The existence of the tombs at Cyrene, and their magnificence, have been known for many years. In the last century a number of scholars wrote descriptions of them, and some excavated here and there among them, while in the last forty years many of the better-preserved monuments have been cleared, though not published. Until the Italian occupation of Cyrenaica in 1912, and indeed for some time following it, the settled conditions necessary for a patient investigation did not exist; and after that date the skill and energy of Italian archaeologists were directed mainly to the excavation and study of the ancient city itself. So it is that no serious study of their history has yet been attempted. The first requisite for such a study is a summary of the material available; the object of the present paper is to provide a preliminary classification of the tombs, a catalogue of them with maps, and a conspectus of the work already done, which may together serve as a basis for future study. The numeration of the individual tombs described in the following pages is that given in the detailed catalogue (pp. 22–43), where the letters N, E, S, and W refer to the North, East, South, and West cemeteries respectively (Figs. 1–7 and Pl. I). The bibliographical abbreviations used in the footnotes will be found in the section on previous work on the tombs (pp. 6–9).

The notes that follow are the first results of a programme of field-survey undertaken by the writer and by various members of the British School during the autumn of 1954 in the area that lies immediately to the north of Rome, between the Tiber and the sea. This area is one that has been strangely neglected by modern students of Italian topography. Ashby's published work is concerned mainly with those parts of the Campagna that lie to the south and east of Rome; and Tomassetti's work, invaluable as a repertory of manuscript and published sources, lays no claim to be a comprehensive survey of the material remains surviving on the ground.

Such a survey is badly needed today. The romantic desolation of Southern Etruria is being transformed from one day to the next under the impact of a scheme of landreform comparable in scale to the great reforms of classical antiquity, and vast estates which for centuries have been used for stock-breeding and seasonal pasture are being broken up and brought into cultivation with all the devastating thoroughness that modern mechanical equipment entails. Whole regions are accessible today as they have never been before, and within them the bulldozer and the mechanical plough are busy destroying whatever lies in their path.

At the time of the outbreak of the Social War in 91 B.C. there were many types of political organisation in Cisalpine Gaul. First, there were the Roman colonies of Mutina, Parma, and Eporedia. Secondly, there were the large areas of land south of the Po in Liguria and centred on the chief highway in Aemilia which were already occupied by Roman citizens in the Pollia tribe, but where urbanisation was a more or less spontaneous development and where there was certainly not the elaborate political organisation of the colonies. Thirdly, there were the Latin colonies of Ariminum, Placentia, Cremona, Bononia, and Aquileia. We may say that all this territory was occupied by settlers of Roman or Latin origin, with the reservation that in Liguria, where the colonised land was probably not so extensive or so continuous as in Aemilia, there may still have been a considerable number of the former inhabitants living in association with the Romans. Archaeological investigation has not yet told us whether there were two separate inhabited sites in each case, but the doubling of place-names (Industria—Bodincomagus, Potentia—Carreum, Sedulia?—Vardagate) may indicate that the Ligures were allowed some kind of separate political organisation and local centres near to, but distinct from, the centres created by the Romans to serve the needs of their ager. If there were two separate inhabited sites and organisations, however, these did not remain independent of each other for long. Certainly after 89 B.C. Romans and native peoples formed single communities.

This article is the result of a survey of Cumanin Cami'i carried out in the summer of 1953 during the writer's tenure of the Fellowship of the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara. That the survey took place is due in large measure to encouragement from the Director of the Institute, Mr. Seton Lloyd, and to the Turkish Antiquities Department, who readily gave the necessary permission. Further thanks are due to Mr. J. B. Ward Perkins for help in the solution of various problems connected with the work, to Mr. D. E. Strong for advice on the dating of the mouldings, and to Bayan Sabahat Öǧretmenoǧlu, then Director of the Antalya Museum, for her interest and support.

Cumanin Cami'i, otherwise known as Korkut Cami'i or more recently simply as Kesik Minare (the Broken Minaret), stands in the southern part of the old walled town of Antalya, the ancient Attaleia, in Pamphylia, its roofless minaret forming one of the most prominent marks on the horizon as seen from the region of the Konak, on the north side of the harbour.

Among the many fine antiquities of the Roman period that are preserved in Pamphylia, none is more immediately impressive than the aqueduct of Aspendos. The upper town of Aspendos occupies an oval, flat-topped hill, some 50 acres in extent and river about 60 m. above the meadows on the right bank of the Köyürirmaǧi, the ancient river Eurymedon. The rock of which the hill is composed is a coarse, pebbly conglomerate, and despite its modest height the hill-top is sharply defined, with steeply scarped slopes on all four sides. The eastern part of the Pamphylian plain, unlike the level, terraced limestones of the Antalya district, consists of gently rolling quaternary formations. The foothills of the Isaurian mountains are not far distant to the east, and there is higer ground only a short way to the north. But the site of Aspendos was cut off from the former by the Eurymedon itself, and from the latter by the wide, shelving valley of one of its western tributaries; and although the site is not one of outstanding natural strength, it was the obvious choice for a settlement in a district which, in antiquity as today, commanded the lowest practicable crossing for all land-traffic between eastern and western Pamphylia.

Since the publication of The Inscriptions of Roman Tripolitania a number of additinal inscribed stones have come to light in the province. Many of these have been, or are about to be, published in reports on the surveys or excavations during which they were found. Those that cannot be quickly or conveniently treated in this way are assembled in the first section of this note. Twenty-four of the texts in this section are quite new; the remainder are known texts that have been supplemented by the discovery of new fragments, or modified after re-reading. With them are given a small number of additional comments on published texts. In this section are included a certain number of texts or fragments that were found during the original excavation of the Forum Severianum by Professor Caputo, and rediscovered after the publication of IRT when the Forum was cleared of the debris left by the flood of 1946. These, together with all the known inscriptions of the Forum Severianum, will be the subject of a definitive publication by Professor Attilio Degrassi in an Anglo-Italian publication of the Severan buildings at Lepcis.

At the beginning of the Principate, Italy, which had been extended to the Alps by the incorporation of Cisalpine Gaul in 42 b.c., was essentially a land of selfgoverning urban communities that exercised authority over an adjacent country district. By the third century, when earlier differences in the legal status of these communities had been largely abolished, the title most commonly applied to them was civitas, although older terminology did not pass entirely out of use: Cassiodorus, for example, twice uses municipium. For the attached country district the usual name was territorium, defined by the second-century jurist Pomponius as universitas agrorum intra fines cuiusqu civitatis. The Christian church adopted the existing Roman civil circumscriptions as the basis of its territorial organisation, so that in ecclesiastical texts civitas came to have the special sense of ‘diocesan see’: in this sense it is common in the Act a of sixthcentury councils. Despite a steady decline in civic autonomy in the later Imperial period, the city and its territory continued to be the basic unit of secular administration. In the fifth century the title of iudex was not yet accorded to any official connected with the city, and this was still so after the Ostrogothic occupation of Italy and the establishment of comites Gothorum.

Among the problems connected with the conquest of the kingdom of Sicily by Charles of Anjou in 1266, not the least interesting are those which concern the members of the nobility of northern France who formed a large part of his invading force. Setting out with the Pope's blessing as a crusading army against one of the last of the ‘nest of vipers’, they perhaps expected to go on to Jerusalem after conquering the kingdom in southern Italy. Most of them, however, remained to govern and defend it for its first two rulers. The main facts about what happened to them thereafter have been well known for some time: of the many knights who were given lands forfeited by those members of the native baronage who supported Conradin in 1268, only a few families (and most of these Provencal) survived after the early years of the fourteenth century to become absorbed into the greater Neapolitan nobility. The present article does not aim to give a complete explanation of the disappearance of the majority and the survival of only a minority of these families, but to examine three cases, where the documentation is unusually full.