² Glaber, Radulf, Historia III. 13, in France, J. (ed.), Rodulfus Glaber Opera (Oxford, 1989), 114–17Google Scholar.

³ Glaber, , Historia (above, n. 2), III. 3, 96–101Google Scholar; cf. pp. xlv, liv–lvii, for the date of composition and his viewpoint.

⁴ Cherubini, P. (ed.), Le pergamene di S. Nicola di Gallucanta (secc. IX–XII) (Altavilla Silentina, 1991), 113–15 no. 21Google Scholar; Cod. Dipl. Verginiano i. 59–62 no. 16, at p. 60; Cod. Dipl. Cavensis iv. 10–11 no. 544, 120–2 no. 605, 122–3 no. 607; Volpini, R., ‘Diplomi sconosciuti dei principi longobardo di Salerno e dei re normanni di Sicilia’, Contributi dell'Istituto di Storia Medioevale iGoogle Scholar. Raccolta di studi in memoria di Giovanni Soranzo (Milan, 1968). 503–6 no. 2Google Scholar; Leone, S., ‘La fondazione del monasterio di S. Sofia in Salerno’, Benedictina 20 (1973), 55–66Google Scholar (reprinted in Minima Cavensia, 61–74).

⁵ Leone, S., ‘La data di fondazione della badia di Cava’, Benedictina 22 (1975), 335–46Google Scholar (reprinted in Minima Cavensia, 45–59).

⁶ Pergamene di S. Nicola (above, n. 4), 181–3 no. 67. Cf. Taviani-Carozzi, H., La principauté lombarde de Salerne. IXe–XIe siècle. Pouvoir et société en Italie lombarde méridionale (Rome, 1991), 630–4, 660–7Google Scholar, for a more general discussion.

⁷ There are important discussions by Ruggiero, B., Principi, nobiltà e Chiesa nel Mezzogiorno longobardo. L'esempio di S. Massimo di Salerno (Naples, 1973), especially pp. 97–106Google Scholar; and Ramseyer, V., Ecclesiastical Power and the Restructuring of Society in Eleventh Century Salerno (Ph.D. thesis, University of Chicago, 1996), especially pp. 266–73Google Scholar.

⁸ Vitolo, G., ‘Primi appunti per una storia dei penitenti nel Salernitano’, Archivio Storico per le Provincie Napoletane, ser. III. 17 (1978), 393–405Google Scholar; Skinner, P., Women in Medieval Italian Society, 500–1200 (Harlow, 2001), 151Google Scholar.

⁹ Pergamene di S. Nicola (above, n. 4), introduction, 30, and 238–41 no. 95.

¹⁰ Cod. Dipl. Cavensis ix. 58–61 no. 15, cf. Cod. Dipl. Cavensis x. 245–9 no. 101 (1078); P. Fedele, ‘I conti del Tuscolo ed i principi di Salerno’, Archivio della Reale Società Romana della Storia Patria 28 (1905), 19–21 (from Cava, Arm. Mag. D.28). Earlier references to this house as a monasterium include Cod. Dipl. Cavensis v. 147–9 nos. 800–5 (all 1028), 163–6 nos. 808–9 (December 1028/January 1029); Cod. Dipl. Cavensis vi. 73–6 nos. 918–19 (both August 1037)Google Scholar.

¹¹ For example, Cod. Dipl. Cavensis vi. 1–2 no. 870 (1034), 125–7 nos. 956–7 (1040), 249–50 no. 1030 (1043).

¹² Ramseyer, Ecclesiastical Power (above, n. 7), 280–2; Pergamcne di S. Nicola (above, n. 4), 264–5 no. 104; Vitolo, G., ‘La latinizzazione dei monasteri italo-greci del mezzogiorno medievale. L'esempio di S. Nicola di Gallocanta presso Salerno’, Benedictina 29 (1982), 437–60Google Scholar (reprinted in Minima Cavensia, 75–92).

¹³ Volpini, ‘Diplomi sconosciuti’ (above, n. 4), 512–17 no. 6; Cod. Dipl. Cavensis ix. 328–22 no. 103. The earliest reference to the church of Saint Nicholas comes in Cod. Dipl. Cavensis viii. 202–4 no. 1342.

¹⁴ Mattei-Cerasoli, L. (ed.), Vitae Quatuor Priorum Abbatum Cavensium (Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, second edition (Bologna, 1941)), 16–18Google Scholar; G. Vitolo, ‘Cavae Cluny’, Minima Cavensia, 19–44.

¹⁵ Houben, H., Die Abtei Venosa und das Mönchtum im Normannisch-staufischen Süditalien (Tübingen, 1995), 70–1CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁶ P.F. Kehr, ‘Papsturkunden in Salerno, la Cava und Neapel’, Nachrichten von der Gesellschaft der Wissenschaft zu Göttingen, Phil.-hist. Klasse (1900), 239–43 no. 12. For discussion, Loud, G.A., ‘The abbey of Cava, its property and benefactors in the Norman era’, in Brown, R.A. (ed.), Anglo-horman Studies 9. Proceedings of the Battle Conference 1986 (Woodbridge, 1987), 143–77Google Scholar, at pp. 155–6 (reprinted in Loud, G.A., Conquerors and Churchmen in Norman Italy (Aldershot, 1999))Google Scholar.

¹⁷ Enzensberger, H. (ed.), Guillelmi I. Regis Diplomata (Codex Diplomaticus Regni Siciliae, ser. I. iii) (Cologne, 1996), 32–5 no. 12, at p. 34Google Scholar.

¹⁸ Italia Pontificia, ed. Kehr, P.F. (10 vols, Berlin 1905–1974)Google Scholar, Calabria-Insulae, ed. D. Girgensohn (1974), 276–7 no. 8. Vitolo, ‘Cava e Cluny’ (above, n. 14), 20–2. The discussion by White, L.T., Latin Monastkism in Norman Sicily (Cambridge (Mass.), 1938), 134–7Google Scholar, should be used with care, relying as it does on some late and legendary sources.

¹⁹ Martin, J.-M. (ed.), Les actes de l'Abbaye de Cava concernant le Gargano (1086–1370) (Codice Diplomatico Pugliese xxxii) (Bari, 1994), 146–9Google Scholar no. 52, at p. 147.

²⁰ Volpini, ‘Diplomi sconosciuti’ (above, n. 4), 503–6 no. 2.

²¹ Cod. Dipl. Cavensis v. 93–5 no. 764.

²² Cod. Dipl. Cavensis viii. 77–81 no. 1275. N.B. the anachronistic reference to demania ac feudalia. Carlone, C., Falsificazioni e falsari cavensi e verginiani del secolo XIII (Altavilla Silentina, 1984), 9Google Scholar.

²³ Cod. Dipl. Cavensis viii. 95–7 no. 1284, ix. 308–11 no. 99; Loud, ‘The abbey of Cava’ (above, n. 16), 147.

²⁴ Ménager, Recueil, 105–6 no. 33, 136–41 no. 43.

²⁵ Ménager, Recueil, 191–7 no. 56, 203–12 no. 59; Heinemann, L. von, Normannische Herzogs- und Königsurkunden aus Unteritalien und Sizilien (Tübingen, 1899), 13–16Google Scholar no. 7. Carlone, Falsificazioni (above, n. 22), 31,41, suggests that the 1087 charter was confected early in 1286 and the last document ‘after 1285’.

²⁶ Enzensberger (ed.), Guillelmi I (above, n. 17), 3–6 no. †1, confected before May 1286.

²⁷ Ménager, Recueil, 178–80 no. 51. This diploma was later produced in evidence in a court case resulting from interference by a royal official in these harbour rights at Vietri in 1182, Kehr, K.A., Die Urkunden der Normannische-sizilischen Könige (Innsbruck, 1902), 448–52 no. 26, at pp. 450–1Google Scholar.

²⁸ Heinemann, Urkunden (above, n. 25), 17–19 nos. 8–9.

²⁹ Heinemann, Urkunden (above, n. 25), 30–1 no. 18. An earlier charter to this effect, Guillaume, P., Essai historique sur l'abbaye de Cava (Cava dei Tirreni, 1877), pp. xvii–xviiiGoogle Scholar no. E(vi) is also a forgery.

³⁰ Cava, Arm. Mag. E.35.

³¹ Cava, Arm. Mag. G.6. Although several of the documents in the Cava archive attributed to the counts of the Principate are probably thirteenth-century forgeries (see Carlone, Falsificazioni (above, n. 22), 23–6), this was not one of them, for it was produced in evidence during a court case in April 1171, Cava, Arca xxxiii.100.

³² For example, Cava, , Arca xxi. 1Google Scholar (October 1118): ‘iniquo est st contra sanctorum patrum istituta est laici terra ecclesie sub potestate tenere vel dominar e vel aliquot census accipere. hoc peccatum evadere curavi’. Cf. Cava, Arm. Mag. E.41 (May 1115), F.6 (December 1117). Vitolo, G., Insediamenti cavensi in Puglia (Galatina, 1984), 12–14Google Scholar, gives other examples.

³³ Examples include Saint Nicholas, Capaccio, in May 1096: ‘ipsa ecclesia cum omnibus ad eam pertinentibus est domno Gregorio’, Cava, , Arca xvi.59Google Scholar; and the monastery of Saint Priscus at Nocera, where the vicecomes of its owner, Jordan, the younger brother of the prince of Capua, arranged a lease of its property in January 1118, Cava, , Arca xxi.61Google Scholar.

³⁴ Cava, Arm. Mag. B.14. For Saint Massimo, Ruggiero, Principi, nobiltà e Chiesa (above, n. 7), especially 60–9; Taviani-Carozzi, Principauté lombarde de Salerne (above, n. 6), 432–8.

³⁵ Ruggiero, Principi, nobiltà e Chiesa (above, n. 7), 81–95.

³⁶ Cava, , Arca xvii.13Google Scholar.

³⁷ For example, Cava, Arm. Mag. D.14 (April 1097), D.45 (August 1104), D.49 (1090 × 1106), E.10 (May 1110), E. 23 (September 1112).

³⁸ Cava, Arm. Mag. E.27–8, edited in part by Ebner, P., Chiesa, baroni e popolo nel Cilento medievale (Rome, 1982), i.412Google Scholar.

³⁹ Cava, , Arca xxiv.41Google Scholar: ‘ipse bagelardus ut dictum est obtulit … cum omnibus censilibus eisdem germanis et predicto matheo quolibet modo pertinentibus ex hac parte suprascripti fluvii sileris, cum uxoribus et liberis et rebus eorundem censilium’. Cf., for example, Cava, Arm. Mag. G.24 (March 1137), G.28 (September 1137), G.35 (December 1141). G.36 (June 1142).

⁴⁰ Cava, , Arca xxiv. 102Google Scholar: ‘ipse dominus abbas per hanc cartulam vestivit et confirmavit … de suprascripto feudo … quod sunt villanos [sic] censiles cum uxoribus et liberis eorum et cum omnibus pertinentiis et terras cum arboribus et vineis et omnia ibidem pertinentibus’.

⁴¹ Cava, , Arca xxxi.6Google Scholar.

⁴² Cod. Dipl. Cavensis vi.278 no. 1049.

⁴³ For example, Cod. Dipl. Cavensis, ix.191–5 no. 59 (July 1068)Google Scholar, 354–6 no. 119 (January 1072), 375–6 no. 128 (June 1072). There is a good discussion of this issue by Ramseyer, Ecclesiastical Power (above, n. 7), 598–602.

⁴⁴ Cava, , Arca xvi.75Google Scholar: ‘Ea ratione ut amod o et semper ipsi vir et uxor et eorum heredes sub dominio et defensione custodum et partium suprascripte ecclesie permaneant, quemammodum liberi homines secundum consuetudinem istius terre Caputaquensis’.

⁴⁵ Cava, , Arca xx.97Google Scholar; edited by Ebner, P., Economia e società nel Cilento medievale (Rome, 1979), i.243–4Google Scholar.

⁴⁶ Cava, Arca xxiii.102. On the equitatura, see Cuozzo, E., ‘Quei Maladetti Normanni’. Cavalieri e organizzazione militare nel Mezzogiorno normanno (Naples, 1989), 88–92Google Scholar.

⁴⁷ For example, a man was granted a feudum at Nocera by Archbishop Romuald II in 1170 in return for making and repairing barrels for the archiepiscopal wine cellars at Nocer a and Salerno, Salerno, Archivio diocesano, Mensa Archiepiscopalis, Arca ii no. 78.

⁴⁸ Cava, , Arca xliii.90Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ Cava, , Arca xxxiii.74Google Scholar.

⁵⁰ Cod. Dipl. Verginiano vii.72–4 no. 619.

⁵¹ Cod. Dipl. Verginiano viii.316–18 no. 750.

⁵² Cod. Dipl. Verginiano ix. 146–8 no. 143.

⁵³ ‘Memorantes. quam idem Rogerius iure iurando corporaliter prestito. promisit suprascripto monasterio et ipsi domino abbati legaliter et fideliter servire. et negotio ab ipso domino abbate et monasterio sibi commissa absque fraude administrare. et ipsum monasterium et suprascriptum dominum abbatem in nullo defraudare vel defraudari secundum suam conscientiam’, Cava, , Arca xxxv.43Google Scholar.

Transactions in which Roger acted as Cava's agent include: Arca xxxiii.17 (March 1169)Google Scholar, 19 (April 1169), 37 (August 1169); Arca xxxiv.2 (November 1171Google Scholar, in which he leased some land to his own brother), 41 (October 1172), 48 (January 1173), 85 (January 1174); M. Galante (ed.), Nuove pergamene del monastero femminile di S. Giorgio di Salerno (993–1256) (Altavilla Silentina, 1984), 41–5 no. 18 (April–October 1175); Cava, , Arca xxxv.23Google Scholar (May 1175), 105 (April 1177); Arca xxxvi.30 (August 1178)Google Scholar, 93 (September 1179). A generation later, Cava used a monk, formally entitled as the ‘administrator’ of its property in Salerno, Arca xlv.112 (March 1207).

⁵⁴ Cod. Dipl. Verginiano viii.319–21 no. 791, at p. 320.

⁵⁵ Cava, Arm. Mag. G.50: ‘Et sicut ipsi roggerio placuit … tradidit ipsi domno [sic] abbati pro parte ipsius monasterii sancte et individue trinitatis ipsum iohannem filium ipsius gentecore cum omnibus rebus et possessionibus ipsi iohanne pertinentibus. Ea ratione ut ipse iohannes semper sit iuris et dicionis partium ipsius monasterii’. Ministeriales: Cod. Dipl. Cavensis ix. 142–5 no. 46 (March 1068), at p. 143; Cod. Dipl. Cavensis x.130–2 no. 47 (September 1074); Gallo, A. (ed.), Codice diplomatico normanno di Aversa (Naples, 1927), 403–407Google Scholar no. 56 (August 1098); Cava, , Arca xviii. 106 (August 1109)Google Scholar.

⁵⁶ Garufi, C.A., ‘Per la storia dei monasteri di Sicilia nel tempo normanno’, Archivio Storico per la Sicilia 6 (1940), 77–9 no. 5Google Scholar.

⁵⁷ Kehr, Urkunden (above, n. 27), 445–8 no. 25 (although one should note that Carlone, Falsificazioni (above, n. 22), 10, had doubts as to the authenticity of this document, which survives only in a copy of 1290).

⁵⁸ Cod. Dipl. Verginiano viii.324–7 no. 792, ix.27–9 no. 808, 321–3 no. 896.

⁵⁹ Cava, , Arca xl.57Google Scholar.

⁶⁰ Cava, , Arca xxxiv.32Google Scholar: ‘Testificati sunt etiam ipsi testes suprascriptum Marinum mariam nepotem suam ex vigilia filia sua que fuerat uxor ionathe in omnibus rebus suis stabilis et mobilibus heredem instruisse … Tali q(uam)dem condition(em) ut predictus ionathas ipsam Mariam filiam suam partibus monasteri i cavensis cuiusdam scilicet monasterii suprascriptus marinus censilis extiterat’. A summary of this document is given in Carlone, C., Documenti per la storia di Eboli i (799–1264) (Salerno, 1998), 128 no. 260Google Scholar.

⁶¹ Cava, , Arca xl.46Google Scholar.

⁶² Actes de Cava concernant le Gargano (above, n. 19), 143–4 no. 50.

⁶³ Cava, , Arca xxv.79Google Scholar.

⁶⁴ Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Archivio Boncompagni-Ludovisi, prot. 271 no. 13; Cava, , Arca xlvi.67Google Scholar.

⁶⁵ Ménager, Recueil, 105–8 no. 33, at p. 107.

⁶⁶ For example, in June 1108 the abbot's consent was needed for a man giving land at Metiliano to his son-in-law, Cava, , Arca xviii.78Google Scholar, and in June 1194 the sale of a house at Vietri needed the consent of the abbey's prepositus, Cava, , Arca xliii.116Google Scholar.

⁶⁷ Cava, , Arca xxiv.12Google Scholar.

⁶⁸ Ebner, Economia e società in Cilento (above, n. 45), i.338–9 (from Cava, Arm. Mag. G.18).

⁶⁹ For example, Cava, , Arca xxxi.26 (May 1163)Google Scholar, from the abbey's dependency of Saint George, Nola, just across the border in the principality of Capua.

⁷⁰ Salerno, Archivio diocesano, Mens a Archiepiscopalis, Arca ii no. 75.

⁷¹ Cava, , Arca xl.98Google Scholar.

⁷² Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Archivio Boncompagni-Ludovisi, prot. 270 no. 11.

⁷³ Cassese, L. (ed.), Pergamene del monastero benedettino di S. Giorgio di Salerno (1038–1698) (Salerno, 1950), 85–6 no. 14Google Scholar.

⁷⁴ Vitolo, G., S. Pietro di Polla nei secoli XI–XV. Contributo alla storia dell'insediamento medievale nel Vallo di Diano (Salerno, 1980), 15–18Google Scholar.

⁷⁵ Cava, , Arca xxiv.61Google Scholar.

⁷⁶ For this seasonal activity, Cherubini, G., ‘Il contadino’, in Musca, G. (ed.), Condizione umana e ruoli sociali nel Mezzogiorno normanno-svevo. Atti delle none giornate normanno-sveve, Bari 1989 (Bari, 1991), 145Google Scholar.

⁷⁷ Cava, , Arca xix.83Google Scholar: ‘amodo et semper faciant et dent parti ipsius monasterii sicut alii coloni ipsius loci fecerint et dederint ad partem suprascripti monasterii’; Arca xxvi.72, 120: ‘de exeniis vero et de omnibus aliis. sic omne tempore partem ipsius monasterii serviant et faciant sicut inter monasterium et homines eius consuetudo est’.

⁷⁸ Nuove pergamene di S. Giorgio di Salerno (above, n. 53), 28–31 no. 13, at p. 30.

⁷⁹ For example, Cod. Dipl. Cavensis v.35–8 no. 729, 43–4 no. 833 (both 1021), 71–3 no. 751 (1023), vi. 45–6 no. 900 (1035), all from Nocera; Cod. Dipl. Cavensis vi.74–6 no. 919 (1037), Roccapiemonte; Cod. Dipl. Cavensis vi.258–9 no. 1037 (1044), Angri.

⁸⁰ Cod. Dipl. Cavensis x.245–9 no. 101, at p. 247; Cava, , Arca xiv.44Google Scholar; Arca xv.27 ( = Carlone, Documenti per la storia di Eboli (above, n. 60), 27–8 no. 54); Candida, R. Filangieri di (ed.), Codice Diplomatico Amalfitano i (Naples, 1917), 157–9 no. 97, at p. 158Google Scholar.

⁸¹ Toubert, P., ‘La terre et les homines dans l'Italie normande aux temps de Roger II: l'example Campanien’, in Società, potere e popolo nell'età di Ruggero II. Atti delle terze giornate normanno-sveve, Bari 1977 (Bari, 1979), 55–71Google Scholar, especially pp. 67–71.

⁸² Cava, , Arca xxxix.13Google Scholar. For the term startia, Martin, J.-M., ‘Le travail agricole: rythmes, corvées, outillage’, in Musca, G. (ed.), Terra e uomini nel Mezzogiorno normanno-svevo. Atti delle settime giornate normanno-sveve, Bari 1985 (Bari, 1987), 147–8Google Scholar.

⁸³ Cod. Dipl. Verginiano vii. 130–3 no. 634.

⁸⁴ Cava, , Arca xxxix.21Google Scholar.

⁸⁵ Cava, , Arca xliii.62Google Scholar: ‘Qui dicebant se censum ipsum dare non debere. eo quod dicebant ipsum dominum abbatem eis donar e et per eius licentiam sacramentum inde fecisse quod dominus abbas nulla ratione cognoscebat’. Cf. Arca xliv.68: the accused swore to his innocence, but was convicted ‘quia verba contumeliosa dicta fuerint in platea publica. pluribus viris ibi existentibus et audientibus’.

⁸⁶ Cod. Dipl. Verginiano vi.242–4 no. 564 (1173), one ‘work’ a week, is the exception; but cf. Cod. Dipl. Verginiano viii.133–5 no. 738 (April 1184)Google Scholar, 142–7 nos. 741–2 (June 1184), 169–72 no. 749 (November 1184). In May 1200 the lord of Taurasi remitted an hereditary labour service of one day's work a week in return for a payment of an ounce of gold, Cod. Dipl. Verginiano xi.319–22 no. 1091.

⁸⁷ Cod. Dipl. Verginiano vi.266–9 no. 570.

⁸⁸ Cherubini, ‘Il contadino’ (above, n. 76), 138.

⁸⁹ Cava, , Arca xiii.118 (March 1082)Google Scholar; Arca xiv.16, 17 (both June 1084)Google Scholar; Arca xxii.111 (October 1130)Google Scholar; Cod. Dipl. Cavensis x.245–9 no. 101.

⁹⁰ Cava, , Arca xix.104Google Scholar.

⁹¹ Cava, , Arca xv.30 (December 1091), 65 (December 1092), 19 (March 1093)Google Scholar; Arca xxx.71 (January 1162)Google Scholar; Arca xliv.67 (February 1198)Google Scholar; Capaccio, , Arca xliii.84 (August 1193)Google Scholar.

⁹² Cava, , Arca xxxix.51Google Scholar.

⁹³ Cod. Dipl. Verginiano vi.217–20 no. 559 (Sarno); Cod. Dipl. Verginiano ix.307–10 no. 892 (Nocera), though we may note an earlier lease from Nocera, by a lay landlord in 1142, for half the wine crop and a terraticum of one-seventh, Cava, , Arca xxv.40Google Scholar.

⁹⁴ For example, Cod. Dipl. Verginiano iii.399–402 no. 300 (May 1151)Google Scholar; iv.3–6 no. 301 (July 1151), 62–4 no. 317 (1153 × 1162), 122–5 no. 333 (April 1155), 357–63 nos. 396–7 (September 1160), all a terraticum of one-fifth; but cf. Cod. Dipl. Verginiano iii. 113–20 nos. 228–9 (February 1136)Google Scholar; iv.16–19 no. 304 (November 1151), 306–9 no. 382 (July 1159); v.265–7 no. 475 (September 1167); x.55–7 no. 916 (January 1194), all a terraticum of one-tenth. In a lease of March 1175 Montevergine required a terraticum of one-fifth of the grain and one-quarter of the cabbages for nine years, while the lessee planted and propagated vines, and thereafter (when the vines were productive) half the wine and one-tenth terraticum, Cod. Dipl. Verginiano vi.315–18 no. 584.

⁹⁵ For example, Cod. Dipl. Verginiano iv.207–9 no. 355 (May 1157)Google Scholar; v.29–31 no. 409 (December 1161), both one-sixth of cereals; Cod. Dipl. Verginiano v.25–8 no. 408 (also December 1161)Google Scholar, one-quarter sown crops and half the olive oil; Cod. Dipl. Verginiano iv.59–61 no. 316 (September 1153)Google Scholar, one-tenth of cereals and one-quarter of wine; and Cod. Dipl. Verginiano iv. 164–7 no. 344 (March 1156)Google Scholar, half of wine and fruit, one-fifth of cereals and one-third of garden vegetables.

⁹⁶ Cod. Dipl. Verginiano viii.283–6 no. 781.

⁹⁷ Cod. Dipl. Verginiano ix.33–6 no. 810, at p. 34, cf. the ‘terraticum sicut de vicina loca’ in Cod. Dipl. Verginiano ix.59–60 no. 818, also from Avellino (July 1189)Google Scholar.

⁹⁸ Andreolli, B., ‘Contratti agrari e trasformazione dell'ambiente’, in Musca, G. (ed.), Uomo e ambiente nel Mezzogiorno normanno-svevo. Atti delle ottave giornate normanno-sveve, Bari 1987 (Bad, 1989), 122Google Scholar.

⁹⁹ Figliuolo, B., ‘Un inedito registro Cavense di prestazioni d'opera della fine del XIII secolo’, Archivio Storico per le Provirtcie Napoletane, ser. III.21 (1982), 75–100, especially pp. 80–3Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁰ For example, Cod. Dipl. Cavensis x.55–7 no. 17 (September 1073)Google Scholar, 140–2 no. 52 (December 1074); Pergamene di S. Nicola (above, n. 4), 266–75 nos. 105–7 (May/July 1088); Cava, , Arca xvi.68 (April 1097)Google Scholar, 99 (May 1099), these last two both deathbed entries into the monastic life; Mattei-Cerasoli, L., ‘Taurasi nei documenti Cavensi’, Samnium 20 (1947), 177–8 no.2Google Scholar (May 1184); Nuove pergamene di S. Giorgio di Salerno (above, n. 53), pp. 64–6 no. 27 (August 1228). A number of charters included the provision that a donor, or indeed vendor, would in the future be able to become a monk or nun without further gift, for example, Cava, , Arca xiv.104Google Scholar (December 1088): ‘Et si ipsi ademarius in eodem monasterio monachari voluerit, ipse dominus abbas et successores eius et pars eiusdem monasterii eum ut decet absque datio suscipiant’. Cf. Arca xxx.104 (March 1162)Google Scholar; Arca xxxiii.17 (March 1169), and above n. 52Google Scholar.

¹⁰¹ For example, Cava, , Arca xxiv.33 (November 1137)Google Scholar; Arca xxx.73 (March 1161)Google Scholar, 109 (March 1162); Arca xxxii.30 (June 1166)Google Scholar, all deathbed donations in return for burial at Cava, ; Arca xxxiii.78 (January 1171)Google Scholar, a donation in return for future burial in the monastery; Pergamene di S. Nicola (above, n. 4), 317–18 no. 129 (1112), a donation by the father of a monk buried in the abbey cemetery; Pergamene di S. Nicola (above, n. 4), 323–4 no. 133 (October 1116), a donation by the brother of a monk. A number of donors made reference to parents buried in the monastery, for example, Arca xxiii.103 (November 1135)Google Scholar; Scandone, F., Storia di Avellino, 3 vols (Naples, 1947–1950)Google Scholar, ii (2), 188–9 no. 253 (April 1174) ( = Cava, , Arm. Mag. 1.9)Google Scholar; Mattei-Cerasoli, ‘Taurasi nei documenti Cavensi’ (above, n. 100), 181–3 no. 5 (June 1184) ( = Arm. Mag. L.8). Cf. also Arm. Mag. E.26 (October 1113), a gift in return for inclusion for the donor and his family in the societas and prayers of the monastery. References to anniversary commemoration and to the abbey's confraternity are surprisingly rare, but for the former, Arca xxiv.41 (January 1138)Google Scholar; and Arm. Mag. L.31 (July 1188); and for the latter Arm. Mag. L.33, edited by A. Pratesi, ‘Note di diplomatica vescovile beneventana’, Bullettino del Archivio Paleografico Italiano, n.s. 1 (1955), 76–8 no. 12 (August 1189).

¹⁰² Cava, , Arca xix.3Google Scholar; Vitae Quatuor Priorum Abbatum Cavensium (above, n. 14), 21–2; Loud, ‘The abbey of Cava’ (above, n. 16), 165–6.

¹⁰³ Cava, , Arca xxii.35; xxiii.46Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁴ Martini, M., Feudalità e monachesimo cavense in Puglia i. Terra di Capitanata (Sant'Agata di Puglia) (Martina Franca, 1915), 51–2 no. 13, 55–7 no. 16Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁵ Pergamene di S. Nicola (above, n. 4), 331–5 nos. 138–9 (both 1151). Cf. Cava, , Arca xxiii.118 (May 1136)Google Scholar, for Saint Peter, Eboli (summary, Carlone, Documentiper la storia di Eboli (above, n. 60), 66 no. 136); Arca xxvi.84 (May 1147), for Saint George, NolaGoogle Scholar; Arca xxxiv.82 (November 1173), for Saint Sophia, SalernoGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰⁶ Ebner, , Economia e soeietà nel Cilento (above, n. 45), i.338–9 (and see above, n. 61)Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁷ Annales Cavenses, ad. an. 1110 (Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores, iii.191); Heinemann, Urkunden (above, n. 25), 27–8 no. 15.

¹⁰⁸ Cava, , Arca xxxii.27Google Scholar. The first evidence for him as justiciar comes from a court case at Eboli in January 1172, Arca xxxiv.15. See especially Jamison, E.M., ‘The Norman administration of Apulia and Capua, more especially under Roger II and William I, 1127–1166’, Papers of the British School at Rome 6 (1913), 366CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For the family, Loud, G.A., The Age of Robert Guiscard. Southern Italy and the Norman Conquest (Harlow, 2000), 283, 308Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁹ He acknowledged that he owed the abbey 20 ounces in September 1173, Cava, Arca xxxiv.76. In May 1183 Lucas received 65 ounces for the sale of a mill on the river Irno and lands at Tusciano and Montecorvino, Arca xxxix.25; and in August 1189 he received 170 ounces for the sale of two large pieces of cultivated land near the river Tusciano, Arca xliii.35, 37.

¹¹⁰ Kehr, Urkunden (above, n. 27), 448–52 no. 26, at p. 449. It is clear from the phraseology that Lucas was not presiding at this court.

¹¹¹ Cava, , Arca xxxii.96Google Scholar; Arca xxxiv.22. For him, Jamison, E.M. (ed.), Catalogus Baronum (Fonti per la storia d'Itatia) (Rome, 1972), 84–5Google Scholar, arts 455–60. Godfrey was still a minor when the Catalogue was revised c. 1167–8.

¹¹² Whether Byzantine coins were at this date actually available in the principality must be very doubtful; it is possible, therefore, that the payment to the duke was actually in tari, and the scifatus was simply a unit of account. For these coins, Grierson, P., ‘Nummi scyphati. The story of a misunderstanding’, Numismatic Chronicle, ser. VII 11 (1971), 253–60Google Scholar.

¹¹³ See the examples cited by Loud, G.A., ‘Coinage, wealth and plunder in the age of Robert Guiscard’, English Historical Review 114 (1999), 825CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹¹⁴ For the latter, Cava, , Arca xxiii.102Google Scholar (see above, at n. 46). The problematic document is Arm. Mag. G.26, in which the abbey paid 1,000 tarì to Count Nicholas of the Principate. See below, n. 149.

¹¹⁵ Cava, Arm. Mag. G..28. See also Arm. Mag. G.27, and Arca xxiv.31. For the siege, D'Angelo, E. (ed.), Falco of Benevento, Chronicon Beneventanum (Florence, 1998), 186–8Google Scholar.

¹¹⁶ Cava, , Arca xxiv.58, 66Google Scholar.

¹¹⁷ Travaini, L., La monetazione nell'Italia normanna (Rome, 1995), 144–6, 179–82Google Scholar: Sicilian tarì were throughout the century c. 68% gold, Amalfitan c. 43%, Salernitan 33 to 37%, reducing to 25%, and only c. 16% under Tancred.

¹¹⁸ Cava, , Arca xxxiv.6Google Scholar.

¹¹⁹ Cava, , Arca xxxiv.84Google Scholar.

¹²⁰ Cava, , Arca xx.63Google Scholar.

¹²¹ Cod. Dipl. Verginiano iii.143–6 no. 235 (January 1137)Google Scholar; v. 140–3 no. 440 (April 1164), 254–7 no. 472 (June 1167), 324–7 no. 493 (January 1169).

¹²² Cod. Dipl. Verginiano xi.255–61 nos. 1071–2 (December 1199)Google Scholar, 269–71 no. 1075 (January 1200).

¹²³ This was the lease of a house at Montefusco in August 1192, which had an entry fine of 61 tarì of Salerno; the other was for a house at Mercogliano in September, which had an entry fine of 40 tarì, Cod. Dipl. Verginiano ix.283–6 no. 885, 298–300 no. 889.

¹²⁴ The palmentaticum, for the use of a wine press, was usually a small payment in kind, often of a hen, as in Cava, , Arca xv.24 (December 1090)Google Scholar, 32 (June 1091), 79 (March 1093); Arca xxx. 11 (April 1158)Google Scholar; Arca xxxvi.48 (January 1178)Google Scholar. Cava sometimes purchased wine presses, for example, Arca xxvi.49 (May 1146)Google Scholar; Arca xxix.99 (May 1157)Google Scholar, in this case from Lucas Guarna, the later justiciar.

¹²⁵ Arca xxiii.46.

¹²⁶ For example, an entry fine of 500 tarì, payable in three instalments, in February 1179 (but here provision had to be made for (elderly?) sitting tenants with a life interest), Cava, , Arca xxxvi.58Google Scholar. An entry fine of two ounces (that is 60 tari) in February 1198, Arca xliv.67.

¹²⁷ For example, Cava, , Arca xxxvi.76 (May 1179)Google Scholar, an annual render of a half-measure (starium); Arca xl.96 (January 1186)Google Scholar, a render of 4 tarì per annum; Martini, Feudalita e monachesimo cavense in Puglia (above, n. 104), 72–3 no. 59 (December 1188), an annual render of half an ounce.

¹²⁸ ‘triginta et sex unci(a)e auri tarenorum monete Sicili(a)e ex parte domini Mathei illustris regalis cancellari et dilecti familiaris assignast(a)e fuerant pro emenda congrua possessione de inter hac civitate ad opus predicti conventus’, Cava, , Arca xliii.78Google Scholar.

¹²⁹ For example, Cava, , Arca xxxiv.82 (November 1173)Google Scholar, wooded and waste land near Salerno leased for nineteen years for an annual rent of 15 solidi, and exenia of 30 eggs three times a year; C. Carucci (ed.), Codice diplomatico Salernitano del secolo XIII, 3 vols (Subiaco, 1931–46), i.95–6 no. 34 (February 1212), land with vines, fruit trees and a wine press leased by the priory of Saint Maria de Dompno for nineteen years for an annual rent of half an ounce of tari of Sicily.

¹³⁰ For example, Cava, , Arca xl. 106 (February 1187)Google Scholar, land, a house and a half-share in a wine press at Balnearia leased for half the wine, fruit and chestnuts, terraticum and exenia according to local custom, two ‘works’ a month, and 2½ tari every Christmas; cf. Codice diplomatico Salernitano (above, n. 129), i.84–7 nos. 27–8 (August and October 1209)Google Scholar.

¹³¹ Vitolo, G., ‘Il registro di Balsamo, decimo abbate di Cava (1208–1232)’, Benedictina 21 (1974), 79–129Google Scholar, especially p. 89. But while Vitolo suggested that the first reference to the abbot' capella came only in November 1190, Cava, , Arca xlii.83Google Scholar, in fact it was already in existence in 1135; Arca xxiii.102.

¹³² Cava, , Arca xxiv.63Google Scholar.

¹³³ Among the most interesting transactions here were leases of houses in Salerno to Jews, for example, Cava, , Arca xxxii.56, 59 (both February 1167)Google Scholar, and Arca xxxiii.37 (August 1169)Google Scholar. However, the total annual rent from these three leases was only 48 tarì, and rents from its urban property were generally at this fairly low level.

¹³⁴ Thus in April 1169 the abbey paid 60 ounces for land immediately outside Salerno, in October 1170 24 ounces for a house with a shop near the old palace, in January 1174 18 ounces for a house near the monastery of Saint Benedict, in September 1174 13 ounces for a two-storey house just outside the town, and in April 1177 56 ounces for a house, land, wine press and oven, also just outside Salerno: Cava, , Arca xxxiii.19, 65Google Scholar; xxxiv.48, 106; xxxv.105.

¹³⁵ In September 1247 it was suggested that Cava had enjoyed these ‘from the time of King William onwards’, Huillard-Breholles, J.L.A. (ed), Historia Diplomatica Friderici Secundi, 6 vols in 12 (Paris, 1852–1861)Google Scholar, vi (2), 571–2.

¹³⁶ Guillaume, Essai historique sur l'abbaye de Cava (above, n. 29), p. xxxix, appendix N. Cf. G.A. Loud. ‘Norman Italy and the Holy Land’, in Kedar, B.Z. (ed.), The Horns of Hattin. Proceedings of the Second Conference for the Society of the Study of the Crusades and the Latin East, 1987 (Jerusalem, 1992), 52–3Google Scholar (reprinted in Loud, Conquerors and Churchmen (above, n. 16)).

¹³⁷ Pennacchini, L. (ed.), Pergamene Salernitane 1008–1784 (Salerno, 1941), 43–5 no. 7 (1073)Google Scholar.

¹³⁸ Abulafia, D., The Two Italies. Economic Relations between the Norman Kingdom of Sicily and the Northern Communes (Cambridge, 1977), 74, 102–3, 105–6, 111, 113, 119–21, 125–6, 158–9, 162, 166, 182–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹³⁹ G. Vitolo, ‘I prodotti della terra: orti e frutteti’, in Terra e uomini nel Mezzogiorno normanno-svevo (above n. 82), 177–8.

¹⁴⁰ A payment to Guaimar, lord of Giffoni, for his extensive property in Cilento.

¹⁴¹ This payment, for the castellum of Sant'Adiutore, is not recorded in the relevant charter, Heinemann, Urkunden (above, n. 25), 19–20 no. 10, but cf. the Annales Cavenses, ad. an. 1110 (above, n. 107).

¹⁴² A purchase by the dependency of Saint Sophia, Salerno, which was given to Cava in August 1100 (for which above, n. 10).

¹⁴³ Payment in return for the confirmation by Roger of San Severino of various property and rights in Cilento, , Ebner, , Chiesa, baroni e popolo nel Cilento (above, n. 38), i.413Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁷ The money fief granted to Matthew Bulturus (above, n. 46).

¹⁴⁸ A payment to Roger, lord of Caggiano, in return for rights of pasture and gleaning for the men of Saint Maria of Pertosa, see above nn. 68 and 106.

¹⁴⁹ The manuscript is very faded here, and the coin involved is impossible to decipher even under ultraviolet light.

¹⁵⁰ A payment to Count Nicholas of the Principate for a mill and other property near Eboli, Carlone, , Documenti per la storia di Eboli (above, n. 60), i.69Google Scholar no. 142, who suggested that this is a forgery.

¹⁵¹ Purchase by the cell of Saint Angelo de Crypta, Nocera.

¹⁵² Renewed in March 1143, Area xxv.63.

¹⁵³ A payment to William, lord of Gesualdo, to confirm Cava in possession of some property that it already held, edited by Ughelli, F., Italia Sacra (second ed. by Colletti, N., Venice, 1717–1721), viii.290Google Scholar.

¹⁵⁴ A payment that was part of a lease, by Saint Maria de Domno, Salerno, in return for which the tenants would build a house and two wine presses for the church.

¹⁵⁵ Buying out a rival claim.

¹⁵⁶ A purchase by Santa Maria de Domno, Salerno.

¹⁵⁷ Buying out a rival claim to property belonging to the cell of Saint Leonard, Avellino. For the calculations in this paper it has been assumed that these aurei are simply tarì.

¹⁵⁸ Purchase by the Cava dependency of Saint Massimo, Salerno.

¹⁵⁹ Purchase by the Cava dependency of Saint Massimo, Salerno.

¹⁶⁰ Payment by the Cava dependency of Saint Angelo de Crypta to buy out a legal claim.

¹⁶¹ The actual purchase price was 150 tarì, but the vendor remitted 50 tari as a gift for his soul.

¹⁶² This transaction was actually an exchange of land, but the abbey made a cash payment as well.

¹⁶³ Not to come into force immediately.

¹⁶⁴ A rent offered by donors consigning their property to Montevergine.

¹⁶⁵ The rent offered to Montevergine in a will.