1 Aristotle, , The Nicomachean Ethics, trans. Ross, W. D., iii, 1, 1110b, 1–2.Google Scholar

2 Dewey, John, Freedom and Culture (New York: Putnam, 1939), pp. 131–32.Google Scholar

3 Lippmann, Walter, Public Opinion (New York: Penguin reprint, 1946, of Mac-millan, ed., 1922), p. 187.Google Scholar

4 Ibid., pp. 187–88:

“The creation of consent is not a new art. It is a very old one which was supposed to have died out with the appearance of democracy. But it has not died out. It has, in fact, improved enormously in technics because it is now based on analysis rather than on rule of thumb. And so, as a result of psychological research, coupled with the modern means of communication, the practice of democracy has turned a corner. A revolution is taking place, infinitely more significant than any shifting of economic power.”

“Within the life of the generation now in control of affairs, persuasion has become a self-conscious art and a regular organ of popular government. None of us begins to understand the consequences, but it is no daring prophecy to say that the knowledge of how to create consent will alter every political calculation and modify every political premise. Under the impact of propaganda, not necessarily in the sinister meaning of the word alone, the old constants of our thinking have become variables. It is no longer possible, for example, to believe in the original dogma of democracy; that the knowledge needed for the management of human affairs comes up spontaneously from the human heart. Where we act on that theory we expose ourselves to self-deception. …”

5 Hitler, Adolf, Mein Kampf, trans. Ripperger, Helmut (New York: Reynal & Hitchcock, 1939), p. 510.Google Scholar

6 Ibid., p. 923.

7 Ibid., pp. 231–32.

8 Ibid., p. 239.

9 Rauschning, Hermann, The Voice of Destruction (New York: Putnam, 1940), p. 276.Google Scholar

10 Maritain, Jacques explains that this fecundity is only apparent and yet represents something real: “Evil is therefore efficacious not by itself but through the good it wounds and preys upon as a parasite, efficacious through a good that is wanting or is deflected and whose action is to that extent vitiated. What is thus the power of evil? It is the very power of the good that evil wounds and preys upon. The more powerful this good is, the more powerful evil will be—not by virtue of itself, but by virtue of this good.” (Saint Thomas and the Problem of Evil. [Milwaukee: Marquette Univ. Press, 1942], P 2).Google Scholar

Cf. also Maritain, Jacques, “The End of Machiavellianism,” The Review of Politics, IV (01, 1942), 16.Google Scholar

11 Hitler, , op. cit., p. 58.Google Scholar

12 Rauschning, , op. cit., p. 282,Google Scholar

13 Cf. Bougie, C., “La Crise du Liberalisme,” Revue de Métaphysique el de Morale, X (1902), 643:Google Scholar

“Qu'on analyse les procédés qu'emploient, de plus en plus fréquemtnent, des journaux de plus en plus nombreux, et l'on devra convenir que la liberté dont ils usent n'a que peu de rapports avec ce qu'on honorait, jadis, sous le notn de liberté de penser, car ce n'est guère à la pensée qu'ile s'addressent. On dirait qu'ile n'essaient plus de convaincre leur lecteurs par des procédés logiques, mais bien plutôt, afin de les mieux lancer sur l'ennemi, de les hypnotiser par des procédés mécaniques—en répétant chaque jour, sans prendre la peine de las démontrer, les même affirmations.”

14 Tchakhotine, Serge, Le Viol des Foules (Paris: Gallimard, 1939), p. 43.Google Scholar

15 Hitler, , op. cit., p. 236:Google Scholar

“What would one say about a poster, for instance, which was to advertise a new soap, and which nevertheless describes other soaps as also being ‘good’?

“At this one would certainly shake one's head.

“Exactly the same is the case with political advertising.

“Propaganda's task is, for instance, not to evaluate the various rights, but fat more to stress exclusively the one that is to be represented by it. It has not to search into truth as far as this is favorable to others, in order to present it then to the masses with doctrinary honesty, but it has rather to serve its own truth uninterruptedly.

It was fundamentally wrong to discuss the war guilt from the point of view that not Germany alone could be made responsible for the outbreak of this catastrophe.”

16 Rauschning, , op. cit., p. 282.Google Scholar

17 Tawney, R. H., Religion and the Rise of Capitalism (New York: Penguin reprint, 1947, of Brace, Harcoutt ed., 1926), p. 229:Google Scholar “Its essence is a dualism which regards the secular and the religious aspects of life, not as successive stages within a larger unity, but as parallel and independent provinces, governed by different laws, judged by different standards, and amenable to different authorities. … Thus the conflict between religion and those natural economic ambitions which the thought of an earlier age had regarded with suspicion is suspended by a truce which divides the life of mankind between them. The former takes as its province the individual soul, the latter the intercourse of man with his fellows in the activities of business and the affairs of society.”

18 Rauschning, Hermann, The Revolution of Nihilism (New York: Longmans, Green & Co., 1939), pp. 46–47:Google Scholar “It may be said in general that at the back of the whole tactics and method of propaganda of National Socialism there is a complete contempt of humanity: the whole system is based on taking men, as they are and pandering to their weakness and their bestiality. Such is its universal recipe. National Socialism banks on, human sloth and timidity—just as much in the case of the intellectuals, the middle classes, as with the masses. It does so especially with foreign countries. In Germany it yields a much more effective means of domination than would the exclusive dependence on terrorism. The exploitation of envy and ill-will, of the lowest human instincts, the sowing of dissension between opponents, and the appeal to their ignoble qualities and notorious weaknesses have thus far unfailingly helped National Socialism to success, incidentally destroying the basis of a general sense of morality which was weak enough to begin with.”

19 Taylor, Edmond, The Strategy of Terror (Boston. Houghton Mifflin Co., 1940), p. 69.Google Scholar

20 Ibid., pp. 69–71.

21 Hitler, , op. cit., pp. 920–21.Google Scholar

22 Ibid., p. 340.

23 Ibid., pp. 152–53.

24 Ibid., p. 467.

25 Ibid., p. 55.

26 Ibid., p. 48.

27 Ibid., p. 137.

28 Hartshorne, E. Y., German Youth and the Nazi Dream of Victory (New York: Farrar and Rinehart, 1941), pp. 27–28.Google Scholar

29 Committee for National Morale, German Psychological Warfare, ed. Farago, Ladislas (New York: Committee for National Morale, 1941), p. 165.Google Scholar

30 Hitler, , op. tit., pp. 506–07.Google Scholar

31 Ibid., pp. 710–11.

32 lbid. p. 232.

33 Ibid., p. 234.

34 Rauschning quotes Hitler as saying concerning the symbolism of the Freemasons: “But there is one dangerous element, and that is the element I have copied from them. They form a sort of priestly nobility. They have developed an esoteric doctrine, not merely formulated, but imparted through the medium of symbols and mysterious rites in degrees of initiation. The hierarchical organization and the initiation through symbolic rites, that is to say without bothering the brains but by working on the imagination through magic and the symbols of a cult—all this is the dangerous element that I have taken over. Don't you see that our party must be of this character?” (Rauschning, , The Voice of Destruction, [New York: 1940], p. 240).Google Scholar

35 Schuman, F. L., The Nazi Dictatorship (New York: Knopf, 1939), p. 81.Google Scholar

36 ibid., pp. 79–80.

37 Rauschning, , The Voice of Destruction (New York: 1940), pp. 82–83.Google Scholar

38 Some of the descriptions of Nazi press technique suggest that it may well have been adapted from these two authorities in the United States:

“While the bourgeois press was conservative and conventional in its makeup, the Nazis introduced into Germany ‘yellow sheet’ methods, with terse editorials imitating the languages of soap-box agitators, venomous cartoons on page one, banner headlines underlined in red ink.” (German Psychological Warfare, ed. Farago, Ladislas [New York: 1941], pp. 77–78).Google Scholar

39 Ibid., p. 69: “… several times the Nazis … swept away dangerous rumors by a lightning stroke of terror and violence.”

40 Hitler, , op. cit., p. 313.Google Scholar

41 Rauschning, , The Voice of Destruction (New York: 1940), p. 212.Google Scholar

42 Malinowski, Bronislaw, Freedom and Civilization (New York: Roy, 1944), p. 213.Google Scholar

43 Laswell, H. D., Propaganda Technique in the World War (New York: Knopf, 1927), pp. 220–21.Google Scholar

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45 Ibid., pp. 56–57.

46 Ibid., p. 240.

47 Hartshorne, , op. cit., p. 19.Google Scholar

48 Cf. Hoover, Calvin B., Germany Enters the Third Reich (New York; Macmillan, 1933), p. 119: “It was a fascinating though fearful thing to observe the growth of the atmosphere of terror. The writer had previously had the experience of living in a land where terror was well established and a normal part of life. But here he was to see terror develop and to observe it lay its hand on men. Trotsky, the advocate of the theory of Permanent Revolution, has said that revolutions destroy men. Never were truer words spoken, if one speaks of revolutions with a concomitant of terror. For terror does indeed consume the characters of men. One of the commonest of human reactions to it is the attempt to save one's soul from the consciousness of submission to force by trying to identify oneself in some way with the power which exercises the terror. Thus the Nationalists were to attempt to build a bridge for conscience to National Socialism by saying to themselves that after all it was strongly nationalist. Socialists and even Communists tried to build the bridge for their conscience by telling themselves that after all it was socialist.Google Scholar

49 Hartshorne, , German Youth and the Nazi Dream of Victory, p. 31.Google Scholar

50 Hartshorne, , “Reactions to the Nazi Threat: a Study of Propaganda and Culture Conflict,” Public Opinion Quarterly, V, (Winter, 1941), 630.Google Scholar

51 Silone, Ignazio, Bread and Wine, trans. David, G. and Mosbacher, E. (New York: Penguin, 1946), pp. 223 ff.Google Scholar

52 Letter from Drvon Schuschnigg, Kurt, December 15, 1947, Chicago, Illinois.Google Scholar

53 Dawson, Christopher, “Christian Freedom,” The Dublin Review, CCXI (07, CCXI), 8.Google Scholar

54 Cassirer, Ernst, The Myth of the State (New Haven: Yale, 1946), p. 286.Google Scholar

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58 Lawrence, , “The Ladybird,” in The Captain's Doll (New York: Albert and Charles Boni, 1930), p. 273.Google Scholar

59 Quoted in Rauschning, , The Voice of Destruction (New York: 1940), p. 225.Google Scholar

60 Dostoyevsky, Fyodor, The Brothers Karamazov (New York: Modern Library, 1937), p. 262.Google Scholar

61 Ibid., p. 268.

62 Ibid., p. 267.

63 Ibid., p. 263.

64 Ibid., p. 263–64.

65 Cassirer, , op. cit., p. 288.Google Scholar

66 Fromm, Erich, Escape from Freedom (New York: Rinehart, 1941), p. 5.Google Scholar