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Presidential Power and Presidential Purpose

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 August 2009

Abstract

The article first examines the ways in which Richard Neustadt's Presidential Power attempts to connect the activities of power-seeking presidents to the public ends their actions presumably further and then discusses what is problematic in these linkages. The critique focuses on the defects in Neustadt's concept of the “grain of history,” the diminished sense of public purposes revealed by the standard of “viability,” the difficulties in evaluating presidential actions with the criteria developed and the ways in which the failed linkage between the means to power and the ends served undermines Neustadt's own teaching. The paradoxical quality of Presidential Power, in which insightful analysis of the means to power is combined with unsatisfactory discussion of the purposes for which that power is to be employed, is seen as possibly rooted in Neustadt's tacit acceptance of positivist and historicist views, which are now increasingly called into question. The article contends that those concerned with the separation of the normative and the empirical begin efforts to reconnect presidential power to public purpose by going beyond the terms of Neustadt's argument and by reexamining the American Founding for what it may suggest about the intended ends of politics and the presidency.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © University of Notre Dame 1985

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References

Notes

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6 Neustadt, , Presidential Power, 1976 edition, pp. 264–82Google Scholar. Neustadt's criteria are developed in his discussion of the Kennedy presidency.

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9 Ibid., p. 251.

10 Ibid., p. 253.

11 Ibid., p. 252.

12 Ibid., p. 114.

13 Ibid., pp. 251–52.

14 Ibid., p. 251.

15 Ibid., p. 252.

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38 Corwin, Edward S., The President: Office and Powers (New York, 1941).Google Scholar

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40 Ibid., p. 315.

41 Ibid., p. 30.

42 Ibid., p. 316.

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62 Schlesinger, , The Imperial Presidency, p. viii.Google Scholar

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64 Ibid, p. 287.

65 Corwin, Edward S., Loss, Richard, ed., Presidential Power and the Constitution (Ithaca, New York, 1976), p. xviiiGoogle Scholar from “Introduction” by Richard Loss.

66 Note Mansfield's comment on the relationship between Schlesinger's constitutional principles and political preferences. “No theory of a strong republican executive could survive the appearance of a strong Republican executive” (Mansfield, Harvey C. Jr., “The Ambivalence of Executive Power,”Google Scholar in Bessette, and Tulis, , The Presidency in the Constitutional Order, pp. 318–19).Google Scholar

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69 Ibid., p. 65, p. 112, p. 173.

70 Ibid., p. x.

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72 Ibid., p. 17.

73 Ibid., p. 50.

74 Ibid., pp. 16–17.

75 Ibid., pp. 255, 331, 407.

76 Huntington, Samuel, American Politics: The Promise of Disharmony, p. 232.Google Scholar

77 Ibid., p. 66.

78 Ibid., p. 129.

79 Ibid., p. 39.

80 Bessette, and Tulis, , The Presidency in the Constitutional Order, p. ix.Google Scholar

81 Ibid., pp. 16–26, 319–31.

82 Ibid., p. 29.

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