1 A short, preliminary essay on this collection already exists in Jens Henrik Koudal, ‘En musiksamling fra Helsing⊘r i 1732‘, in A due. Musical Essays in Honour of John D. Bergsagel & Heinrich W. Schwab, ed. Ole Kongsted, Niels Krabbe, Michael Kube, and Morten Michelsen (Copenhagen 2008), 369–85. The present article is in part a translation by Michael Talbot of that essay, and in part a reformulation and expansion of it by both authors.Google Scholar

2 There do not seem to survive any documents relating to the administration of Stephan Kenckel's estate either in the records of the Helsing⊘r local jurisdiction (Landsarkivet for Sjælland: Helsing⊘r rådstuearkiv) or in those of the Øresund Toldkammer (Rigsarkivet: Øresunds Toldkammers arkiv).Google Scholar

3 Oddly enough, in view of the large quantity of music and musical instruments in Kenckel's possession, the auctioned books contain only one on a musical subject: Johann Mattheson's Der musikalische Patriot (Hamburg, 1728). There are no primers or works on music theory at all. Of course, it cannot be excluded that Kenckel's library contained a number of such books, which could have been disposed of by alternative means after or even before his death.Google Scholar

4 Although the lots containing music run from 1 to 163, their true number is only 160, since Nos. 49, 50, and 127 are unaccountably missing. The precise number of individual works is impossible to ascertain accurately, since it is not always clear whether a given lot contains one or more than one piece, and the number of pieces in the ‘parcels’ and ‘bundles’ bringing up the rear of the section is anyone's guess.Google Scholar

5 Catalogus librorum selectissimorum varii generis Nobilissimi & Amplissimi Domini Stephani Kenckel, à Consiliis Status & Justitiæ B. Defuncti, qvorum audio instituitur Havniæ die XX. Octbr. 1732, Det Kongelige Bibliotek (DK-Kk), 51, –157, 8° (with purchasers' names and prices), and I 5000, 8°.Google Scholar

6 Carl E. Petersen, ‘Holberg i samtidens bogsamlinger’, Festskrift til Francis Bull på 50 årsdagen (Oslo, 1937), reprinted in idem, Afhandlinger til dansk bog- og bibliotekshistorie (Copenhagen, 1949), 192–275 (for the Kenckel catalogue, see 221–2).Google Scholar

7 Harald Ils⊘e, Biblioteker til salg. Om danske bogauktioner og kataloger 1661–1811 (Copenhagen, 2007), 121.Google Scholar

8 Nils Schi⊘rring, Musikkens historie i Danmark, 3 vols. (Copenhagen, 1977–8), ii, 140–2: ‘Om … Stephan Kenckel […] har vaeret samler eller forhandler er uvist’. A few other writers on music have drawn information from the catalogue: for example, Erling Winkel, in his article ‘En dansk musikerfamilie i det 18. aarhundrede, 1‘, Dansk musiktidsskrift, 1 (1942), 148–57 (at 152).Google Scholar

9 Michael Talbot, ‘Miscellany’, Studi vivaldiani, 2 (2002), 115–19 (at 117–18). Talbot's discussion of the catalogue resulted from Jens Henrik Koudal's action in bringing it to his attention and providing a photocopy.Google Scholar

10 H. Ehrencron-Müller, Forfatterlexikon, iv (Copenhagen, 1927), 380–1.Google Scholar

11 It is perhaps insufficiently appreciated outside Denmark how closely, in the eighteenth century, the country was still linked—by language, culture, religion, trade, and family alliances—to Germany (especially to Lutheran northern Germany) and, more generally, to all areas (many, similarly, with large and culturally dominant German-speaking populations) adjoining the North and Baltic seas. This closeness and linguistic-cultural interpenetration was further encouraged by the fact that up to 1864 the Danish and German-speaking duchy of Schleswig (Slesvig) and the German-speaking duchy of Holstein (Holsten) belonged to the Danish crown. The organist and composer Dieterich (Diderik) Buxtehude, of mixed German and Danish parentage and active as a musician both in Denmark—including its province of Skåne (Scania), today in Sweden—and Germany, typifies these close links.Google Scholar

12 Many of the books on theology that were auctioned following the younger Kenckel's death were published between 1650 and 1690, from which one infers that they were inherited from his father.Google Scholar

13 Thomas Otto Achelis, Matrikel der schleswigschen Studenten 1517–1684, i (Copenhagen, 1966), 178.Google Scholar

14 The latter is recorded in Jens Worm, Forsog til et lexicon over danske, norske og islandske lærde mænd, som ved trykte skrifter have giort sig bekiendte, 3 vols. (Helsing⊘r-Copenhagen, 1771–84), i, 525, and iii, 413. Holger Ehrencron-Müller's standard reference work Forfatterlexikon omfattende Danmark, Norge og Island indtil 1814, 12 vols. (Copenhagen 1924–35) lists, however, only the eulogy [Inscriptio] Christiano Alberto, […] duci Schlesvici, Holsatiæ, […] civium suorum plausus, ob pacem Altonaensem, […] interpretatur (Hamburg, 1689). Both writings are preserved in DK-Kk. Thanks to Karen Skovgaard-Petersen for assistance with the translation of these and other Latin title pages.Google Scholar

15 Gustav Ludvig Wad, ‘Det Kongelige Ridderlige Academis matrikel’, Personalhistorisk Tidsskrift, 2nd series, i (1886), 53–67; Edvard Holm, Danmark-Norges indre historie under enevælden fra 1660–1720, 2 vols. (Copenhagen, 1885), i, 403–8. The statutes of this academy were published in three languages in a volume running to 32 pages: Koning Christian den Femtis Stiftelser for det Kongelige Ridderlig Academie udi Ki⊘benhafn. Regis Christiani Qvinti Statuta regiæ equestris Accidentiæ Hafniensis. König Christian des Fünfften Statuten des königlichen ritterlichen Academie zu Copenhagen [Copenhagen, 1695].Google Scholar

16 Rigsarkivet: Privatarkiver, Conrad Reventlow, breve fra private, archive No. 6202, running No. 15.Google Scholar

17 Albert Olsen, ‘Reventlow, Conrad’, in Dansk Biografisk Leksikon, rev. edn, 26 vols. (Copenhagen, 1979–84), xii, 169–71.Google Scholar

18 See Pedersen, Laurits, Helsingor i Sundtoldstiden 1426–1857, 2 vols. (Copenhagen, 1926–9), and Henrik Becker-Christensen, Protektionisme og reformer 1660–1814 (Copenhagen, 1988) (= Dansk toldhistorie, 2), especially chapters 7 and 14 concerning the Øresundstold.Google Scholar

19 [Erik Pontoppidan], Den danske Atlas, 7 vols. (Copenhagen, 1763–81), ii, 288. See also Becker-Christensen, Protektionisme, 191ff.Google Scholar

20 A gård (the word is cognate with English ‘yard’) is a courtyard with its surrounding buildings—a traditional Danish form of design for larger dwellings, both urban and rural.Google Scholar

21 These two streets exist today under the same names, although the Sundtoldkammergård was torn down a few years after Kenckel's death.Google Scholar

22 Landsarkivet for Sjælland etc.: Helsing⊘r rådstue, byens almindelige regnskabsvæsen, kæmnerefterretninger 1703–69 (BA-002 H 448A); kæmnerregnskab 1722–32 (H 426–7); forskellige sager 1718–57 (I 667). Kenckel appears here in various tax registers from the years 1703, 1710, 1718, 1719, 1720, 1722, 1723, 1725, 1728, 1729, and 1732. As a public official in royal service, Kenckel was not liable to pay ordinary local tax (byskat), but he had to pay special taxes such as those raised to finance wars.Google Scholar

23 Nationalmuseet ed., Danmarks kirker: Frederiksborg amt (Copenhagen, 1964), i, 473 and 488–9. Kenckel's gravestone bears the following inscription (translated from Latin into English): ‘Under this stone there rests the noble and distinguished Mr Stephan Kenckel, a counsellor to the king and a worthy director of the Øresundstold, who died at peace in the Lord in the seventy-first year of his life and the thirty-fifth of his tenure in the year of Our Saviour 1732‘. See Kaas, Frederik, Bidrag til Helsingor byes historie. I. Indskrifter fra Karmeliterklostrets Kirke, kaldet St. Mariæ (Helsing⊘r, 1909), 17. This means, in modern parlance, that at the time of his death Kenckel was aged 70 and had occupied his post for over 34 years.Google Scholar

24 The citrinchen was the instrument of choice of the celebrated Swedish singer-poet Carl Michael Bellman (1740–95).Google Scholar

25 Michael Praetorius [pseudonym of Michael Schultze], Syntagma musician […] Tomus Secundus de Organographia, 2nd edn (Wolfenbüttel, 1619), 62 and illus. XIV. The same word could also denote a hurdy-gurdy, but there is no confirmation that this meaning was current in Denmark in Kenckel's time.Google Scholar

26 The immense vogue that the transverse flute enjoyed in Demark, as elsewhere, in the middle of the eighteenth century is evidenced by the collection at Ålholm Manor, discussed in Jens Henrik Koudal, ‘Nodefundet på Ålholm Slot. En kort presentation’, Cæcilia, 2 (1992–3), 265–78. An English-language version of the same article translated by Michael Talbot was published as ‘The Music Discovered at Aalholm Manor’, Fontes Artis Musicae, 41 (1994), 270–8. Peter Holman, who very kindly read an earlier draft of this article, rightly commented that we should not too automatically assume that these transverse flutes, and some other instruments in the collection, were ‘Baroque’ rather than ‘Renaissance’ models, especially in view of Kenckel's evident penchant for the unusual in his activity as a collector.Google Scholar

27 B-Bc, 1008.Google Scholar

28 D-Gs (Niedersächsische Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek), 8° Cod. Ms. Philos. 84^e: Kieling 16.Google Scholar

29 Josef Sittard, ‘Reinhard Keiser in Württemberg’, Monatshefte für Musikgeschichte, 18 (1886), 3–12 (at 10): ‘The king of Denmark has 8 bassoons and bassonets of this kind in his Grenadier Guards, and these are solemn and pleasant to hear’. Thanks to Samantha Owens for bringing this reference to our attention.Google Scholar

30 Except for two unnumbered items added at the end—one of the violins and the upright harp—the catalogue groups the instruments fairly systematically by family and type.Google Scholar

31 On the instruments and repertory of Danish civic musicians, see especially Jens Henrik Koudal, For borgere og b⊘nder. Stadsmusikantvæsenet i Danmark ca. 1660–1800 (Copenhagen, 2000), 353–85.Google Scholar

32 But perhaps Kenckel did not treat this publication as keyboard music, since it was available also in separate parts for treble instrument and bass. See Zohn, Steven, Music for a Mixed Taste: Style, Genre and Meaning in Telemann's Instrumental Works (New York, 2008), 411.Google Scholar

33 Kenckel may also have traded in music manuscripts, but probably only as an occasional, informal activity within his own circle of associates. To have set himself up publicly as a dealer would have been incompatible with his social status.Google Scholar

34 Rigsarkivet: Rentekammeret, Danske afdeling, K⊘benhavns hof- og militæretats kontor. Kgl. resolutioner og reskripter 1730–8, 2242–7. The memorial of 2 February 1735 is 2242–7, No. 294, supplement 13, letter F: ‘Salen, som den Sl: Mands Biblioteck var, lagt med nye breddegulv, nye Vinduer, trende dörre med Fransk glas, store Ruder og forgyldt blye’. Thanks for this reference to Inspector Lars Bj⊘rn Madsen, Helsing⊘r Museum, who has also helped our investigations in other ways. We are grateful to Lars Bj⊘rn Madsen for correcting a detail in our original transcription.Google Scholar

35 As most book collectors who read this will remember clearly enough from their own experience when moving house.Google Scholar

36 Some of these errors are commented on in the appendix.Google Scholar

37 The four violin concertos by Joseph Meck listed as items 88–91 use between them all three nomenclatures.Google Scholar

38 This is probably the case with the Vivaldi violin concerto listed as item 138, which would then be functionally ‘a 5‘, like its companions.Google Scholar

39 The first, Roman edition (by Mascardi?) of Ravenscroft's Op. 2 has not survived, but it appears to be listed in the sale catalogue of the property of the music dealer at The Hague Nicolaas Selhof, auctioned after his death in 1758, where it appears as lot 942, described as ‘X Suonate a Tré, due Violini e Violone, o Basso Continuo, opera seconda’. The Selhof catalogue is reproduced in facsimile in A. Hyatt King, Catalogue of the Music Library of Instruments and Other Property of Nicolaas Selhof sold in The Hague, 1759 (Amsterdam, 1973).Google Scholar

40 These statistics are only indicative, for it is impossible to tell from the catalogue whether bass instruments listed separately from the continuo part have obbligato status.Google Scholar

41 The complete list is Albinoni, Bernardi, Monarti, Pepusch, Taglietti, Telemann, Valentini, and Vivaldi, plus an anonymous composer (item 146).Google Scholar

42 Seven concertos by Valentini with parts for two horns are preserved in DK-Kk. The ten concertos possessed by Kenckel were very possibly those of Valentini's Op. 9, published by Le Cène in 1724, which allow performance without the ripieno section—an option that turns them effectively into concerti a quattro, provided that the alto viola part is retained.Google Scholar

43 This brings to mind Alessandro Scarlatti's Totus amore, published in his Mottetti sacri. Op. 2 (Naples, 1702), a collection republished by Roger in 1707–8 under the title of Concerti sacri. However, the solo motet repertory, so uninventive in its poetic vocabulary, could have thrown up dozens of works opening with these two words in either sequence.Google Scholar

44 DK-Kk, Hielmstierne 441, folio. This is a compilation of 31 separate literary items paying homage to Frederik IV on the occasion of the treaty. The German-language text of Bernardi's cantata, by Christoph Henrich Amthor (c. 1678–1721), is adapted from a longer poem by the same author included separately in the same anthology.Google Scholar

45 The full list of named composers runs: ‘J.A.’ (or ‘I.A.'), Albinoni, Aldrovandini, Bach (unclear which), J.C. Bähr, Bernardi, Bertouch, Bonporti, Brivio, Bruhns, Büchler, Corelli, Dallmang, Dragedi, Fasch, Fiorelli, Gabrielli, Handel, Heinichen, Reiser, Kirchhoff, Linike, Lotti, A. Marcello, Marino, Mascitti, Meck, Monarti, Onofrio [Penati], ‘Signor N.’, Pepusch, Ravenscroft, Roman, Schickhardt, Schiefferdecker, Stölzel, Strieker, Suliedon, Taglietti (unclear whether G. or L.), Telemann, Teloni, Tonini, Torelli, Valentini, Vitelli, Vivaldi, Voltmar, Wockenfuss.Google Scholar

46 Some of the composers working in Saxony, Thuringia, or Bavaria—Heinichen and Meck are examples—occupy an intermediate position between the supra-regional and the regional.Google Scholar

47 See Koudal, ‘Nodefundet på Ålholm Slot. En kort presentation’.Google Scholar

48 DK-Kk, mu 6406.1260 and 1261.Google Scholar

49 On Penati, see Sardelli, FedericoMaria, Vivaldi's Music for Flute and Recorder (Aldershot, 2007), 21, 23, and 25–7.Google Scholar

50 The concerto with oboe d'amore by Lotti (item 81), like his other instrumental works employing this instrument, probably originates from his sojourn at Dresden in 1717–19.Google Scholar

51 Except, notably, by his successor as music director in Copenhagen, Scheibe, who claimed that his works were ‘incoherent and devoid of all good sense’ (‘ohne Zusammenhang und ohne alle Vernunft’). See Scheibe, JohannAdolph, Critischer Musikus, 2nd edn (Leipzig, 1745), 759–60 (note 7).Google Scholar

52 Johann Mattheson, Critica musica, 2 vols. (Hamburg, 1722–5), i, 208.Google Scholar

53 A set of six oboe sonatas by the same Schultze was issued concurrently by Roger, but this lost collection appears to be just an alternative version of Op. 1, perhaps with transpositions. These Roger editions give the surname in the form ‘Schultzen’, but that is possibly only a back-formation from the regular genitive (in eighteenth-century German) of ‘Schultze’, which is ‘Schultzens’. The Selhof sale catalogue (see note 39, earlier) lists as lot 2369 an overture in manuscript for three oboes and two bassoons that appears to be by the same composer. For Schultze's biography, see Gerber, ErnstHeinrich, Neues historisch-biographisches Lexikon der Tonkünstler, 4 vols. (Leipzig, 1812–14), iii, coll. 137–8. Thanks to Mattias Lundberg for information on the entry in Gerber.Google Scholar

54 DK-Kk, mu 6120.1529.Google Scholar

55 No instrumental music by Beer survives, but in an autobiography this composer recorded sending a ‘Sonate â 2 vv.‘ to Rostock in 1691 (just the time when Kenckel was a student there) and later making an attempt to engrave his sonatas himself. See Adolf Schmiedecke ed., Johann Beer: sein Leben, von ilim selbst erzählt (Gottingen, 1965), 32 and 48. We are grateful for advice from Steven Rose on Beer.Google Scholar

56 Reine Dahlqvist, ‘Die Einführung des Homes in die Kunstmusik und Johann Beers Konzert für Horn und Posthorn’, in Wolfgang Suppan ed., Kongressbericht FeldkirchlVorarlberg 1992 (Tutzing, 1994), 129–54 (at 152).Google Scholar

57 See Koudal, For borgere og bonder, 234–5, 565, 603–4, 629.Google Scholar

58 On the Trondheim (N-T) collection, see Talbot, Michael, ‘A New Vivaldi Violin Sonata and Other Recent Finds’, Informazioni e studi vivaldiani, 20 (1999), 111–31. The concerto by Teloni is shelfmarked XM 128. We would like to thank Ingeborg Collin-Hansen, of the library's Special Collections department, for supplying a microfiche of the source.Google Scholar

59 In fact, all the parts contain extra sharps in the key signature through duplication of the same accidental at different pitches on the staff.Google Scholar

60 Or there may be a simpler explanation arising from the employment by the trumpet of a higher pitch standard. For unexplained reasons, the entry for this work in RISM appears to imagine that the trumpet is a tromba marina. This is highly improbable and is not supported by any visible or contextual evidence.Google Scholar

61 Shelfmarks 975–9. A further cantata is preserved in the library of the Polish Academy of Sciences in Gdansk (Ms. Joh. 95). For preliminary information on sources of Ursinus's music, which in addition include some keyboard works, see Dahlqvist, ‘Die Einfuhrung des Homes in die Kunstmusik’, passim.Google Scholar

62 Fick's collection is well stocked with music by many of the composers represented in the Kenckel catalogue, and his activity before 1730 as a civic musician in Altona, close to Hamburg, associates him with a city vital for the formation of Kenckel's repertory.Google Scholar

63 Dahlqvist (p. 137) makes rather heavy weather of the ‘M.’ before Ursinus, reading it as the first letter of a forename. In fact, it is much more likely to be an abbreviation of ‘Monsieur’, the title present in the other Schwerin sources. The addition of a (much-mangled) ‘Signor’ before it is a kind of unwitting pleonasm that one often encounters in northern European copies of Italian music. Surprisingly, in view of its clearly later style, the concerto has been published and recorded under the name of Johann Beer in modern times.Google Scholar

64 Dahlqvist (p. 146) made the interesting discovery, which he illustrates with extended music examples, that a concerto in Schwerin by Fick himself (Mus. 350), and scored for ‘2 Corne [sic] de Chasse et Posthorn’, strings, and continuo, has a first movement closely modelled on (or providing the model for) that of Ursinus's ‘horn and posthorn’ concerto. Perhaps Fick, too, had personal contact with Kenckel.Google Scholar

65 This was extended on 19 February 1693 to become a general ordinance governing all auctions held in Denmark and Norway.Google Scholar

66 Ils⊘e, Biblioteker til salg, 12. The information on the conduct of auctions in Denmark is taken from Ils⊘e's introduction on pp. 9–44.Google Scholar

67 There may well have been more, for in cases where spot cash was paid names were not given.Google Scholar

68 He himself wrote about music on many occasions in the course of his many-sided activity as a writer. See Thorsen, Frode, ‘Musikeren Ludvig Holberg’, in Holberg i Norden. Om Ludvig Holbergs författerskap och dess kulturhistoriska betydelse, ed. Gunilla Dahlberg, Peter Christensen Teilmann, and Frode Thorsen (Göteborg-Stockholm, 2004), 165–84.Google Scholar

69 Ludvig Holbergs Memoirer, ed. F. J. Billeskov Jansen (Copenhagen, 1943), 20. The original is in Latin; reference is made here to the best Danish translation. This club is the one described in Margaret Crum, ‘An Oxford Music Club, 1690–1719’, The Bodleian Library Record, 9 (1974), 83–99 (where no mention is made of Holberg's membership). See also John Bergsagel, ‘Music in Oxford in Holberg's Time’, in Hvad Fatter gj⊘r …: boghistoriske, litterære og musikalske essays tilegnet Erik Dal, ed. Henrik Glahn (Herning, 1982), 34–61.Google Scholar

70 This was Etwas Neues unter der Sonnen! oder Das Unterirrdische Klippen-Concert in Norwegen, aus glaubwürdigen Urkunden auf Begehren angezeiget, von Mattheson (Hamburg, 1740). The episode is related by Gram in a letter to count Christian Rantzau in 1741; see Breve fra Hans Gram, ed. Herman Gram (Copenhagen, 1907), 203.Google Scholar

71 Poul Thestrup, Mark og skilling, kroner og ore. Pengeenheder, priser og lonninger i Danmark i 350 år (1640–1989) (Copenhagen, 1991), 27–8.Google Scholar

72 Ils⊘e, Biblioteker til salg, 120–1.Google Scholar

73 A catalogue relating to a book auction held in Århus on 11 August 1738 and the following days is preserved in The Royal Library under the title Catalogus Librorum […] Johannis Okseni (shelfmark I 5690, 4°). The auctioned music is, unfortunately, not specified, but is described, with emphasis on its format rather than its content, merely as ‘en stor Samling Musicalia’ ('a large collection of music') in-folio (No. 679), ‘Musicalia varia’ and ‘Carmina varia’ in-quarto (Nos. 1385–86) and ‘Musicaliske Note Böger’ (‘books with music’) in-octavo (No. 1556).Google Scholar

74 Probably identical with the publications Frommer und gottseliger Christen alltäglicher Hauβmusik (Lüneburg, 1654) and Neüe musikalische Fest-Andachten (Luneburg, 1655).Google Scholar

75 Ravn, Koncerter og musikalske selskaber, 26.Google Scholar

76 In 1776 a local magistrate gave a certain kammerjunker von Scholler permission to use the town hall for weekly concerts (Landsarkivet for Sjælland, Helsing⊘r rådstue, BA-002 nr. C-155, Kopib⊘ger for udgaende breve 1743–96, 24 October 1776). No further information on these concerts seems to survive.Google Scholar

77 Frederik IV employed a ‘Guitarmester’, Johan Friedrich Fibiger (c. 1675–1738), who presumably taught both lute and guitar to the royal family. See Erling M⊘ldrup, Guitaren. Et eksotisk instrument i den danske musik (Copenhagen 1997), 19–24.Google Scholar

78 Johann Georg Mathiæ was employed as cantor at the German church of St Mary from 1711 to 1731. His predecessors were Christian Olufsen Rhod (1679–1700), Christopher Pfaffendorff (1701–11), and Gregorius Emanuel G⊘rlach (1711). See V. Hostrup Schultz, Helsing⊘rs embeds- og bestillingsmænd. Genealogiske efterretninger (Copenhagen, 1906), 110–11.Google Scholar

79 At the Sankt Mariæ kirke the organists were Johan Radeck (1668–1708), Caspar Roupach (1708–09, who left to become German cantor in Copenhagen), Lorenz Petresch (died 1711), and Michael Timler (1711–34). At the Danish church, the Sankt Olai kirke, they were Johannes Radeck (1692–1722), Martinius Christian Radeck (–1724), and Johan David Leo (1724–? Died 1773). See Hostrup Schultz: Helsingors embeds- og bestillingsmcend, 98–9 and 106–7.Google Scholar

80 See, however, Jens Henrik Koudal and Michael Talbot, ‘Pastor Iver Brink's Sacred and Secular Music: A Private Collection of Music from Copenhagen at the Beginning of the Eighteenth Century’, JRMA, 135 (2010), 1–39. Brink, who briefly served the Danish congregation in London and accompanied Frederik IV on his visit to Italy in 1708–9, died in Copenhagen in 1728.Google Scholar

81 Jens Henrik Koudal, ‘Musical life in Odense from 1770 to 1800 and the Music Collection of Johan Jacob Rebach’, in Rudolf Rasch ed., The Circulation of Music in Europe, 1600–1900. A Collection of Essays and Case Studies (Berlin, 2008), 195–213.Google Scholar

82 It is uncertain whether the ‘Fasch’ in Odense is the Hofkapellmeister in Zerbst, Johann Friedrich Fasch (1688–1758), or his son in Berlin, Carl Friedrich Christian Fasch (1736–1800).Google Scholar

83 Inge Bittmann, Catalogue of Giedde's Music Collection in The Royal Library of Copenhagen (Copenhagen, 1976).Google Scholar

84 Bittmann's catalogue does not indicate which instruments are used for the 38 pieces of vocal music and five ballets listed on pp. 180–3.Google Scholar

85 Bittmann, Catalogue, 6.Google Scholar

86 Koudal, ‘The Music Discovered at Aalholm Manor’, and idem, Grev Rabens dagbog. Hverdagsliv i et adeligt miljo i 1700-tallet (Odense, 2007), esp. 113–25 and 284–90.Google Scholar

87 Cabinet Secretary.Google Scholar

88 Probably a keyboard instrument, but conceivably a hurdy-gurdy. Only the first meaning (a clavichord) appears in Matthis Schacht's manuscript (1687) ‘Musicus danicus eller danske sangmester’, ed. with commentary by Godtfred Skjerne (Copenhagen, 1928), which, as a source close in both time and place, is especially relevant. Since Schacht also equates Clavi-chordium with Clavicymbalo, while the description ‘stor’ (‘large’) seems odd for any clavichord, Kenckel's instrument was perhaps a variety of harpsichord.Google Scholar

89 Kancelliråd, a title of rank. Appendix 3 translates or explains other expressions in this column.Google Scholar

90 Corrected from ‘Bærnstorph’.Google Scholar

91 Syv is Danish for ‘seven’, and while it is tempting to imagine a seven-stringed instrument such as the viola d'amore, it looks more probable, as Ture Bergstr⊘m has suggested to us in private correspondence, that ‘de syv’ is a corruption of dessus, in which case the reference would be to the treble viol (dessus de viole).Google Scholar

92 A cithrinchen, or bell guittern, is a type of cittern invented in Hamburg and popular in the region in the eighteenth century.Google Scholar

93 These appear to be high-pitched ‘descant’ bassoons (the -et termination, which in Danish becomes -etter in the plural, seems merely to be a diminutive).Google Scholar

94 A fourth-flute is a descant recorder pitched in B flat.Google Scholar

95 Probably descant or sopranino recorders.Google Scholar

96 Perhaps the arpanetta (harpenetgen) for which item 32 (lot 58) in the catalogue of music was intended. This instrument, a kind of double psaltery, is notable for its strictly vertical playing position (staaende means ‘standing’).Google Scholar

97 Probably identifiable with Johann (Joachim) Agrell (1701–65). Until c.1734, when he moved to Kassel, Agrell is thought to have remained in his native Sweden.Google Scholar

98 Probably identifiable, likewise, with Johann Agrell.Google Scholar

99 A lira is a hurdy-gurdy. Perhaps, like (or even in imitation of) Telemann's overture La lira, this is a ‘characteristic’ overture mimicking with drone effects the sound of this instrument. Could Kenckel's own such instrument (listed as symphani in the catalogue) have performed in it?Google Scholar

100 Taille probably stands here for a tenor oboe (oboe da caccia), although the same name may be given to a viola (cf. English ‘tenor’).Google Scholar

101 Gran oboe presumably means an oboe grande, a mezzo-soprano oboe pitched in A and similar in compass to the oboe d'amore.Google Scholar

102 Partie is equivalent to Partita, and La villageoise (cf. the harpsichord piece of the same title by Rameau) is presumably one of its movements.Google Scholar

103 Spelt ‘Kuckak’. This is presumably the instrument in Kenckel's possession imitating the call of a cuckoo.Google Scholar

104 Lot 127 is not listed in the catalogue but appears as a number in the record of prices paid. If it existed, it will presumably be one of the compositions by ‘J.A.‘ acquired by Stevens.Google Scholar

105 The scoring of this manuscript is not given, but since its other details match those of the preceding item (lot 40), the instrumentation is likely to be the same.Google Scholar

106 First published in Bologna in 1706 but reprinted in Amsterdam by Roger in 1709. We would like to record our thanks to Rudolf Rasch for verifying the dates of all the Roger and Le Cène publications cited in this article.Google Scholar

107 On the identity of this Bach, see earlier, p. 52.Google Scholar

108 For each of the Bähr entries, the initials J.C. are provided. On this composer's identity, see earlier, pp. 54–5.Google Scholar

109 A Harpenetgen is an arpanetta, a common variety of upright pointed harp (hence the alternative name Spitzharfe); for a contemporary description, see Eisel, Philipp, Musicus autodidaktos (Erfurt, 1738), 59–64.Google Scholar

110 The entry gives Bernardi's forename, Bartolomeo.Google Scholar

111 The price was originally 1 mark 4 skillinger, the latter digit being crossed out.Google Scholar

112 See earlier, p. 50.Google Scholar

113 Die Musik in Geschichte unci Gegenwart, rev. edn, ed. Ludwig Finscher, 28 vols. (Kassel, 1999–2007), Personenteil, ii, col. 1479, cites a lost oratorio of this name by Bertouch.Google Scholar

114 From the number of sonatas (10), the spelling of Bonporti's name as ‘Bomporti’ and the absence of an obbligato cello part, the item can be identified as one of the following collections of chamber sonatas: Op. 2 (1698); Op. 4 (1703); Op. 6 (1705); Op. 7 (1707). Originally brought out in Venice by Giuseppe Sala, all were almost immediately ‘pirated’ by Roger. The auction catalogue does not confirm, however, that the item was a printed or engraved volume rather than a manuscript copy.Google Scholar

115 The composer's forename, Gioseppe, is stated.Google Scholar

116 The composer's forename, Nic[o]la[u]s, is stated.Google Scholar

117 See note 100, above.Google Scholar

118 Corelli's forename, Arcangelo, is given in the entry.Google Scholar

119 This instrumentation corresponds to that of the violin sonatas of Corelli's Op. 5 (1700); the low price paid identifies this item as a single sonata.Google Scholar

120 As early as 1706 Roger began to issue editions of Corelli's trio sonatas arranged for recorders in place of violins, and the sonata may originate from that source.Google Scholar

121 This is most likely a ‘church’ sonata from Op. 1 or Op. 3, since there is a separate part for obbligato bass instrument.Google Scholar

122 The exact wording of this enigmatic entry is: ‘Trio von corelli 12 Son: noch 3 Son:‘.Google Scholar

123 Almost certainly Carlo Fiorelli (born c.1673), an Italian, probably Venetian, violinist active at several German courts.Google Scholar

124 Almost certainly the Bolognese cellist Domenico Gabrielli (1659–90).Google Scholar

125 It is uncertain whether this is a manuscript compilation or a published multi-authored collection.Google Scholar

126 The catalogue retains, as one would expect outside Britain, the original sound of Handel's name, though in an Italian (Hendel) rather than German (Handel) spelling.Google Scholar

127 Possibly HWV 288, on account of its (for Handel) unusual scoring, although that work is elsewhere called a sonata.Google Scholar

128 Haute-contre and laille could be alto and tenor violas, but they are more likely to be the woodwind equivalent: oboe grande and oboe da caccia.Google Scholar

129 Julius Caesar (Giulio Cesare) was printed in London by Cluer in 1724. Kenckel may have possessed not a complete score but a collection of arias (‘favourite songs’) from the opera, as published by Walsh and by others. However, the considerable price of 4 rigsdalere suggests the former.Google Scholar

130 The absence of a description of parts could mean that this item came in the form of a score. But the omission may equally be accidental.Google Scholar

131 Since an instrumental specification is given (unlike for Handel's Julius Caesar) and the price paid is low, the item perhaps consisted only of the overture of Heliates und Olympia (1709).Google Scholar

132 Wiege is German for ‘cradle’. This appears to be a ‘characteristic’ overture, perhaps featuring a rocking motion in one or more movements.Google Scholar

133 The citation of instruments opens with ‘2 oboe T yr.'. We would propose that this is a misreading or misprinting of ‘2 Oboe d'amour'. The Breitkopf catalogues list a lost concerto by Lotti for a single oboe d'amore and strings. A trio by him for oboe d'amore, transverse flute, and bass, attributed in some sources to Telemann (TWV 42:A9), survives. Both works probably originate from Lotti's period in Dresden (1717–19). Lot 2525 in the Selhof catalogue, presumably the same work as the first cited for Breitkopf, is a concerto by Lotti for a single oboe d'amore and strings. Thanks for Steven Zohn for pointing out the Telemann concordance.Google Scholar

134 The Marcello in question is almost certainly Alessandro Marcello (1673–1747). This work may be the same as, or closely related to, his extraordinary concerto for seven recorders of various sizes with muted string accompaniment (D945).Google Scholar

135 This is undoubtedly Carlo Antonio Marino (born c. 1670/71), whose first forename is given in the entry. Marino's Op. 6 (Venice, 1701), which contains eight trio sonatas and four with added viola, conforms to the catalogue's description. Roger reprinted the set in 1706.Google Scholar

136 Op. 3 was published in Venice c.1693 and reprinted by Roger in 1697. The first eight sonatas are for two violins, cello, and continuo; the last four have two added parts as shown.Google Scholar

137 The composer is certainly Michele Mascitti (1663/4–1760), nicknamed ‘Miquel’, a Neapolitan violinist who made a successful career in Paris. If ‘violini’ is a misprint for ‘violino’ and the twelve sonatas belong to a single opus, either in engraved form or in a manuscript copy, the collection must be one of these: Op. 3 (Paris, 1707: reprinted by Roger in 1709); Op. 5 (Paris, 1714: reprinted by Roger in 1715); (but less probably) Op. 8 (Paris, 1731).Google Scholar

138 ‘Massetti’ is simply another variant of ‘Mascitti’.Google Scholar

139 This is undoubtedly Joseph Meck (1690–1758), from c. 1711 Kapellmeister at Eichstätt, Bavaria. Meck's Op. 1 (1721) was the first published collection of solo concertos by a German.Google Scholar

140 Almost certainly the famous Venetian recorder player and flautist Onofrio Penati (died 1752), active as a performer from no later than 1698. No compositions by Penati are known from other sources.Google Scholar

141 From the instrumentation this looks more like a concerto ‘a 6‘, counting the two bass parts separately.Google Scholar

142 The Eccho Flæut (echo flute) is a flageolet, for which Pepusch is known to have composed a concerto (lost) in 1717.Google Scholar

143 Though described as ‘a 4’, this work appears to be ‘a 5'.Google Scholar

144 An edition of Ravenscroft's Op. 2 chamber sonatas came out from Walsh c.1708, and one by Roger dates from around the same time. However, the specification of violone rather than violoncello ('violon ou cont.') suggests Roman provenance: Ravenscroft's Op. 1 has ‘violone’ in the edition published by Mascardi in 1695, whereas the Dutch and English editions use alternative terms.Google Scholar

145 Presumably the twelve flute sonatas by Roman published in Stockholm in 1727.Google Scholar

146 The instrumentation of these sonatas corresponds to that of Schickhardt's Op. 5, published by Roger in 1710.Google Scholar

147 Schickhardt published, with Roger, several collections of recorder sonatas.Google Scholar

148 These are apparently duet sonatas sans basse. Schickhardt's Op. 9, published by Roger c.1711, has an optional bass. However, the specified instruments are designated flauti (ordinarily denoting recorders), which would probably make the pieces unsuitable for transverse flutes without transposition. It is more likely that these sonatas are a later set. In this connection, Rudolf Rasch has reminded us of a lost Op. 27 entitled Six sonates a deux flutes traversieres appropriees pour la flûte à bec sans basse published by Le Cène in 1727 with plate number 535.Google Scholar

149 Johann Christian Schiefferdecker (1679–1739), who in 1707 succeeded Buxtehude as organist at the Marienkirche, Lübeck. The collection is his XII musikalisehe Concerte, bestehend in auserlesenen Ouverturen nebst einigen schonen Suiten und Sonaten (Hamburg, 1713).Google Scholar

150 See p. 53, earlier.Google Scholar

151 A bracket linking lot nos. 97 and 98 implies that Grunemand obtained both items.Google Scholar

152 See p. 53, earlier.Google Scholar

153 Probably Augustin Reinhard Strieker (fl. 1702–20).Google Scholar

154 The composer is either Giulio Taglietti (c. 1660–1718) or his brother Luigi Taglietti (born 1668), both active in Brescia and among the pioneers of the concerto genre. No collection published by either man combines the stated number of concertos (ten) with the ‘a 4‘ specification (although each occurs independently), so the identity of the pieces remains in doubt.Google Scholar

155 Clearly identifiable as TWV55:C3, also known as Hamburger Ebb und Fluht, dating from 1723. As Steven Zohn has pointed out to us, this work survives in the Giedde collection (DK-Kk, mu 6305.3060), although the fact may merely show that the overture was popular in Denmark.Google Scholar

156 Telemann's Essercizi musici (recognizable from the description despite the fractured Italian and/or typography) has long been thought to date from c.1740. However, Steven Zohn points out, in Music for a Mixed Taste: Style, Genre and Meaning in Telemann's Instrumental Works (Oxford, 2008), pp. 378–80, that this ‘double’ collection of solos and trios must have been compiled during the mid-1720s and published in late 1727 or 1728—which explains how Kenckel was able to acquire it.Google Scholar

157 Telemann's anagrammatic pseudonym ‘Melante’ appears here, followed by the date 1728.Google Scholar

158 Remarkably, this well-known published collection (TWV24:1–50) constitutes the only music for solo keyboard in the auctioned collection.Google Scholar

159 See pp. 55–7, earlier.Google Scholar

160 ‘Plublitu’ is obviously garbled; ‘ad libitum’ would make sense in the context.Google Scholar

161 The chamber sonatas comprising the Op. 4 of Bernardo Tonini (born c.1666) came out in 1706 in Venice and in the same year in Amsterdam.Google Scholar

162 The catalogue adds the forename, Giuseppe. This collection is identifiable as his Sinfonie a tre, published in Rome in 1701 and issued by Roger in 1710.Google Scholar

163 See p. 50, earlier.Google Scholar

164 The description, presumably taken directly from the manuscript itself, can be translated as ‘sundry sacred airs’. As Steven Rose has pointed out to us, this could be a manuscript copy of his arias for solo voice and continuo contained in Heinrich Elmenhorst's collection Geist-reiclie Lieder (Lüneburg, 1700).Google Scholar

165 Cantata probably refers to the type of composition termed in Italy a mottetto: a paraliturgical work in several movements for solo voice. The fourth of Alessandro Scarlatti's Mottetti sacri, Op. 2 (Naples, 1702), republished by Roger in 1707–8 under the altered title Concerti sacri, opens with the words ‘Totus amore’. But the resemblance may well be deceptive, given the inversion of the word-order and the readiness with which writers of motet texts liked to combine and recombine the same small stock of familiar words.Google Scholar

166 ‘A parcel of viola da gamba pieces.‘Google Scholar

167 ‘A package with concertos.‘Google Scholar

168 ‘1 ditto with sacred vocal concertos.‘Google Scholar

169 ‘1 ditto with various [things].‘Google Scholar

170 ‘A bundle of music books.‘Google Scholar

171 Our main aids identification have been: Edvard Holm, Danmark-Norges historie 1720–1814, 7 vols. (Copenhagen, 1891–1912), i-ii; Dansk biografisk lexicon, 1st edn, 19 vols. (Copenhagen, 1887–1905); V.C. Ravn, Koncerter og musikalske selskaber i ældre tid: Festskrift i anledning af Musikforeningens halvhundredaarsdag, 1 (Copenhagen, 1886), pp. 1–223; Carl Thrane, Fra hofviolonernes tid (Copenhagen, 1908); Nanna Schi⊘dt et al., Hagens samling i Del kongelige Biblioteks Håndskriftafdeling (Copenhagen, 1981); Jens Henrik Koudal, For borgere og bonder. Stadsmusikantvæsenet i Danmark ca. 1660–1800 (Copenhagen, 2000); Henrik Fibiger N⊘rfelt, Organistbogen (n.p., 1997); H. Ehrencron-Müller, Forjatterlexikon, 12 vols. (Copenhagen, 1924–35); S.V. Wiberg, Almindelig dansk præstehistorie, 3 vols. (Odense, 1870–1); O. Nielsen, Kjobenhavns diplomatarium, 8 vols. (Copenhagen, 1872–87); O. Nielsen, Kjobenhavns historie og beskrivelse, 6 vols. (Copenhagen, 1877–92); Nils Schi⊘rring, Musikkens historie i Danmark, 3 vols. (Copenhagen, 1977–8); J. Bloch, Stiflamtmænd og amtmænd i kongeriget Danmark og Island 1660–1848 (Copenhagen, 1895); V. Hostrup Schultz, Helsingors embeds- og bestillingsmænd. Genealogiske efterretninger (Copenhagen 1906); Palle Rosenkrantz, Amtmandsbogen (Copenhagen, 1936); Herman Gram ed., Breve fra Hans Gram (Copenhagen, 1907); Harald Ils⊘e, Biblioteker til salg (Copenhagen, 2007); O. Kyhl, Den landmilitære centraladministrations embedsetat 1660–1773 (Copenhagen, 1973); H. Hjorth-Nielsen, Danske prokuratorer 1660–1869 (Copenhagen, 1935); T.A. Tops⊘e-Jensen, Officerer i den dansk-norske Soetat 1660–1814, 2 vols. (Copenhagen, 1935). We have also consulted various unpublished archival documents and lists in The Royal Library (including J.C.W. Hirsch and Kay Hirsch, ‘Fortegnelse over danske og norske officerer med flere 1648–1814'), the National Archives (Rigsarkivet; including the index ‘Kancelliets embedsudnævnelser 1660–1848'), and the Regional Archive (Landsarkivet) for Sjælland (Zealand), Lolland-Falster and Bornholm.Google Scholar

172 ‘Alexander’ was used at the time in Denmark only as a given name.Google Scholar

173 In 1751 he became Danish foreign minister.Google Scholar

174 His private library was sold at public auction in 1740.Google Scholar

175 His father, the organist Henrik Breitendich, lived until 1739, but for reasons of infirmity had before 1732 passed on his post to his son.Google Scholar

176 Hofjunker is a title of rank.Google Scholar

177 Son of Bishop Bartholomæus Deichman (1671–1731), who was a very keen book collector.Google Scholar

178 Justitsråd, a title of rank.Google Scholar

179 A ‘privileged’ musician was officially licensed to practise his trade (but only in the secular sphere) within a defined locality, urban or rural.Google Scholar

180 A rytterdistrikt was an administrative district belonging to the Danish crown, and its special form of court was described as a birkeling.Google Scholar

181 An assessor was a person attached to a judge's bench or to the council of a collegiate institution.Google Scholar

182 At his death, he left a collection of books etc., which was sold at public auction.Google Scholar

183 At his death, he left a collection of books, which was sold at public auction in T⊘nder, where he had been living.Google Scholar

184 ‘Ved Sparre’ presumably means that Sparre bought and paid for the item on behalf of Lehmann.Google Scholar

185 It is assumed that the person named, on a few occasions, simply as ‘Oxen’ is the stiftamtmand, at whose house in Christianshavn the auction was held.Google Scholar

186 The ‘Oxen’ who bought instruments is invariably identified only by surname without mention of a title or profession. It is assumed that this was the stiftamtmand.Google Scholar

187 Kancelliråd (counsellor) was a title of rank.Google Scholar

188 He was mayor in 1728–30 and then again after 1734. A brother of the mayor, likewise named Peter Ramshart (1696–1750) but not himself a kancelliråd, was Frederik IV's private secretary (gehejmekabinetssekretær) and in 1730 purchased a cello for the royal band (Det Kongelige Kapel).Google Scholar

189 He published Diss. de musica Judæorum in sacris stante templo adhibita (Copenhagen, 1724) and Diss. philologico de Ægyptiorum odio in pastores ad illustrationem loci Gen. XLVI. 34 (Copenhagen, 1726).Google Scholar

190 'Bet. Hofm:’ must mean that a person named ‘Hofm:’ (Hofman / Hofmeister?), or who occupied the position of hovmester (steward), paid on Sparre's behalf.Google Scholar

191 He published De musica et cithara Davidis ejusque ejfectu (Copenhagen, 1733).Google Scholar

192 After his death, by which time he had become an archdeacon (stiftsprovst) in Christiania (Norway), Wegersl⊘ff's book collection, consisting of 325 volumes concerned with theology and history, was sold at public auction. See Carl S. Petersen, ‘Holberg i samtidens bogsamlinger’, 243, and Harald Ils⊘e, Biblioteker til salg, 135.Google Scholar

193 In 1735 he became parish priest at Holmens kirke in Copenhagen.Google Scholar

194 He is referred to in a letter from Professor Hans Gram in 1744.Google Scholar