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Energy Issues in the Context of the Regime Transition of Post-Soviet Eurasia: National and International Dimension

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  09 June 2010

Extract

In political science, democracy is generally associated with high levels of economic development. However, some scholars note that this is true only as long as economic development is not based on possession of rich energy resources. Many resource-rich states are nondemocratic regimes. This is sometimes called the “resource curse.” This means that “natural resource abundance may stimulate rent-seeking behavior that, together with highly concentrated bureaucratic power, induces corruption in the economy and hence lowers the quality of institutions.” It also means that “resource wealth itself may harm a country's prospects for development” and that “oil and mineral wealth tends to make states less democratic.”

Type
Review Essay
Copyright
Copyright © University of Notre Dame 2010

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References

1 On the “resource curse,” see, for example, Ross, Michael Lewin, “Does Oil Hinder Democracy?World Politics 53, no. 3 (April 2001): 325–61CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Franke, Anja, Gawrich, Andrea, and Alakbarov, Gurban, “Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan as Post-Soviet Rentier States: Resource Incomes and Autocracy as a Double ‘Curse’ in Post-Soviet Regimes,Europe-Asia Studies 61, no. 1 (January 2009): 109–40CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

2 Buccellato, Tullio and Mickiewicz, Tomasz, “Oil and Gas: A Blessing for the Few. Hydrocarbons and Inequality within Regions in Russia,Europe-Asia Studies 61, no. 3 (2009): 386CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

3 Ross, “Does Oil Hinder Democracy?” 328.

4 Hellman, Joel S., “Winners Take All: The Politics of Partial Reform in Postcommunist Transitions,World Politics 50, no. 2 (1998): 203–34CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

5 Franke, Gawrich, and Alakbarov, “Resource Incomes and Autocracy,” 109.

6 Closson, Stacy, “State Weakness in Perspective: Strong Politico-Economic Networks in Georgia's Energy Sector,Europe-Asia Studies 61, no. 5 (July 2009): 759CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

7 Pirani, Simon, ed., Russian and CIS Gas Markets and Their Impact on Europe (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009).Google Scholar

8 On subnational regime disparities, see, for example, Obydenkova, Anastassia, “Europeanization and Democratization: Trans-national impact on Sub-national Democratization?European Journal of Political Research 47 (March 2008): 221–46CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Obydenkova, Anastassia, “The International Dimension of Democratization: Test the Parsimonious Approach,Cambridge Review of International Affairs 20, no. 3 (2007): 473–90CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

9 Buccellato and Mickiewicz, “Oil and Gas: A Blessing for the Few,” 386.

10 Turovsky, Rostislav, “The Influence of Russian Big Business on Regional Power: Models and Political Consequences,” in Politics in the Russian Regions, ed. Gill, Graeme (New York: Palgrave Macmillian, 2007), 138CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

11 Julia Kusznir, “Economic Actors in Russian Regional Politics: The Example of the Oil Industry,” in Politics in the Russian Regions, ed. Gill, 168.

12 Ibid., 180. In another region of Russia, Tatarstan, a different model of fusion between economic and political elites is developed: presidential patronage. The model does not allow economic actors from outside to enter into the regional market.

13 Daniel Goler, “Russia's Northern Periphery in Transition: Regional Fragmentation of the Far North,” in Politics in the Russian Regions, ed. Gill, 188.

14 Ibid.

15 The double-headed eagle was adopted as the state symbol of Russia in the fifteenth century by the Grand Prince of All Russia Ivan III. Initially, the double-headed eagle was the official state symbol of the late Byzantine Empire, looking at both East and West. It has had various interpretations over the centuries: the East (Constantinople) and the West (Rome), the unity of the state and the church, etc. Apart from other interpretations, the double-headed eagle also symbolizes the geopolitical importance of the location between Europe and Asia.

16 On the role of geopolitics and Europeanization in Russia, see Anastassia Obydenkova, “Democratization, Europeanization and Regionalization beyond the European Union: Search for Empirical Evidence,” in European Integration online Papers 10, no. 1 (2006).

17 Examples of such studies are Van Der Meulen, Evert Faber, “Gas Supply and EU-Russia Relations,Europe-Asia Studies 61, no. 5 (July 2009): 833–56CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hadfield, Amelia, “EU-Russia Energy Relations: Aggregation and Aggravation,Journal of Contemporary European Studies 16, no. 2 (2008): 231–48CrossRefGoogle Scholar; V. Morozov, “Energy Dialogue and the Future of Russia: Politics and Economics in the Future of Russia,” in The EU-Russian Energy Dialogue, ed. Aalto, 43–62; Tatiana Romanova, “Energy Dialogue from Strategic Partnership to the Regional Level of the Northern Dimension,” in The EU-Russian Energy Dialogue, 63–119; and Heinrich, Andreas, “Under the Kremlin's Thumb: Does Increased State Control in the Russian Gas Sector Endanger European Energy Security?Europe-Asia Studies 60, no. 9 (2008): 1539–74CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

18 Van Der Meulen, “Gas Supply and EU-Russia Relations,” 834.

19 Heinrich, “Under the Kremlin's Thumb,” 1539.

20 See, for example, Stacy Closson, “Russia's Key Customer: Europe,” in Russian Energy Power and Foreign Relations, ed. Perovic et al., 89–108, as well as Pirani, Russian and CIS Gas Markets and Their Impact on Europe, and Aalto, ed., The EU-Russian Energy Dialogue.

21 Pirani, Russian and CIS Gas Markets and Their Impact on Europe, 453.

22 Ross, “Does Oil Hinder Democracy?” 357.

23 Edward Chow, “Policy on Oil and Gas,” in The Russia Balance Sheet, ed. Åslund and Kuchins, 68.

24 Pirani, Russian and CIS Gas Markets and Their Impact on Europe.