^{page 1 note 1} A small number of obvious identifications have been pencilled in English upon the mounts—very possibly by Soane himself.

^{page 2 note 1} The reproductions are about one-fifth smaller.

^{page 2 note 2} The late Mr. George H. Birch, F.S.A., Curator of the Soane Museum, was good enough to reproduce this numbering in pencil so that it might appear in the photographs.

^{page 2 note 3} On the paper of the mounts (which belongs probably to the 18th century) three different watermarks appear, about which I have not been able as yet to obtain any information.

^{page 4 note 1} I infer this from the list of his possessions ‘in domo D. Angeli Saurii’ and for the charge for the hire of a mattress and coverlet which were conveyed to that house. His illness seems to have necessitated continual nursing day and night for just over a week.

^{page 4 note 2} Dr. Marzi's researches were undertaken at the instigation of Cav. Gherardi, Director of the Archivio, on the request of Prof. Villari. To all these gentlemen my best thanks are due.

^{page 7 note 1} I owe this point to Mr. H. Stuart Jones.

^{page 9 note 1} To the list given by Fabriczy, which need not be repeated here, the sketchbook in the library of the Prince of Waldburg-Wolfegg (Robert, Röm. Mitt. 1901, 209 sqq.) is the only addition that I can make. The album of Pierre Jacques (published in facsimile by M. Salomon Reinach in 1902) had already been described by Geofifroy in Mélanges de l' École Françfaise, 1890, p. 150 sq.

^{page 9 note 2} Nos. 6, 7, 8A, 9, 26–30, 66, 99–104, 108, 128, 130, 142, 147c, 15c, 152–155, 157, 158. The later hand has also added the name ‘S. Angelo in Pescheria’ to 63c.

^{page 10 note 1} I am informed by Dr. Gustav Kühl, of the library of the Kunstgewerbemuseum, that these drawings are not, in all probability, by the unknown French artist who generally passes under the name of the Anonymus Destailleur, and that they came from a separate volume, which did not form part of the series of his works.

^{page 11 note 1} The only two other publications of the kind known to me are Le rovine di Roma al principio del secolo xvi. Studi del Bramantino (Bart. Suardi), Milan 1875Google Scholar, and Il Taccuino Senese di Giuliano da Sangallo, Florence 1902Google Scholar. In both cases the text is the weak point.

^{page 11 note 2} The later hand in making additions has in most cases respected the original arrangement.

^{page 14 note 1} A corrupt form of Diocletiani.

^{page 15 note 1} The anonimo Gaddiano (about 1544) also attributes the church to Bramante (Fabriczy, Il Codice dell' anonimo Gaddiano reprinted from Archivio storico italiano, Ser. v. vol. xii. (1893) p. 83.

^{page 16 note 1} The original deed of gift is still extant (Gregorovius, , Rome in the Middle Ages, vii. 695. 1Google Scholar).

^{page 16 note 2} In Sangallo's drawing the spiral staircase, and the columns in the entrance hall, are absent; nor is there an opening opposite the main door in the large domed hall, its place being taken by one in each of the two lateral niches.

^{page 17 note 1} The two plans rest on independent measurements—Giuliano makes the building 101 braccia wide—and the details are not identical.

^{page 17 note 2} ‘Vi è memoria che della base di una di queste colonne fosse formato il gruppo colossale di Alessandro Farnese.’

^{page 17 note 3} Uffizi No. 20.

^{page 18 note 1} Uffizi No. 7.

^{page 18 note 2} Giuliano intended to convert Bramante's temporary choir into a permanent one, connecting it with the rest of the building by adjuncts such as sacristies, in keeping with it (op. cit. 284).

^{page 18 note 3} Cf. Laelius Podager's note in a copy of Mazochi's Epigrammata Antiquae Urbis now in the Vatican (Lat. 8492) to the inscription published by De Rossi, , Inscr. Christ. i. p. 469Google Scholar n. 1031 ‘memini me vidisse hoc epigramma in aede divi Celsi antiqua, antequam solo aequaretur.’

^{page 18 note 4} Urlichs, Codex Urbis Romae topographicus, 153.

^{page 19 note 1} S. Celso does not therefore occur in Baron von Geymüller's list of Bramante's works (op. cit. 113).

^{page 19 note 2} This work (Cod. Vat. 5365, Cod. Corsin. 981–983) runs from 1504 to 1521.

^{page 19 note 3} Coner adds two columns at the entrance, and does not round off the external angles of the central structure.

^{page 19 note 4} The town has now resumed the ancient name and is known as Cassino.

^{page 19 note 5} ‘fuora di Sangermano uich(in)a a(u)n mezo miglio.’

^{page 20 note 1} Perhaps 36 should be read: but it appeared to me to be 30.

^{page 20 note 2} They are thus described by Domenico Bartolini (Viaggio da Napoh alle Forche Candine ed a Benevento e di ritcrno a Caserta ed a Monte Casino (1827), 182 ‘si deve traversare il Rapido, chiamato Vinio da Varrone, per arrivarci. [The preceding pages have been occupied with a description of the theatre and amphitheatre of Casinum on the W. (right) bank of the Rapido.] Sulla sponda di esso fiume si osservano molte camere diroccate (dove furono trovati belli pavimenti alia musaica di marmo) varie nicchie, ed una porta, che riguarda Casino [which lies to the north], le quali dovevano appartenere al museo, che secondo il medesimo Varrone era sito sul flume. Sopra i piccioli colli, detti monticelli, che sono in mezzo alia pianura, si osservano varl resti di mura di opera Iaterizia, e reticolata, che forse facevan parte della casa di ricreazione.’ A similar account is given by Guidi, Viaggio da Roma a Monte Cassino (1868), 119.

^{page 20 note 3} The only difference is that the spaces in the thickness of the wall are made five-sided by Sangallo, instead of triangular.

^{page 24 note 1} The hitherto available sources were, according to him (pp. cit. 76) Serlio, a drawing in the Musée Wicar at Lille (No. 6 of the sketchbook attributed to Michelangelo, but really by Aristotile and Giambattista da Sangallo: cf. Geymüller, , Soc. nat. antiqu. de France, xlv. (1884), 243Google Scholar sq. Raffaello studiato come architetto, p. 29 n. 31) and a perspective view by Dosio (Uffizi 2559).

^{page 27 note 1} The suggestion is due to Sig. P. N. Ferri, joint author of the article quoted.

^{page 29 note 1} Cf. Serlio, loc. cit.

^{page 29 note 2} No. 3 of the sketchbook.

^{page 30 note 1} Geymüller's warning (op. cit. 76) against the restorations in Letarouilly's Le Vatican should be borne in mind.

^{page 33 note 1} (sic) for haurà.

^{page 33 note 2} For the Pucci family see Clausse, , Les Sangallo, ii. 235Google Scholar.

^{page 37 note 1} Ligorio, (Taur. xiii. 47–55^vGoogle Scholar) cited by Lanciani, , Storia degli Scavi, ii. 237Google Scholar, in dealing with the Pantheon, speaks of the restoration of the niches (tabernacolini)—‘uno di essi sendo stato restaurato da M. Baldassar Peruzzo, et da Raphael d'Urbino, è stata cagione siffatta rinovatione, che alcuni altri hanno fatto il simile.’ But nothing is said about the altars.

^{page 39 note 1} Opusculum de mirabilibus novae ct veteris urbis Romae, f. 40^v.

^{page 41 note 1} The note ‘sub angulo istius coron(a)e’ refers in each case to the separate sketch of the decoration inserted beneath the cornice at the angle.

^{page 42 note 1} The note ‘a Santo Chosimo’ refers only to a moulding below.

^{page 44 note 1} This engraving and that described below under 105a are found printed on the same sheet in a volume of engravings by Jacques Prévost and the master who used the monogram G.A. and the calthrop, now in the Printroom of the British Museum (1904. 8. 22. 1); but from their style they do not seem to be certainly attributable to either of these masters.

^{page 45 note 1} The only church dedicated to S. Lorenzo which was known as S. Lorenzino was, according to Armellini, S. Lorenzo in Borgo (op. cit. 781), or de Piscibus. S. Lorenzo ai Monti (p. 164) might also be meant. It lies in the S.W. exedra of Trajan's Forum.

^{page 45 note 2} The very slight disagreements in measurements may be disregarded.

^{page 46 note 1} The entablature engraved by Jacques Prévost Haec est Romae ad spolia sea hac tempestate no(n) videri potest (not cited by Passavant, but mentioned by Lanciani, , Storia degli Scavi, ii. 54Google Scholar) is very similar to this one, but from its size (total height braccia 5 minuti 32) can only belong to the temple of Trajan.

^{page 47 note 1} According to Lanciani (Ruins and Excavations, 367) it was not till near the end of the 16th century that the thermae of Trajan began to be wrongly attributed to Titus.

^{page 51 note 1} The name is a corruption of Arcus Thracii (Fabriczy, op. cit. 32).

^{page 52 note 1} To the drawings cited by Hülsen may be added one which forms part of a book of sketches, partly by Raphael himself, and partly by other artists (belonging itself to the latter category) at Holkham Hall, described in Passavant's, Rafael, ii. 589Google Scholar, where it is lettered q (cf. Fabriczy, , Archivio Storico dell' Arte., vi. (1893), 109Google Scholar). It is the profile of a Corinthian cornice with the legend ‘questa chomicie enter la dello archio di chamiglano canata [sic] di marmo.’

^{page 55 note 1} For the name spoglia cristi see supra, 88b.

^{page 55 note 2} Fabriczy (op. cit. 32) is in error in stating that the drawing is without measurements.

^{page 57 note 1} The latter name, according to Marucchi (Basiliques et Églises de Rome, 218) ‘ne se rencontre pas avant le xvi^e siècle; elle a dû commencer à l’époque où Leon X a substitué la petite barque en marbre que l'on voit devant la façade à celle qui s'y trouvait auparavant. But cf. Lanciani, , Storia degli Scavi, i. 16, 83Google Scholar (earliest mention about 1484).

^{page 61 note 1} There are two editions, both bearing this date, with the plates differently numbered in each.

^{page 63 note 1} I owe this suggestion to the Rev. H. E. D. Blakiston.

^{page 63 note 2} The first two leaves of the signature p are both numbered 84: this is the first of the two.

^{page 64 note 1} Is it possible that it is the puteal that stood in front of the Laocoon in the Belvedere up till 1523? (Michaelis, Jahrbuch des Instituts, 1890, 17, 32.) It is not that shown in Giuliano da Sangallo's drawing.

^{page 65 note 1} The recurrence of the same number is curious.

^{page 66 note 1} The m seems clear; if so, this is the only exception to the spelling tenplum.

^{page 67 note 1} They have an additional roll moulding above the upper torus like h.

^{page 73 note 1} Similar drawings are described by Passavant, , Rafael, ii. 591Google Scholar, gg, hh, as existing at Holkham Hall (not by Raphael himself). See supra, 105c.

^{page 75 note 1} Probably the same name as Schweycker, , Röm. Quartakchrift Suppl. xii, 138Google Scholar. He appears as witness to another document (c. 150) as ‘artium et medicinae doctor.’

^{page 75 note 2} A ‘pourpoint’ (French) or waistcoat.

^{page 75 note 3} ‘Ioannes Sander de Nordhusen palatii causarum apostolici notarius,’ Canon of Erfurt in the diocese of Mainz, is mentioned more than once in the Liber Confraternitatis B. Marie de Urbe or dell'Anima (Rome, Typ. Propaganda Fide, 1875, PP. 117, 256Google Scholar) of The hospital of which he was provisor. Cf. Nagl., Urkundliches zur Geschichte der Anima in Rom. (Röm. Quartalschrift Suppl. xii. p. 24Google Scholarsqq., 72). He is buried in the church (Forcella, , Iscrizioni delle chiese di Roma, vol. iii, p. 453Google Scholar, No. 1098). His house, close by, was perhaps designed by Bramante (Letarouilly, Édifices de Rome moderne, iii. 667).

^{page 75 note 4} Varinus Phavorinus (Brunet iv. 598).

^{page 75 note 5} Not printed till 1538 (Brunet iv. 947).

^{page 75 note 6} I have not been able to identify this author.

^{page 75 note 7} The Cornucopia linguae latinae of Nicolaus Perottus (Brunet iv, 505).

^{page 75 note 8} Bartholomeus de Glanvilla Anglicus (Brunet ii, 1619).

^{page 75 note 9} Possibly Verini (Brunet v, 1138 sq.).

^{page 76 note 1} The words in italics are erased in the original.

^{page 76 note 2} The edition of 1505 (Brunet i, 84).

^{page 76 note 3} Epitome in Ptolemaei magnara compositionem (not printed till 1543 (?); Brunet iii, 1855).

^{page 76 note 4} Brunet ii, 1710.

^{page 76 note 5} Never printed, apparently.

^{page 76 note 6} An Aldine edition, either of 1499 or of 1518 (Brunet ii, 733).

^{page 76 note 7} Printed first in 1471, and frequently afterwards.

^{page 76 note 8} Not printed until 1588, and then only in a Latin translation (Brunet iv, 355).

^{page 76 note 9} Leonicenus (Hain* 10018–21, Copinger 3544, Brunet iii, 986).

^{page 76 note 10} Heronis Πνενματικά (Christ, , Geschichte der griechisdien Litteratur, §662, p. 870Google Scholarsq.)

^{page 76 note 11} Apparently unknown.

^{page 76 note 12} Apparently unknown.

^{page 76 note 13} See Christ, loc. cit.

^{page 76 note 14} Sphaericorum lib. iii, not printed till 1558 (Brunet iii, 1622, v. 790).

^{page 76 note 15} Augustinus Ritius (Hain* 13917; not in Brunet).

^{page 76 note 16} Not printed till 1544 (Brunet i, 384).

^{page 76 note 17} Printed in 1537 in Grynaeus, , Veterinaria Medicina (Basel)Google Scholar.

^{page 76 note 18} Published in 1517 (Brunet v, 829).

^{page 76 note 19} Brunet iii, 636.

^{page 76 note 20} First printed about 1471 (Brunet i, 978).

^{page 76 note 21} Printed in Paris 1510, 1515, 1526 (Adelung, and Rotermund, , Allgemeines Gelehrten-Lexicon [Bremen 1813] iv, 353Google Scholar).

^{page 76 note 22} Brunet v, 378, ‘Sigeberti Gemblacensis coenobitae chronicon ab anno 381 ad 1113’ (printed in 1513).

^{page 76 note 22} Hain 6663; Brunet ii, 1039.

^{page 77 note 1} A Latin translation, Cleomedes, De contemplatione orbium excelsorum disputatio, Brixiae, 1490, is recorded by Hain *5450 (cf. Copinger's additions), Brunet ii, 100.

^{page 77 note 2} Iulius Firmicus de Nativitatibus (Hain *7121; Brunet ii, 1270).

^{page 77 note 3} Apparently unknown.

^{page 77 note 4} Georgius Gemistus (?) (Brunet ii, 1526).

^{page 77 note 5} The work of an Arab; published with some editions of Guido di Cauliaco (Hain 4810, 4813; Copinger 1550; Brunet i, 200, 1384).

^{page 77 note 6} Brunet i, 1521.

^{page 77 note 7} Unknown—unless it is some work by Calnieta, Vincenzo, who appears in a collection entitled Fioretto di cose nove nobilissime, Venice, 1508 (Brunet ii, 1266)Google Scholar.

^{page 77 note 8} Nicomachus Gerasenus, author of a treatise on arithmetic, printed in 1538 (Brunet iv, 70).

^{page 77 note 9} A writer on music and religious controversialist (Brunet ii, 117).

^{page 77 note 10} Ambrosius Calepinus, the author of a Latin dictionary, printed, under the title of Cornucopiae, in 1502 (Brunet i, 1474).

^{page 77 note 11} Edition of 1519. The entry originally ran, ‘Tertia pars orationum Ciceronis in littera Aldi.’

^{page 77 note 12} Hain 7500.

^{page 77 note 13} This work (printed in Rome in 1518) is thus described by Brunet (iv, 455): ‘Opuscule dans lequel l'auteur donne des calculs curieux sur les résultats possible du prêt a intérěts, et où il préconise le Mont-de-Piété, nouvellement établi à Rome.’ His tombstone is in S. Maria dell'Anima (Forcella, , Iscrizioni delle chiese di Roma, vol. iii, p. 451, No. 1092Google Scholar).

^{page 77 note 14} First published in 1542 by Hummelberg.

^{page 77 note 15} Hain 5015, 5016; Copinger 1604; Brunet i, 1892.

^{page 77 note 16} Theorice Planetarum (Hain *13595, *13596, 13597; Copinger 4994; Brunet iv, 978).

^{page 77 note 17} Apparently unknown.

^{page 77 note 18} Perhaps the commentary and translation of the Timaeus of Plato by Chalcidius, published in Paris in 1520 (Brunet iv, 703).

^{page 78 note 1} Both of these names occur in the Liber Confraternitalis B. Marie de Anima (reprinted n 1875—Rome, Propaganda Fide, pp. 132, 133): ‘die 26 ap. 1524 (receptus est) dñs Hermannus Kroll de Wetter, clericus Magunt. dioc. scriptor archivii Romana curie. …’ ‘Quirinus Galler, clericus Pataviensis dioc(esis) 26. Apr. 1526.’ The former appears as ‘provisor hospitalis’ in 1533 (Nagl, op. cit. 34).

^{page 78 note 2} This is a signed receipt.

^{page 79 note 1} The words ‘data D. Jo. Euskirchen’ have been added later.

^{page 79 note 2} Belluno?

^{page 79 note 3} The whole document is in the handwriting of Jacobus Apocellus. He was, according to the inscription on his tombstone in S. Maria dell' Anima (Forcella cit. No. 1101), a native of Speyer, and learned in Greek, Hebrew, and Latin. He died in 1550.

^{page 79 note 4} Ostia.

^{page 80 note 1} The reference is to the series of photographs of drawings by old masters, which has a separate numbering.

^{page 81 note 1} The two halves have been photographed together in this case.

^{page 83 note 1} It is reproduced by Letarouilly, , Le Vatican, vol. iGoogle Scholar. Cour du Belvédère pl. 7, and by Ferri in Rassegna d'Arte, 1904, 94, Fig. Clementi, L., Il Carnevale Romano (Rome 1900) 232, 240Google Scholar, gives poor reproductions of both 353 and 354.

^{page 83 note 2} A comparison with these views will show, I think, that a small view of the two courts in the Uffizi (No. 1713) which is doubtfully attributed to Bramante by Ferri, Indice, p. 183 cannot belong to a period earlier than 1565. It has indeed the diagonal lines across the lower court which appear in the plans of the tournament.

^{page 83 note 3} Michaelis (loc. cit. n. 154) does not seem to realize the identity of the view he describes (No. 353) with that reproduced by Letarouilly.

^{page 83 note 4} Messer.

^{page 84 note 1} Cf. Vasari, Vite (ed. Milanesi), iv. 158.

^{page 84 note 2} 60,000.

^{page 84 note 3} This is not the famous ‘Scala a Chiocchiola’ near the N. E. corner of the upper giardino di Belvedere (A in our plan), but the staircase leading from the lower to the upper court, the latter generally now known as Giardino della Pigna, from the pine cone which was transported thither by Paul V (Röm. Mitth. 1903, 47).

^{page 85 note 1} See 43, 45. This is the corridor on the E. in the wing where are now the Galleria Lapidaria and the Museo Chiaramonti.

^{page 85 note 2} This is the western wing: it is shown in the views of the Teatro (p. 83 supra) as having only two orders; but now has four, corresponding to the E. corridor.

^{page 85 note 3} This is roughly indicated by Coner supra, 25.