentiet, quam bene currus et tota illa iunctio fabricata sit …De vera relig. 83 (CCL 32.242).

142 Ibid. 106 (CCL 32.255).

143 De lib. arbit. 1.16.33.

144 He later retracted this: ‘Care should have been taken to avoid being thought to hold the opinion of the false philosopher, Porphyry, who said everything bodily is to be avoided. Of course, I did not say “All sensible things” but “these sensible things,” meaning corruptible things. … Sensible things which are corruptible will not exist in the new heaven and the earth of the age to come’ (Retract. 1.4.3).

145 Soliloquia 1.11.18.

146 E.g. De moribus ecclesiae catholicae 1.19.36; 20.37; De vera relig. 22, 24, 83; Ep. 19 ‘a faece corporis’ (CSEL 34.46).

147 Tradition platonicienne et traditions chrétiennes du corps-prison’ in Revue des Études Latines 43 (1965) 430.

148 … hoc corpus, hoc est tenebrosum carcerem …Contra academicos 1.3.9 (CSEL 63.10); cf. ‘… non corpus carcer, sed corruptio corporis …’ Enarr. in ps. 141.17 (PL 36.1843).

149 Porphyry, ‘On the Life of Plotinus and the Arrangement of his Work’, trans. Mackenna in Plotinus, The Enneads (London 1962) 1.

150 ‘The antithesis between Plotinian self-dependence and Gnostic or Christian grace has indeed been attenuated, if not denied, by one of the subtlest of Plotinian scholars, Jean Trouillard, M., but his argument leaves me unconvinced.’ E. R. Dodds, ‘Tradition and Personal Achievement in the Philosophy of Plotinus,’ Journal of Roman Studies 50 (1960) 4.

151 De vera relig. 45.

152 Armstrong, A. H., ‘Salvation, Plotinian and Christian,’ in Downside Review 75 (1957) 132–3.

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153 Nonnulli … renascuntur interius et ceteras eius partes suo robore spiritali et incrementis sapientiae corrumpunt et necant …De vera relig. 49 (CCL 32.218).

154 Ibid. 24 (CCL 32.202).

155 Löhrer, M. finds the question of grace ‘unclear’ in the writings before the commentary on Romans. See Der Glaubensbegriff des heiligen Augustins 226.

156 De vera relig. 41.

157 La faute selon Plotin … est faiblesse de l’ǎme. Elle ne dresse pas l'ětre devant Dieu, et ne gǎte pas l'intime de l'ǎme. Aussi le mal peut-il ětre réparé sans lutte ni pardon, sans repentir ni expiation, par simple changement de plan. Pas de drame du péché. Cultive la sagesse et fais ce que tu voudras.’ Trouillard, J., La purification plotinienne (Paris 1955) 202.

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158 Enn. 4.8.8. (Mackenna 364).

159 Conf. 8.2. (References to the Confessions will give book and paragraph numbers only.) See also ‘Nor had I now any longer my former plea that I still hesitated to be above the world and serve you, because the truth was not altogether certain to me; for now it too was.’ Conf. 8.11. Cf. ‘veritate convictus,’ Conf. 8.12 (BA 14.32).

160 Conf. 8.1.

161 Conf. 8.2.

162 Conf. 8.2. (BA 14.10).

163 Conf. 8.10 (BA 14.28).

164 Conf. 8.2 (BA 14.10).

165 See, e.g. Conf. 2.2; 3.1.

166 Conf. 8.17.

167 Conf. 8.27.

168 ‘I was certain that it was better to give mysell up to Your love than to yield to my cupidity.’ Conf. 8.12. ‘I had found the precious pearl, and I ought to have sold all I had and bought it.’ Conf. 8.2. ‘I was in both [wills], but more in that which I approved in myself, than in that of which I disapproved.’ Conf. 8.11.

169 Conf. 8.26 (BA 14.60). Cf. the similar uses of consuetudo in ‘… remanserat muta trepidatio et quasi mortem reformidabat restringi a fluxu consuetudinis, quo tabescebat in mortem.’ Conf. 8.18 (BA 14.46) and ‘… sed adhuc vivunt in memoria mea, de qua multa locutus sum, talium rerum imagines, quas ibi consuetudo mea fixit …’ Conf. 10.41 (BA 14. 212).

170 ‘Non igitur monstrum partim velle, partim nosse, sed aegritudo animi est, quia non totus assurgit veritate sublevatus, consuetudine praegravatus.’ Conf. 8.21 (BA 14.52).

171 Conf. 8.19.

172 Conf. 8.10 (BA 14.28). Cf. ‘consuetudo satiandae insatiabilis concupiscentiae me captum excruciabat.’ Conf. 6.21 (BA 13.564).

173 … quo in eam volens inlabitur.Conf. 8.12 (BA 14.32). Note too: ‘Sed tamen consuetudo adversus me pugnacior ex me facta erat, quoniam volens quo nollem perveneram …’ Conf. 8.11 (BA 14.30).

174 … animam unam diversis voluntatibus aestuare.Conf. 8.23 (BA 14.56). Augustine often uses ‘voluntas’ when he means an act of the will. Cf. Conf. 8.10 (BA 14.28), quoted above (n. 172). ‘… ex voluntate perversa …,’ where there would be no point in the analysis, if the ‘voluntas perversa’ meant the faculty itself.

175 Conf. 8.11.

176 Conf. 8.12.

177 Conf. 8.12.

178 Conf. 8.12.

179 Conf. 8.22.

180 Conf. 8.22.

181 Conf. 8.9 (BA 14.24).

182 Conf. 8.25 (BA 14.58).

183 Conf. 8.13 (BA 14.34).

184 Conf. 9.1 (BA 14.70).

185 Conf. 8.12.

186 Ep. 29.11.

187 Ep. 22.2.

188 Ibid. 3.

189 Ep. 29.3.

190 Ep. 29.9.

191 Possidius, Vita Augustini 25.

192 De serm. Dom. in monte 1.17.51 (PL 34.1255).

193 Serm. 180.4.4.

194 Serm. 180.9.10 (PL 38.977).

195 De serm. Dom. in monte 1.17.51 (PL 34 1256).

196 Serm. 308.3.2 (PL 39.1409).

197 Salvian, De gubernatione Dei 7.16.65 (CSEL 8 176–177).

198 ‘Ideo non cesso tangere quintam istam chordam, propter ipsam perversam consuetudinem et labem totius ut dixi, generis humani.’ Serm. 9.9.12 (PL 38.84). According to Tillemont (Mémoires 13 [Paris 1710] 252) the style and length of this sermon lead us to think that it is one of his early works. Some of the congregation asked: how did he come here? Evidently Augustine had not been in Hippo for long.

199 Serm. 9.4.4 (PL 38.78).

200 Serm. 9.4.4 (PL 38. 78–79). For evidence of the habit in later sermons see Serm. 82. 8.11 (408–409); Serm. 132.4.4 (427); Serm. 124.2.2 (412). The dates are those given by Kunzelmann, A., ‘Die Chronologie der Sermones des H. Augustinus’ in Miscellanea Agostiniana 2 (Rome 1931) 512516.

201 De ii anim. 1.

202 Ibid. 24.

203 Conf. 5.10.18.

204 De vera relig. 16 (CCL 32.198).

205 De util. cred. 1.2.

206 E.g. Diocletian's rescript ordering the seven great books of Manichaeism to be burnt (see Adam, A., Texte zum Manichàismus [Berlin 1954] 82–83); the law of 382 punishing stubborn Manichees with death (Cod. Theod. 16.5.9); the official purge of the Manichees at Carthage in 386.

207 … scripsi … contra Manichaeos De duabus animabus, quarum dicunt unam partem Dei esse, alteram de gente tenebrarum … et has ambas animas, unam bonam, alteram malam, in homine uno esse delirant: istam scilicet malam propriam carnis esse dicentes… omnia vero mala illi malae animae tribuunt. Retract . 1.14.1 (CSEL 36.71). When Augustine talks of two ‘souls’ in man, is he interpreting Mani correctly? There has been a great deal of discussion on this point (see Ries, J., ‘Introduction aux études manichéennes’ in Ephemerides Theologicae Lovanienses, 35. 2 [avril-juin 1959] 365–372). It seems that it would be more in keeping with Manichaean teaching to speak of two ‘natures’ rather than two ‘souls’ (see R. Jolivet and M. Jourjon, Introduction to Six Traités Anti-Manichéens BA 17 [1961] 43). The term ‘nature’ includes the ‘flesh,’ which is certainly evil in the Manichaean system. When Fortunatus debates against Augustine, he does not talk of two ‘souls’ but rather of the opposition of body and soul, truth and lying, light and darkness. In point of fact, Augustine does speak of two ‘natures’ e.g. when describing Manichaeism in the Confessions (5.10.18) and in Contra Fortunatum 21. Whatever the term he may use, he does convey the essentials of the Manichaean position. I have tried to avoid this trouble over terminology by speaking of two ‘substances’ in man (except when citing Augustine).

208 De util. cred. 1.2. This appeal to reason was what had attracted the young Augustine to Manichaeism: ‘I persuaded myself that belief was more to be given to those who taught than to those who gave orders.’ De beata vita, 1.4. Cf. Widengren, G., Mani and Manichaeism (London 1965) 123.

209 ‘Cur non magis hoc signum est unius animae quae libera illa voluntate hue et hue ferri, hinc atque hinc referri potest’ De ii anim. 13.19 (CSEL 30.75).

210 Ibid. ‘Nam mihi cum accidit, unum me esse sentio utrumque considerantem, alter-utrum eligentem.’

211 Ibid. ‘… sed plerumque illud libet, hoc decet, quorum nos in medio positi fluctuamus.’

212 Ibid. ‘Ita enim nunc constituti sumus, ut et per carnem voluptate affici, et per spiritum honestate possimus.’

213 De ii anim. 13.19 (CSEL 25.75). Cf. ibid. 12, where the same equation of terms is made: ‘… sensibilia ab intelligibilibus, carnalia scilicet ab spiritualibus…’ Since Augustine equates ‘carnal’ with ‘sensible’ here, I shall translate ‘flesh’ (caro) as the senses.

214 De vera relig. 41.

215 De ii anim. 13.19 (CSEL 25.76).

216 ‘Sed factum est nobis difficile a carnalibus abstinere, cum panis verissimus noster spiritualis sit. Cum labore namque nunc edimus panem’ De ii anim. 13.19 (CSEL 30.75).

217 Ibid. (CSEL 25.76).

218 Possidius, Vita Augustini ch. 6.

219 C. Fort. 1.19.

220 Retract. 1, 1.16.1.

221 C. Fort. 20.

222 Ibid. 21. This formula runs like a leitmotif through Augustine's works, e.g. ‘Hoc est totum quod dicitur malum, peccatum et poena peccati’ (De vera relig. 12); ‘Nusquam scilicet nisi in voluntate esse peccatum’ (De ii anim. 9.12); ‘peccatum est voluntas retinendi vel consequendi quod iustitia vetat, et unde liberum est abstinere’ (11.15).

223 1 Tim. 6.10.

224 C. Fort. 21 (CSEL 25.101). It is the same situation as that with Evodius: ‘Now what could precede the will and be its cause? Either the will itself (and then nothing else but the will is the root of evil), or not the will (and then there would be no sin). … Sin cannot be attributed to anything except to the sinner’ De lib. arb. 3.17.49.

225 See Ries, J., ‘La Bible chez S. Augustin et chez les manichéensRevue des Études Augustiniennes 9 (1963) 201215.

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226 C. Fort. 21.

227 C. Fort. 21.

228 … Nos in necessitatem praecipitati sumus, qui ab eius stirpe descendimusC. Fort. 22 (CSEL 25.104).

229 C. Fort. 22 (CSEL 25.104). ‘It cannot overcome’ (vincere non possit) should be taken in the general context of Augustine's thinking about habit, and alongside his parallel analysis of love of hunting (De diversis quaestionibus 83.70), where habit can be overcome, not however absque molestia et sine angore. Jourjon and Jolivet point out the significance of this remark: ‘On ne peut ǒter à l'homme tout pouvoir de sa volonté sur l'habitude elle-měme: s'il en devient le jouet, c'est pour avoir accepté librement d'en ětre l'esclave alors qu'il le pouvait refuser.’ Six Traités Anti-Manichéens BA 17 (1961), note complémentaire 14.770.

230 C. Fort. 22.

231 Ibid. (CSEL 25.105).

232 C. Fort. 22.

233 C. Fort. 22 (CSEL 25.104).

234 Ibid.

235 C. Fori. 22 (CSEL 25.105).

236 Anima vero cum carnalia bona adhuc appetit, caro nominatur. Pars enim eius quaedam resistit spiritui non natura, sed consuetudine peccatorum, unde dicitur “mente servio legi Dei, carne legi peccati”’ par. 23 (PL 40.194). Cf. a similar usage in De musica 6.11.33 (PL 32.1181) ‘Haec autem animae consuetudo facta cum carne, propter carnalem affectionem, in Scripturis divinis caro nominatur.’

237 De genesi contra Manichaeos 2.1.421. In par. 15 Eve is described as given to Adam to teach him obedience in a tangible way: as she must obey him, so he must obey God. She symbolizes the pars animalis of the soul which the virilis ratio submits to its laws, and uses as an aid to command the body (cf. also pars. 31 and 28). Augustine's ‘spiritual’ exegesis of ‘You will bring forth your children in sorrow, and you will turn toward your husband and you will be subject to him’ is along the same lines: the pars animalis experiences difficulties in overcoming bad habits [the pains of childbirth], and turns voluntarily to reason's orders for fear of falling into them again (par. 29). Cf. also De opere monachorum 32.40 (PL 40.580); Tractatus in Johannis evangelium 15.19 (PL 35.1517); De trinitate 12.12.17–19; 13.20–42 (PL 1007–9).

238 De serm. Dom. in monte 1.12.34 (PL 34.1246).

239 The chapter is on adultery, but Augustine intends it to be applied to all sinners: ‘When I say adulterers, I mean every carnal and lustful concupiscence.’ De serm. Dom. in monte 1.12.36.

240 Ibid. (PL 34.1246–7).

241 Talis enim delectatio vehementer infigit memoriae quod trahit a lubricis sensibus De musica 6.11.33 (PL 32.1181). Cf. also ‘Motus igitur animae servans impetum suum, et nondum exstinctus, in memoria esse dicitur …’ De musica 6.5.14 (PL 32.1154). Here the impetus would appear to refer back to the ‘carnalium negotiorum … impetus effrenatus consuetudine diuturna …’ of the same paragraph. Note that there are two ‘memories’ in Augustine. There is the more metaphysical memory of his theory of reminiscence and illumination. There is the ordinary, psychological memory which is a faculty retaining and reproducing impressions received from the external senses. Cf. De quantitate animae 33.70 and Thonnard, F.-J., La Musique (BA 7; Paris 1947) note 83 p. 522.

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242 [Anima] post peccatum divina lege facta imbecillior, minus potens est auferre quod fecit.De musica 6.5.14. It is with some hesitation that one uses Book VI of De musica in a work that is attempting to trace the historical development of Augustine's thought. While all six books were written in 389, the sixth book, according to Marrou, was revised by Augustine after he became bishop (Saint Augustin et la fin de la culture antique [Paris 1938] 580–583). The evidence for this is found in a letter to Memorius (Ep. 101.408–9) where Augustine says that he had corrected this book. As a result, it is difficult to know what passages were written at Thagaste, and what inserted at Hippo. The references to St. Paul on the flesh-spirit conflict probably belong to the emendations.

243 ‘… cum vi consuetudinis malae tamquam mole terrena premitur animus, quasi in sepulcro iam putens.’ De serm. Dom. in monte 1.12.35 (PL 34.1247).

244 De serm. Dom. in monte 1.12.34.

245 Ibid. 1.9.57.

246 Ibid. 1.12.25.

247 Ibid. 1.12.36. See St. Augustine, The Lord's Sermon on the Mount (Ancient Christian Writers 5; Westminster, Maryland 1948) note 144, 190.

248 Ibid. 1.12.34 (PL 34.1247). Cf. note 140 on Christian warfare in St. Augustine, The Lord's Sermon on the Mount 190.

249 The eighth beatitude repeats the first.

250 ‘Inde iam incipit scire quibus modis saeculi hujus per carnalem consuetudinem ac peccata teneatur.’ De serm. Dom. in monte 1.3.10 (PL 34.1233).

251 … id est, contemplatio veritatis, pacificans totum hominem et suscipiens similitudinem Dei.Ibid. 1.3.10 (PL 34.1234).

252 Ibid. 1.2.9.

253 Ibid. 1.9.12.

254 On Augustine's special effort to improve his knowledge of the Bible at the beginning of his priesthood, see Holl, A., Augustins Bergpredigtexegese (Vienna 1960) 11.

265 ‘Cum enim charitas Legem impleat, prudentia vero carnis commoda temporalia consectando spirituali charitati adversetur …’ Ep. ad Gal. 46 (PI 35.2138).

256 Ibid. Cf. Prop. ep. ad Rom. 13 (PL 35.2065), where the four conditions are put more pithily: ‘… Ante Legem, sequimur concupiscentian carnis; sub Lege trahimur ab ea; sub gratia, nec sequimur eam, nec trahimur ab ea; in pace, nulla est concupiscentia carnis.’

257 ‘… sic secunda est sub Lege ante gratiam, quando prohibetur quidem et conatur a peccato abstinere se, sed vincitur quia nondum justitiam propter Deum et propter ipsam justitiam diligit, sed eam sibi vult ad conquirendum terrena servire. Itaque ubi viderit ex alia parte ipsam, ex alia commodum temporale, trahitur pondere temporalis cupiditatis, et relinquit justitiam …’ Ep. ad Gal. 46 (PL 35.2138).

258 Ibid.

259 ‘Caeterum qui tanguntur hujusmodi motibus, et immobiles in majore charitate consistunt, … regnum Dei possidebunt’ Ep. ad Gal. 48 (PL 35.2139).

260 … major enim et praepollentior delectatio eorum justitia estEp. ad Gal. 49 (PL 35.2140).

261 Ibid.

262 Ep. ad Gal. 46.

263 Aristotle, e.g. Rhetoric 1.10.1369b6; 1.11.1370a7. Also to be found in Heraclitus, Empedocles, Democritus, and the Pythagoreans, according to Funke, G., ‘Gewohnheit,’ in Archiv für Begriffsgeschichte 3 (Bonn 1958) 139.

264 … consuetudine quasi alteram quandam naturam effici …De finibus 5.25.74 (Loeb ed. London 1951) 476. Macrobius, ‘… consuetudo quam secundam naturam pronunciavit usus …’ Saturnalia 7.9 (Macrobii Opera; Leyden 1670) 608. Basil, ἔΘος λὰϱ διὰ µακϱοέ χϱόνου β∊βαιωΘὲν ϕέσ∊ως ἰσχὺν λαµβάν∊ι'… consuetudo per longum tempus corroborata, naturae vim ac robur obtinet.’ Regulae fusius tractatae 6 (PG 31.926 B). ‘Non enim frustra consuetudo quasi secunda, et quasi affabricata natura dicitur’ De musica 6.7.19 (PL 32.1173).

265 De fide et symbolo 10.23 (CSEL 41.29).

266 De libero arbitrio 3.18.52 (CSEL 74.132).

267 Ep. ad Gal. 48 (PL 35.2140).

268 De diversis quaestionibus ad Simplicianum 1.1.10 (PL 40.106).

269 Ibid. 1.1.11 (PL 40.107).

270 De actis cum Felice Manichaeo 2.8 (CSEL 25.837). Cf. also ‘Invaluit enim consuetudo carnalis et naturale vinculum mortalitatis quo de Adam propagati sumus' De div. quaest. 83, 66.5 (PL 40.64).

271 Conf. 1.1.1. Cf. also ‘… the body which is born subject to the penalty of the first man's sin, that is, the liability of death’ (‘Corpus quod de poena peccati, hoc est de mortalitate primi hominis nascitur’) De lib. arb. 3.20.57 (CSEL 74) and Enarr. in ps. 18.1.3; 29.1.12; 129.1.

272 Rom. 6.12; 7.14. cf. 1 Cor. 15.54.

273 Adam, A. compares Augustine with Luther and Barth, pointing out that his reading of Romans was the beginning of ideas which ultimately changed the face of the Christian world. Adam, A., ‘Das Fortwirken des Manichäismus bei Augustin’ in Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte 69 (1958) 3.

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274 ‘… legem peccati dicit, qua quisque carnali consuetudine implicatus astringitur’ Prop. ep. ad Rom. 45–46 (PL 35.2071).

275 Augustine regards Paul as speaking in verses 7–25 in the person of unjustified man. Retract. 1.23.1.

276 … ut possit per gratiam charitas, quod per Legem timor non poteratProp. ep. ad Rom. 45–46 (PL 35.2072). Cf. also Prop. ep. ad Rom. 13.

277 The Apostle ‘iam spiritualis erat …’ Retract. 1.23.1 (CSEL 36.105).

278 De div. quaest. 83, 65.

279 Definitio prudentiae in appetendis bonis et vitandis malis explicari soletProp. ep. ad Rom. 49 (PL 35.2073).

280 Ibid.

281 L’Agostino dell’ VIIIº libro delle Confessioni dà alla consuetudo peccati una porta veramente centrale nel processo di conversione, mentre la prospettiva teologica degli scritti in sostanza contemporanei — dal 397 in poi — sembra già essere andata oltre questa fase, iscrivendo il problema della consuetudo e della sua risoluzione, in quello della caduta d'origine e della grazia predestinante — senza per altro arrivare alle posizioni ben più avanzate della lotta antipelagiana. … Abbiamo notato con interesse anche l'osservazione fatta dal Lekkerkerker [Römer 7 und Römer 9 bei Augustin (Amsterdam 1942)], p. 131, che, studiando l'esegesi agostiniana di Rom. VII, osserva che le pagine delle Confessioni relative alla conversione non sono teologicamente sulla stessa posizione, per es., della 2a q. del 1 libro dell’ Ad Simplicianum.Bolgiani, F., La Conversione di S. Agostino e l'VIIIº libro delle ‘Confessioni’ (Turin 1956) 70–1.

282 De verbis Domini serm. 98.6.6.

283 Tractatus in Johannem 49.3. De verbis Domini serm. 98.5.5.

284 E.g. on lying, Serm. Denis 20.2; swearing, Serm. 180.11.12.

285 E.g. De civ. Dei 12.3.

286 E.g. Ennarratio in ps. 136.21; De civ. Dei 21.16.

287 Serm. 151.9.4.

288 Enn. in ps. 5.6 (CCL 38.21). Cf. ‘In homine carnali tota regula intelligendi est consuetudo cernendi’ Serm. 242 (PL 38.11.39).

289 Gnade und Erkenntnis stehen einander nicht feindlich gegenüber, ja es scheint eine innere Beziehung zwischen ihnen zu walten.’ ‘Gnade und Erkenntnis bei Augustinus’ in Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte 75 (1964) 22.

290 Opus imperfectum contra Julianum 5.11. Henceforth referred to as Op. imp.

291 Contra Julianum 2.10.37. Henceforth referred to as C. Jul. The controversy began with De nuptiis et concupiscentia, Book I (419), which Augustine wrote to show that marriage is good (not evil, as the Pelagians were accusing him of saying). Julian replied to this with 4 books to Turbantius. Extracts from the first of these were sent to Augustine, and answered in Book II of De nuptiis et concupiscentia (420/21) — it is concupiscence, not marriage, that is evil. Augustine then read the four books of Julian, and composed the Contra Julianum (422). In the next move Julian replied to De nuptiis et concupiscentia II with his 8 books to Florus. And the Opus imperfectum is Augustine's reply to this (429/30).

292 For this breakdown of vitium I am indebted to Martin Strohm, ‘Der Begriff der natura vitiata bei Augustin’ in Theologische Quartalschrift (2es Quartalheft 1955) 193ff.

293 See Bonner, G., St. Augustine of Hippo (London 1963) 401 (Appendix C).

294 ‘Ita hoc dicis, quasi nos concupiscentiam carnis in solam voluptatem genitalium dicamus aestuare. Prorsus in quocumque corporis sensu caro contra spiritum concupiscit, ipsa cognoscitur …’ Op. imp. 4.28 (PL 45.1352). Cf. concupiscentia as applied to lust and drunkenness in C. Jul. 6.18.55. See also Solignac, A., ‘La condition humaine dans la Philosophie de Saint Augustin’ (unpublished thesis), ch. 4, ‘La Loi de Péché,’ Rome, Pont. Univ. Gregoriana (1950–1951) 125, and H. Rondet's treatment of the ‘sens profond’ of concupiscence in ‘L'anthropologie Religieuse de Saint Augustin’ in Recherches de Science Religieuse (1939) 170.

295 See Prop. ep. ad Rom. 13–18; De div. quaest. ad Simp. 1.1.12ff. A. Solignac has noted this point: concupiscence ‘contraint et limite sans cesse le vouloir sans toutefois le déterminer absolument’ op. cit. 123. Likewise Mausbach, J., Die Ethik des heiligen Augustinus 2 (Freiburg 1909) 218. N. P. Williams thinks this is running with the hare and hunting with the hounds. ‘He wants to keep freedom in order to preserve man's responsibility for actual sin, and yet he wishes to throw it overboard in order to provide scope for irresistible grace.’ The Idea of the Fall and of Original Sin (London 1927) 370.

296 Solignac, A. has analyzed Augustine's notion of concupiscence as a sort of fundamental tendency ‘dont les deux aspects principaux seraient l'innéité et la perversion. Perversion comme désordre de la personnalité sur le plan psychologique; perversion comme révolte de la chair contre l'esprit, loi du péché, sur le plan éthique. La concupiscence de la sorte sous-tend et pervertit les instincts de l'homme dès le principe de son existence’ (op. cit. 124).

297 There are useful accounts of Pelagianism in Bonner, G., St. Augustine of Hippo (London 1963) 352394; T. Bohlin, Die Theologie des Pelagius und ihre Genesis (Uppsala - Wiesbaden 1957); P. Brown, Augustine of Hippo (London 1967) 340–387; and, especially for Julian, Albert Bruckner, Julian von Eclanum in Texte und Untersuchungen 15 (Leipzig 1897) 136–165, and F. Refoulé, ‘Julien d'Éclane, théologien et philosophe,’ in Recherches de science religieuse 52 (1964) 42; 233.

298 … indidit affectum quo sibi haec corpora miscerentur Deus … nihil autem malum nihil reum fecit DeusOp. imp. 4.40 (PL 45.1360); cf. Op. imp. 1.71; 2.145; 3.142; 4.67; 5.5 and 8.

299 Ibid. 6.20 (PL 45.1545).

300 Ibid. 6.23 (PL 45.1554).

301 Ibid. 6.41 (PL 45.1604).

302 Ibid. 6.19 (PL 45.1543).

303 Ibid. 6.25ff. (PL 45.1553).

304 … sed quia patrum in omnibus efficacior est et major auctoritas, eum dixit [Paulus] formam fuisse peccati, non a quo coepit delictum, sed qui per potestatem sexus virilis, magis fuisse probatur imitabilisOp. imp. 2.190 (PL 45.1224).

305 Op. imp. 3.95 (PL 45.1288).

306 Nos dicimus peccato hominis, non naturae statum mutari, sed meriti qualitatemOp. imp. 1.96 (PL 45.1112).

307 … nulla magis re quam imitatione vitiorum invaluisse peccata …Op. imp. 2.48 (PL 45.1162).

308 ‘Ipsa gratia legem in adiutorium misit: ad eius spectabat officium, ut rationis lumen, quod pravitatis exempla hebetabant et consuetudo vitiorum, multimodis eruditionibus excitaret, atque invitatu suo foveret’ Op. imp. 1.94 (PL 45.1111).

309 C. Jul. 6.23.73.

310 Op. imp. 1.94 (PL 45.1111).

311 Ibid. 2.171.

312 Ibid. 1.67; 110.

313 Liberias arbitrii, qua a Deo emancipatus homo est in admittendi peccati et abstinendi a peccato possibilitate consistitOp. imp. 1.78 (PL 45.1102). Cf. Julian's other definitions of freedom: ‘Liberum autem arbitrium et post peccata tam plenum est, quam fuit ante peccata’ Op. imp. 1.91 (PL 45.1108); ‘Voluntas enim nihil aliud est quam motus animi cogente nullo’ Op. imp. 5.40 (PL 45. 1476); ‘Libertas autem nihil aliud est quam possibilitas boni malique, sed voluntarii’ Op. imp. 6.11 (PL 45.1519); and Op. imp. 5.28.

314 E.g. ‘In quibus verbis evidenter apparet, liberum arbitrium malo suo usu esse vitiatum’ Op. imp. 6.13 (PL 45.1524).

315 For details of his earlier exegesis see Platz, P., Der Römerbrief in der Gnadenlehre Augustins (Würzburg 1938) 147.

316 Augustine gives the reasons for his first view in Contra Julianum 6.23.70 and Contra ii ep. Pelag. 1.10.20.

317 The date given by Platz (op. cit. 148). A. Rétif sees signs of a change as early as 412, ‘Apropos de l'interprétation du chapitre VII des Romains par Saint Augustin’ in Recherches de Science Religieuse 33 (1946) 368.

318 For instances of this change see Platz, P., op. cit. 149–150.

319 Op. imp. 1.67.

320 Retract 1.22.1 (CSEL 36.106). ‘Unde quidem iam evertitur haeresis pelagiana, quae vult non ex Deo nobis, sed ex nobis esse caritatem qua bene ac pie vivimus.’

321 C. Jul. 6.23.70. Cf. ‘… quae postea lectis quibusdam divinorum tractatoribus eloquiorum, quorum me moveret auctoritas, consideravi diligentius …’ Retract, ibid.

322 From the Apologeticus primus de sua fuga, cited in C. Jul. 2.3.7 and also in Op. imp. 1.69.

323 C. Jul. ibid.

324 De Oratione Dominica, cited in C. Jul. 2.3.6.

325 Ibid.

326 Cited ibid.

327 De paenitentia 1.3.13 cited in C. Jul. 2.3.5.

328 C. Jul. 2.3.5.

329 E.g. Phil. 3.12–14; 2 Cor. 4.7; 12.7. P. Platz shows that as early as the De sermone Domini in monte and the De continentia, Augustine was applying the words of Paul to a Christian's life. Op. cit. 147.

330 C. Jul. 2.3.5; 8.30; 3.26.61; 6.23.72; Op. imp. 1.67; 6.15.

331 Op. imp. 1.67 (PL 45.1086). Cf. also 1.69; 1.105; 5.59; 6.12–13.

332 Op. imp. 1.67.

333 1 Tim. 1.15–16, cited ibid.

334 Op. imp. 1.67 (PL 45.1086–1087).

335 See Nemesius of Emesa, On the Nature of Man, trans. Telfer, William (Library of Christian Classics 4; London 1955) Introduction 206–210.

336 See Brown, P., Augustine of Hippo 382.

337 Nemesius, 41 pp. 421–422. Nemesius uses ἕξιϛ (PG 40.778BC).

338 ‘Hinc in persona eius hominis loquitur qui legem accipit, id est, qui primum Dei mandata cognoscit, cum consuetudinem habeat delinquendi.’ Pelagi Expositio in Romanos ed. Souter, A. (Texts & Studies 9; Cambridge 1926) 56.

339 ‘Non ego, quia >velut> invitus, set consuetudo peccati, quam tamen necessitatem ipse mihi par vi.’ Souter, 59.

340 Smith, A. J., ‘The Latin Sources of the Commentary of Pelagius on the Epistle of St. Paul to the Romans,’ in The Journal of Theological Studies 19 (1917–1918) 191.

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341 Ibid. 193.

342 Ibid. 194.

343 Ibid. Cf. similar parallels on vv. 7 and 20, op. cit. 191–193.

344 Prop. ep. ad Rom. 45–46 (PL 35.2071). Note also ‘lex enim peccati est violentia consuetudinis' Conf. 8.12 (BA 14.32).

345 Op. cit. 19.202; 20.55–59, 61, 64. Cf. also Souter, A., The Earliest Latin Commentaries on the Epistles of St. Paul (Oxford 1927) 198, though note the warnings of B. Leeming on one of these parallels, the massa perditionis in ‘Augustine, Ambrosiaster and the massa perditionis' in Gregorianum 11 (1930) 58–91.

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346 In 392 Augustine had written to Jerome, asking for translations of Greek commentators on the Bible, especially of Origen (Ep. 28.2.2). The commentaries did not arrive. Origen, in fact, fell out of favor at this time. We do know that Augustine had codices of Hilary of Poitiers in his library, and in one of these we come across the ‘habit-chain’ image again. Hilary is appealing for instruction in good morals from one's youth on: ‘Difficile est enim ab usitatis desinere, difficile est a familiaribus abstrahi, magnum in se consuetudo habet vinculum’ Tract. in 118 Psal. Lit. 2.1 (CSEL 22.370).

347 ‘Quod si judicium de bono habet voluntas, consuetudo autem carnalium vitiorum, quae lex carnalis vel lex membrorum appellata est, obsistit et subripit, ex eo quod boni voluntatem gero, licet agam mala. … Consuetudinem namque peccandi peccatum nominavit.’ Origenis commentarii in epistolam b. Pauli ad Romanos 6 (PL 14.1087).

348 Op. imp. 1.67.

349 Tu quoque ipse … dicis “evenire hominibus affectionalem qualitatem atque ita inhaerescere, ut aut magnis molitionibus, aut nullis separetur omnino”Op. imp. 1.105 (PL 45.1119).

350 ‘Quod in unoquoque agitur per violentiam consuetudinis … hoc actum esse per violentiam summi illius maximique peccati primi hominis in omnibus qui erant in lumbis ejus …’ Op. imp. 5.59 (PL 45.1493). ‘Si autem propter malam consuetudinem, sicut sapis, clamat homo, “Non quod volo, facio bonum; sed quod nolo malum, hoc ago” (Rom. 7.19): certe vel in isto fatemini humanam voluntatem vires bonorum operum perdidisse, cui nisi divinae gratiae subveniat adjutorium, quid ei prodest copiosum et ornatum cujuslibet exhortantis eloquium?’ Op. imp. 2.10 (PL 45.1145). ‘Sed hoc vos non vitiatae in primo homine naturae humanae, sed malae consuetudini cujusque tribuitis, quam sibi praevalentem volens, nec valens homo vincere, suamque libertatem ad bonum perficiendum integram non inveniens, dicere ista compellitur; quasi vero vim consuetudinis malae insuperabilem patiatur, ut ab ea se poscat Dei gratia liberari, nisi infirmata natura’ Op. imp. 6.13 (PL. 45.1524). The same idea is expressed in Op. imp. 1.105; 2.15; 6.12,17.

351 These are words from Julian's attack on Augustine, Op. imp. 4.103 (PL 45.1397).

352 Op. imp. 4.103 (PL 45.1398).

353 ‘Ac per hoc, etiam secundum vos, peccandi necessitas unde abstinere liberum non est, illius peccati poena est, a quo abstinere liberum fuit, quando nullum pondus necessitatis urgebat. Cur ergo non creditis tantum saltem valuisse illud primi hominis ineffabiliter grande peccatum, ut eo vitiaretur humana natura universa, quantum valet nunc in homine uno secunda natura ? Sic enim a doctis appellari consuetudinem nos commemorandos putasti’ Op. imp. 1.105 (PL 45.119). ‘Illum saltem attende, qui dicit “Non quod volo, hoc ago, sed quod odi, illud facio”: quem vos non vultis vitiata origine, sed prevalente mala consuetudine laborare; ac sic etiam vos fatemini liberum arbitrium, male se utendo, posse deficere; et non vultis illo tam grandi peccato, ut omni mala consuetudine fuerit majus et pejus, vitiari potuisse in humana natura liberum arbitrium.’ Op. imp. 6.12 (PL 45.1523).

354 Op. imp. 3.154.

355 Op. imp. 1.69. Cf. also 1.97; 3.187; 5.25; 6.28.

356 Per illas igitur sordes … sibi vindicavit diabolus imaginem Dei, non per substantiam, quam creavit DeusOp. imp. 1.63 (PL 45.1082).

367 Op. imp. 1.63; 3.189. M. Strohm explains naturae vitiosae as natures affected with a corruption which seeks to destroy their natural good. ‘Der Begriff der natura vitiata bei Augustin’ 188.

358 Sed illi sic dicunt malam carnis naturam, ut eam malum esse dicant, non malum habere, quia ipsum vitium non substantiae accidens, sed substantiam putant esseOp. imp. 3.189 (PL 45.1330).

359 Nos autem a Manichaeo longe sumus, qui naturae bonae sive in grandibus, sive in parvulis, et vitium confitemur et medicumOp. imp. 6.13 (PL 45.1525).

360 Brown, P., Augustine of Hippo 393.

361 ‘Itane vero non cernis, Manichaeo te, ignoranter quidem, sed instanter tamen isto tuae loquacitatis inflato atque spumoso strepitu suffragari?’ Op. imp. 6.9 (PL 45.1515). Cf. Op. imp. 1.97; 4.50, 56, 72; 5.25; 6.6, 41. See Yves de Montcheuil, ‘La polemique de S. Augustin contre Julien d'Éclane d'après l’ Opus imperfectum’ in Recherches de Science Religieuse 44 (1956) 193–198.

362 Op. imp. 6.9 (PL 45.1515).

363 Op. imp. 5.41.

364 Addunt ergo vires eidem concupiscentiae peccata, quae accedunt propria voluntate peccantium, et ipsa consuetudo peccandi, quae non frustra dici solet secunda natura’ Op. imp. 6.41 (PL 45. 1605).

365 ‘Vincere consuetudinem, dura pugna, nosti. … Vides quam male facias, quam detestabiliter, quam infeliciter, et facis tamen. … Unde raperis? Quis te captivum trahit? An illa lex in membris tuis repugnans legi mentis tuae?’ Enarr. 2a in p. 30.13 (CCL 38.201).

366 ‘… et tamen malo resistitur, dum concupiscentiae per continentiam denegatur, quod per consuetudinem concupiscitur’ C. Jul. 6.18.55 (PL 44.855).

367 ‘… et tanto amplius in ea superanda voluntas laborabit, quanto majores ei consuetudo vires dedit’ ibid.

368 Something similar’ (‘tale aliquid’) in Op. imp. 4.103 and 5.64. Cf. Mausbach, J., Die Ethik des heiligen Augustinus 2.220–221.

369 The ground for this distinction can be found, e.g. in the Retractations, where Augustine, commenting on his statement ‘There is no natural evil,’ says ‘I was speaking here of nature as it was first created without any defect. This is the nature of man in the true and proper sense’ Retract. 1.10.3. Note also: ‘We use the word “nature” properly speaking of the nature which men share in common, and with which at first man was created in a state of innocence. We also use nature to mean that nature with which we are born mortal, ignorant, and slaves of the flesh, after sentence has been pronounced on the first man’ De libero arbitrio 3.19.54. And ‘primae suae perfectaeque naturae …’ De vera relig. 19 (CCL 32.199). Cf. F.-J. Thonnard, ‘La notion de nature chez Saint Augustin,’ in Revue des Études Augustiniennes 11.3–4 (1965) 246.

370 Man, under the pressure and weight of habit, can simultaneously will to practice righteousness and be under the necessity of committing sinOp. imp. 4.103.

371 Adhuc enim habet quo crescat [concupiscentia]; quoniam minor est, quamdiu non a sciente, sed ab ignorante peccaturOp. imp. 6.41 (PL 45.1605).

372 De nuptiis et concupiscentia 1.28. He also compares it to drunkenness and timidity. C. Jul. 6.18.55.

373 C. Jul. 2.10.36.

374 C. Jul. 6.20.64.

375 C. Jul. 1.4.12. cf ‘An forte et categorias Aristotelis, antequam tuos libros legant, eis exponens ipse lecturus es?’ Op. imp. 2.51 (PL 45.1163).

376 Op. imp. 2.36.

377 C. Jul. 2.10.36. cf. 5.1.4.

378 C. Jul. 2.10.37.

379 C. Jul. 5.14.51. See also C. Jul. 6.18.54. Op. imp. 3.189.

380 C. Jul. 5.14.51.

381 Ibid.

382 Marrou speaks of ‘un empirisme d'accent très moderne’ S. Augustin et la fin de la culture antique 457. Thonnard contributes an interesting explanation: ‘De fait, les antagonistes n'étaient pas (comme ce sera le cas de saint Thomas) des professeurs d'Université cherchant à préciser d'après les catégories d'Aristote la nature de l'homme et des attributs divins, ou la nature de la liberté et de la grǎce, du péché originel et des privilèges (surnaturels ou préternaturels) du premier homme. C'étaient des moralistes, plus exactement des ascètes, évěques ou moines, qui cherchaient les meilleurs moyens de conduire les fervents chrétiens à la perfection terrestre et au but de la vie éternelle. Aussi s'intéressent-ils avant tout … à la situation historique des hommes actuels et aux ressources qu'ils peuvent trouver dans leur nature, telle qu'elle est maintenant, pour réaliser l'idéal de l'Évangile …’ (‘La notion de nature chez saint Augustin’ 265).

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