1. Although we know of the consulship of one of Regulus’ sons, in 227 BCE, this person was not called Serranus, an agnomen of the gens Atilia, made up to pun with the etymology of the name from the verb sero (cf. Spaltenstein, F., Commentaire des Punka de Silius Italicus (livres 1 à 8) [Genève 1986], 395Google Scholar). For the etymology of Serranus and the intended pun see Virg. Aen. 6.844 (cf. Frölich, U., Regulus, Archetyp römischer Fides: Das sechste Buch als Schlüssel zu den Punica des Silius Italicus. Interpretation, Kommentar und Übersetzung [Tübingen 2000], 150fGoogle Scholar.). Serranus’ youth plays off against Marus’ old age, which is several times illustrated in the narrative (94, 100, 118, 299). Williams, G., ‘Testing the Legend: Horace, Silius Italicus and the Case of Marcus Atilius Regulus’, Antichthon 38 (2004), 70–98CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 72 n.10, points to a possible association between the name and the Carthaginian names ‘Sarra/Sarranus’ (also Skutsch, O., The Annals of Q. Ennius [Oxford 1985], 632Google Scholar).

2. Häußler, R., Das historische Epos von Lucan bis Silius und seine Theorie (Heidelberg 1978), 170fGoogle Scholar., correctly notices that the episode of Marus and Serranus reminds the reader of Caesar’s meeting with Amyclas in Lucan BC 5 (among other scenes in literature, such as Evander and Aeneas). See also Brouwers, J.H., ‘Zur Lucan-Imitation bei Silius Italicus’, in J. den Boeft & A.H.M. Kessels (eds.), Actus: Studies in Honour of H.L.W. Nelson (Utrecht 1982), 73–87Google Scholar, at 80.

3. Regulus’ Marcia is modelled after Cato’s Marcia in BC 2. See Brouwers (n.2 above), 79; Spaltenstein (n.1 above), 419; Frölich (n.1 above), 279.

4. With an epigrammatic comment, Steele, R.B., ‘The Method of Silius Italicus’, CP 17 (1922), 319–33Google Scholar, at 325, underappreciates the role of the female in the present episode: ‘Silius tried to vary the monotony of historical narrative by the introduction of a hero of the First Punic War, with variety added by the part taken by Marcia.’

5. For an examination of Horace and Silius, see Williams (n.1 above). Polybius 1.29–35 gives the account of the battles that took place in Africa (Eonomus, Adys, Aspis) during the year 256/255 BCE but does not provide us with the account of Regulus’ mission to Rome. Diodorus does not give us any information concerning Regulus’ mission either, although he goes into detail about his punishment and torture in Carthage (23.11–16).

6. Lazenby, J.F., The First Punic War (Stanford 1996), 106Google Scholar.

7. For an examination of the sources on Regulus from the second century BCE onwards see Mix, E.R., Marcus Atilius Regulus: Exemplum Historicum (Paris 1970), 14–24Google Scholar and 32–55; Ariemma, E.M., ‘Silio Italico e il tradimento di Regolo (tra esemplarità epica e understatement elegiaco)’, in G. Abbamonte, A. Rescigno, A. & R. Rossi (eds.), Satura: Collectanea Philologica Italo Gallo ab Amicis Discipulisque Dicata (Napoli 1999), 79–116Google Scholar, at 80f. n.5; Frölich (n.1 above), 266–69 and 305–10; Gendre, M. & Loutsch, C., ‘C. Duilius et M. Atilius Regulus’, in M. Bonneford-Coudry & T. Späth (eds.), L’ Invention des grands hommes de la Rome antique: Actes du colloque du Collegium Beatus Rhenanus, 16 août – 18 septembre 1999 (Paris 2001), 131–72Google Scholar; Williams (n.1 above), 70f.

8. Among many references to Regulus in the Ciceronian corpus, the praise of Regulus’ exemplary character at Fin. 2.20.65 and 5.37.82 and Off. 3.99.26–100.27 epitomises Cicero’s view (the discussion continues until 3.115.32 on Regulus’ oath). Cf. Wezel, E., De Silii Italici cum fontibus turn exemplis (Leipzig 1873), 54–56Google Scholar, for Silius’ combination of the tradition from Cicero and Horace. Unfortunately, Livy’s full account has been lost to us (Periocha 18).

9. Diodorus 24.12 relates the story of Regulus’ wife’s revenge, as she allegedly tortures Hamilcar and Bodostor, two Carthaginian prisoners, (‘thinking that he [Regulus] died [in Carthage] because of negligence’). As Williams (n.1 above), 71, points out, the story of Regulus’ embassy back to Rome is probably a fiction, ‘perhaps designed to explain or obscure the actions of his wife’.

10. All of Silius’ critics underscore the relationship between Hercules and Regulus or Regulus and Scipio. See Sechi, M., ‘Silio Italico e Livio’, Maia 4 (1951), 280–97, at 287fGoogle Scholar.; Bassett, E., ‘Regulus and the Serpent in the Punka’, CP 50 (1955), 1–20Google Scholar; von Albrecht, M., Silius Italicus: Freiheit und Gebundenheit römischer Epik (Amsterdam 1964), 62–68Google Scholar; Häußler (n.2 above), 168–77; Kißel, W., Das Geschichtsbild des Silius Italicus (Frankfurt am Main 1979), 122fGoogle Scholar.; Burck, E., ‘Die Punka des Silius Italicus’, in E. Burck, M. von Albrecht & W. Rutz (eds.), Das römische Epos (Darmstadt 1979), 254–99Google Scholar, at 284f.; Billerbeck, M., ‘Aspects of Stoicism in Flavian Epic’, in F. Cairns (ed.), Papers of the Liverpool Latin Seminar: Fifth Volume, 1985 (Liverpool 1986), 341–56Google Scholar, at 351f.; Ripoll, F., La morale héroïque dans les épopées latines d’ époque flavienne: tradition et innovation (Louvain 1998), 126–28Google Scholar, 159f., 240f., 247f., 348–51; Ariemma (n.7 above); Frölich (n.1 above); Fucecchi, M., ‘I Punica e altre storie di Roma nell’ epos di Silio Italico’, in A. Casanova & P. Desideri (eds.), Evento, racconto, scrittura nell’ antichità classica: Atti del convegno internazionale di studi, Firenze, 25–26 novembre 2002 (Florence 2003): 269–92Google Scholar; Williams (n.1 above), 72–76. Ahl, F., Davis, M.A. & Pomeroy, A., ‘Silius Italicus’, ANRW II.32.4 (1986), 2492–2561Google Scholar, at 2522f., refer to Regulus as an archetype for Fabius; however, cf. Williams’ approach (n.1 above), 84, who in line with my argument, comments: ‘Regulus’ policy of direct aggression and no avoidance resembles an anachronism of sorts, a form of guileless “uirfus” that is no match for a Xanthippus or a Hannibal, and one that contrasts with Fabius’ more enlightened strategy in the second Punic War…. [T]he struggle…is not just between Rome and Carthage but also between different versions—Regulan and Fabian, even “traditional” and “modern”—of Roman military virtue, strategy and heroism.’

11. The following texts and translations (modified) have been used in this study: for the Punica, Delz, J., Silius Italicus Punka (Stuttgart 1987Google Scholar), and Duff, J.D., Silius Italicus (Cambridge MA and London 1934Google Scholar); for Lucan’s BC, D.R. Shackleton Bailey (Stuttgart 1988) and Braund, S.H., Lucan: Civil War (Oxford 1992Google Scholar).

12. For a detailed examination of the ius postliminii in connection with Regulus see Kornhardt, H., ‘Regulus und die Cannaegefangenen: Studien zum römischen Heimkehrrecht’, Hermes 52 (1954), 85–123Google Scholar, who juxtaposes Regulus’ example to the failed efforts to retrieve the hostages after the battle at Cannae.

13. On reading patet or manet instead of pater see Ariemma (n.7 above), 88 n.21.

14. See the relevant discussion in Ahl, F., Lucan: An Introduction (Ithaca 1976), 268–71Google Scholar; von Albrecht (n.10 above), 65 n.52; Kißel (n.10 above), 122f.; Billerbeck (n.10 above), 351f.; Ariemma (n.7 above), 87 and 96f.; Dietrich, J., ‘The Sorrow of Scipio in Silius Italicus’ Punica’, Ramus 34 (2005), 75–91CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 80–83. Häußler (n.2 above), 171, points to the relationship between this episode and Hercules’ fight against Antaeus in Luc. BC 4.593–660.

15. See McGuire, D.T., ‘History Compressed: The Roman Names of Silius’ Cannae Episode’, Latomus 54 (1995), 110–18Google Scholar, on the use of historical personalities of later Roman history in the battle of Cannae in Book 8.

16. A similar description is provided in Book 4, where Imilce tears her hair and scratches her cheeks on the occasion of her son’s imminent sacrifice (4.774f.). See also Spaltenstein (n.1 above), 419f.; Ariemma (n.7 above), 91f. Dietrich (n.15 above) links female expressions of grief in the first books of the poem to the description of Scipio’s grief in Book 13.

17. Casale, P.F.G., Silio Italico (Mercato Severino 1954), 32Google Scholar; La Penna, A., ‘Tipi e modelli femminili nella poesia dell’ epoca dei flavi’, in Atti del congresso internazionale di studi Vespasianei in Rieti 1979 (Rieti 1981), 223–51Google Scholar, at 234; La Penna, A., Eros dai cento volti (Venice 2000), 67–69Google Scholar. Dietrich (n.15 above), 81, observes that ‘Silius creates a female figure whose devotion to her husband, children and marriage, like the relationships of her counterparts in Lucan, is emblematic of Roman values’. But as Dietrich recognises, ‘her [Marcia’s] appearance in mourning indicates the uncertain future of Rome itself as he [Regulus] returns to Carthage’ (83). Von Albrecht (n.10 above), 64f., interprets Marcia’s role as a figure that is opposed to Regulus’ personality. Regulus does not give into misericordia, while Marcia entreats him to surrender to sentimentalism. Therefore, Marcia reminds us of Xanthippe who was dismissed by Socrates at Plato Phd. 60a.

18. For the elegiac reminiscences of Marcia’s Anrede see Ariemma (n.10 above), 92–95.

19. Consider also the similarity with Imilce who bids farewell to Hannibal in litore primo (‘on the very edge of the shoreline’, 3.128), with emphasis laid again on the liminality of the place. The notion of limen constitutes an important quality in Imperial epic poetry, not merely in terms of topography, but in terms of the protagonists’ efforts to transgress the limits imposed by gender or tradition. Compare, for instance, Valerius Flaccus’ insistence on the ‘first threshold’ in his account of both the Lemnian women and Medea in Arg. 2.136, 237, 255 and 7.110.

20. This is precisely the proof of Regulus’ achievement of ‘sanctity’ through refusal to succumb to the prescriptions of earthly pleasures (cf. Billerbeck [n.10 above], 352).

21. Cf. n.3 and n.15 above. Ariemma (n.7 above), 90, identifies the fusion of elegiac and epic materials in this episode but considers Marcia’s presence as autonomous with regard to Regulus’ portrayal (‘uno sviluppo sostanzialmente autonomo rispetto all’ intera tradizione relativa al personaggio di Regolo’). Marcia’s elegiac voice adds to the polyphony of the epic (ibid., 115). For Lucan’s Marcia’s elegiac voice see Harich-Graz, H., ‘Catonis Marcia: Stoisches Kolorit eines Frauenportraits bei Lucan (II 326–350)’, Gymnasium 97 (1990), 212–23Google Scholar.

22. See Ahl (n.15 above), 247–52, and Henderson, J., ‘Lucan/The Word at War’, Ramus 16 (1987), 122–64Google Scholar, at 135.

23. See Keith, A. M., Engendering Rome: Women in Latin Epic (Cambridge 2000), 88CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

24. Fantham, E., Lucan De Bello Ciuili 2 (Cambridge 1992), 139fGoogle Scholar., examines the political and moral dimensions in Cato’s remarriage to Marcia.

25. Notice also the pun with partem and partu.

26. Cf. Ahl (n.15 above), 251.

27. See Spaltenstein (n.1 above), 422; Ariemma (n.7 above), 96f.

28. As Ariemma (n.7 above) notes at 97–99, Regulus’ Marcia’s words remind us of Virgilian phraseology in Aen. 4.431–33. I think that Regulus’ Marcia intends to contrast her plea to that of her predecessor, Cato’s Marcia. Since Dido’s words are spoken to Anna, there is not an exact parallelism between Dido’s and Marcia’s situations here.

29. See Bassett, E., ‘Silius Punka 6.1–53’, CP 54 (1959), 10–34Google Scholar, for allusions to the aftermath of Pharsalus (BC 7.786–95).

30. The phrase similem antiquo elliptically refers to Marcia’s mourning of Regulus. Marcia is once again prepared to mourn a member of her family, her son. See Spaltenstein (n.1 above), 431.

31. Marcia’s conduct parallels Cornelia’s obsession with death and her isolation after Pompey’s death: decreuit pati tenebras…amat pro coniuge luctum…composita in mortem (‘resolved to suffer darkness…loves her grief in her husband’s stead…lay composed for death’ , BC 9.110, 112, 116).

32. See Häußler (n.2 above), 175: ‘Das ist der Sinn des 6. Buches: Verheißung aus Erinnerung’; Gendre & Loutsch (n.7 above), 157: ‘L’originalité de Silius Italicus consiste à montrer Marus nous signaler à tout moment les réactions que Regulus aurait dû avoir, s’ il avait été un homme normal, mais qu’ il n’ a pas eues en tant que grand homme exceptionnel.’

33. Cornelia is called a comes six times in the BC: 5.804; 8.100, 147, 190, 589, 649.

34. Pace Spaltenstein (n.1 above), 425, who does not think that Marcia could suspect at all Regulus’ punishment.

35. It accords with Regulus’ earlier description as pacatus frontem (‘with a calm face’, 369) together with the phrase impenetrabilis ille (413). The closest parallel in the poem is Camillus’ description in similar terms in 7.560f: pacata fuissent/ni consulta uiro mensque impenetrabilis irae (‘had it not been for the placid wisdom of Camillus and his mind impenetrable to wrath’).

36. Ariemma (n.7 above), 106–13, discusses the Virgilian allusions in the episode. He observes the similarities between Aeneas and Regulus but also the differences between them (114).

37. Cf. Aen. 4.339 and 624. In the former, Aeneas uses the word foedera with regard to marriage, while in the latter Dido curses any treaties between the two races (nee foedera sunto, ‘let there be no treaties’).

38. Virgil twice uses the adjective furiatus, first for Coroebus and then for Aeneas himself (Aen. 2.407 and 2.588). Consider also the description of Dido in Pun. 8.95–97 as furibunda (‘maddened’).

39. Cf. 6.552–73. After Marus’ digression, Fama flies to the city and spreads uera ac ficta (‘true and false tidings’, 554), with the result that alarm and hysteria dominate in people’s hearts.

40. Compare the difference between Marcia’s reaction and that of anonymous feminae in Livy 22.7.13–14: several women die of joy upon seeing their sons return safe from the battle at Trasimene.

41. Pace Rebischke, R, De Silii Italici Orationibus (Königsberg 1913), 13Google Scholar, who reads this scene as yet another of Marcia’s proclamations of Regulus’ uirtus.

42. The type of punishment varies in different authors. See Mix (n.7 above); Spaltenstein (n.1 above), 428; Frölich (n.1 above), 305–10. At 2.340–44, Gestar refers to a crucifixion (343f.), thus making Marus’ narrative inconsistent with earlier versions of Regulus’ death in the Punica. On Regulus’ death by crucifixion see Cotta Ramosino, L., ‘II supplizio della croce in Silio Italico: Pun. I.169–181 e VI.539–544’, Aevum 73 (1999), 93–105Google Scholar, with a discussion of the appropriation of Christian symbolism. Is this inconsistency due to Silius’ own mistake or is it intentional in order to show the incredibility of Marus’ account? In my opinion, Silius intends to portray Marus’ narrative as extravagant and exaggerating. Consider Marus’ own comments on the credibility of his words: uix egomet credo (‘scarcely do I believe it myself’, 194) on the monstrosity of the serpent; si qua fides (‘if you believe me’, 386) on Regulus’ unbending behaviour in Rome.

43. For an examination of the episode in terms of intertextual relations see Bassett (n.10 above).

44. Cf. Livy, Periocha 18: Atilius Regulus in Africa serpentem portentosae magnitudinis cum magna clade militum occidit (‘In Africa, Atilius Regulus killed a snake of supernatural size, losing many soldiers’). Livy’s lost account is briefly elaborated in Valerius Maximus 1.8 ext.19.

45. The lack of light is a topos for the dwellings of such monstra. See Martin, M., ‘Le monstre de Bagrada: Silius Italicus Punica 6.146–296’, Eidôlon 7 (1979), 20–42Google Scholar, at 33. Bassett (n.10 above), 13f. n.29, correctly notices that Silius’ description follows Virgil’s accounts of Polyphemus and Cacus.

46. It is Silius’ own invention that this serpent is hallowed, a detail absent from Livy. See HauBler (n.2 above), 172. Bassett (n.10 above), 9 and n.70, gives parallels in Latin literature, where we see the motif of serpentes sacri. Various passages in Ovid (the serpent of Cadmus in Met. 3 and Cadmus’ own transformation in Met. 4), Valerius Flaccus (the Trojan monstrum in Arg. 2), and Statius (the serpent in Theb. 5, in particular line 511) reconfirm the ‘sanctity’ of different monstra, and prove how the violation of this religiosity results in punishment and retribution. For an examination of similar landscape descriptions in Statius, see Newlands, C., ‘Statius and Ovid: Transforming the Landscape’, TAPA 134 (2004), 133–55Google Scholar. Contrast, however, Cato’s men’s acknowledgement that their attempt to march through land nature has assigned to serpents deserves punishment (BC 9.854–62); Cato does not resort to violence to resolve the problem but employs the potions of the Psylli. (I am grateful to John Penwill for drawing my attention to this last point.)

47. Häußler (n.2 above), 172 calls it ‘tragisch-unvermeidlicher Schuld’.

48. Martin (n.47 above), 30.

49. Consider as a reverse parallel the cerua (‘hind’) in 13.115–37, which leaves Capua willingly and enters the Roman camp, to be slain by Fulvius in honour of Diana. The cerua is also called famula Dianae (13.124). For an examination of the motif see Franchet d’ Espèrey, S., ‘Variations épiques sur un thème animalier’, REL 55 (1977), 157–72Google Scholar.

50. See C. Santini, ‘Presenza di motivi ecologici in Sil. It. Pun. VI 140–293’, in Atti del congresso di studi Vespasianei (n.17 above), 522–34.

51. Bassett (n.10 above), 20 n.71.

52. Bassett (n.10 above), 9.

53. In addition, after Regulus hurls his spear, the serpent is depicted as a passive recipient, unfamiliar with civilisation and in particular with weapons: et chalybem longo turn primum passus in aeuo (‘and for the first time then in his long life he suffered the steel’, 6.255). The use of the participle passus, often ascribed to women to denote rape or invasion (cf. Adams, J.N., The Latin Sexual Vocabulary [London 1982], 189fGoogle Scholar.), is demonstrative of the serpent’s inability to react. The participle is used several times with sexual connotations in connection to female figures (2.83, 5.160, 6.577, 13.548, 13.829).

54. See nn.10 and 15 above.

55. For Hannibal’s act as a violation of the Alps see Augoustakis, A., ‘Lugendam formae sine uirginitate reliquit: Reading Pyrene and the Transformation of Landscape in Silius’ Punica 3’, AJP 124 (2003), 235–57Google Scholar. There is also another instance of violation of nature, the arrival of the Carthaginian fleet at Caieta (7.409–93). Proteus prophesies that the unnatural and defiling ‘penetration’ by the classis Phoenissa will turn against the Carthaginians in the end. For an examination of the episode see Nicol, J., The Historical and Geographical Sources Used by Silius Italicus (Oxford 1936), 38fGoogle Scholar.; Bruère, R.T., ‘Color Ovidianus in Silius’ Punica 1–7’, in N.I. Herescu (ed.), Ovidiana: Recherches sur Ovide (Paris 1958), 475–99Google Scholar, at 496; Nesselrath, H-G., ‘Zu den Quellen des Silius Italicus’, Hermes 114 (1986), 203–30Google Scholar, at 214f.; Stärk, E., ‘Liebhabereien des Silius Italicus: Die Grotte des Proteus auf Capri’, A&A 39 (1993), 132–43Google Scholar; Perutelli, A., ‘Sul manierismo di Silio Italico: le nimfe interrogano Proteo (7.409–493)’, BStudLat 27 (1997), 470–78Google Scholar.

56. Von Albrecht (n.10 above), 66, notes that the description of the serpent’s reactions closely matches Juno’s behaviour in the Punica. Words such as turbo, spiritus, tempestas and procella remind us of Juno’s use of storm and the forces of the Underworld in order to fulfil her aims.

57. Unlike Livy, who does not mention the use of trickery, Silius represents Xanthippus as fraudem nectens (‘weaving deception’, 326). See Häußler (n.2 above), 173.

58. Spaltenstein (n.1 above), 414, says that the phrase ‘ne contient pas un jugement’.

59. For instance, P. Scipio, Scipio’s father, and Hannibal are led to war by cupidollaudis et ad pugnas Martemque insania concors (‘thirst for glory, and kinship in their insane passion for war and battle’, 4.99f.).

60. Ripoll (n.10 above), 240f.

61. Diodorus draws a similar conclusion: (‘Indeed this man, responsible for the situation, did not carry away the smallest portion of the disaster. In exchange for his previous fame, he received many times greater dishonour and disgrace, and by his personal misfortunes, he taught the rest to be moderate in handling power; and the worst all all, having deprived himself of the forgiveness and the pity accorded to sinners, he was forced to endure the arrogance and the power of those whose misfortune he treated with haughtiness’, 23.15.4).

62. See also Walbank, F. W., A Historical Commentary on Polybius (Oxford 1970), 92–94Google Scholar.

63. In 8.310f., Varro, the consul responsible for the disaster in Cannae, is called insanus, an adjective that is not used elsewhere for Roman generals.

64. Cf. Aen. 7.550, where Allecto is willing to pursue her catastrophic plans further insani Martis amore. Further instances of this insanus amor can be found in Virgil’s Ecl. 10.44 and Aen. 2.343.

65. Dixon, S., The Roman Mother² (New York 1990), 202Google Scholar.

66. I am grateful to John Penwill and the anonymous reader for Ramus for valuable corrections and comments.