¹ … in quas [aedes] me saepissime confero, revocans, stupore quodam oppressus, animum ad ea tempora, quum ibi senatoriae sententiae dicerentur, et aut L. Crassum mihi, aut Hortensium, aut Ciceronem orantem praeponens, cited for convenience here and hereafter from D'Onofrio, C., Visitiamo Roma nel Quattrocento. La città degli Umanisti (Studi e testi per la storia della città di Roma 9) (Rome, 1989), 70–2Google Scholar See also Bracciolini, Poggio, De Varietate Fortunae (ed. Merisalo, O.) (Helsinki, 1993)Google Scholar; Valentini, R. and Zucchetti, G., Codice topografico della città di Roma I–IV (Fonti per la storia d'Italia 90) (Rome, 1940–1953), IV, 230–45Google Scholar. I have benefited from the notes of all these editions. The date of the composition of De Varietate Fortunae is a complex issue. See Bracciolini, De Varietate Fortunae (above), 13–23, where Merisalo follows Fubini, R., Dizionario biografico degli Italiani (Rome, 1960–), X, 536–59Google Scholar s.v. Biondo Flavio, in arguing that the archaeological section of book I was added to the work after 1444 (14).

² Castoris insuper et Pollucis aedes contiguae, loco edito in via sacra, altera occidentem, altera orientem versus …: D'Onofrio, Visitiamo Roma nel Quattrocento (above, n. 1), 69. On the Via Sacra, Coarelli, F., ‘Sacra via’, in Steinby, E.M. (ed.), Lexicon Topographicum Urbis Romae [hereafter LTUR] IV (Rome, 1999), 223–8Google Scholar.

³ Deambulabam aliquando Romae cum Pomponio Laeto, viro literorum et locorum exequentissimo. Cumque antiquitatis studio ruinas urbis et veterum monumenta, quicquid visendum esset et memorabile scrutaremur: in ruinis templi Pacis, grandioribus literis extantibus, effractum ibi marmor legimus, hac inscriptione: IN CURIA HOSTILIA: Quaerebat a me Pomponius, ubinam curiam Hostiliam quondam fuisse crederem: Alexander ab Alexandra, Genialium Dierum Libri Sex I–II (Leiden, 1673) [ed. princ. 1520], I, 16; cf. for other discussion of Roman sites and monuments II, 4, 6, 12 (fora), 18; III, 6; IV, 11.

⁴ The bibliography is immense. See, for example, Lanciani, R. ‘Le escavazioni del Foro’, Bullettino della Commissione Archeologica Comunale di Roma 28 (1900), 2–27Google Scholar; Lanciani, R., Storia degli scavi di Roma e notizie intorno le collezioni romane di antichità I–II (Rome, 1902–1904; reprinted 1989–90)Google Scholar; Zanker, P., Forum Romanum: die Neugestaltung durch Augustus (Tübingen, 1972)Google Scholar; Coarelli, F., Il foro romano: periodo arcaico (Rome, 1983)Google Scholar; Coarelli, F., Il foro romano: periodo repubblicano e augusteo (Rome, 1985)Google Scholar; Giuliani, C.F. and Verduchi, P., L'area centrale del Foro Romano I–II (Florence, 1987)Google Scholar; Purcell, N., ‘Forum Romanum’, in LTUR II (Rome, 1995), 325–42Google Scholar.

⁵ See Weiss, R., The Renaissance Discovery of Classical Antiquity (Oxford, 1969), chapter XI (esp. p. 147 on Poggio's sylloge)Google Scholar; Limentani, I. Calabi, Epigrafia Latina (third edition) (Milan, 1974)Google Scholar; Kajava, M., ‘Poggio Bracciolini and classical epigraphy’, Arctos 19 (1985), 19–40Google Scholar. Weiss's book is still fundamental to a study of the humanists and the ruins of Rome, but see subsequently Spring, P., The Topographical and Archaeological Study of the Antiquities of the City of Rome, 1420–1447 (Ph.D. thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1972)Google Scholar; Ramsey, P.A. (ed.), Rome in the Renaissance. The City and the Myth (New York, 1982)Google Scholar; Stinger, Charles L., The Renaissance in Rome (Bloomington, 1985)Google Scholar; Benzi, F., Sisto IV Renovator Urbis. Architettura a Roma 1471–1484 (Rome, 1990), 14–32Google Scholar; Jacks, P., The Antiquarian and the Myth of Antiquity. The Origins of Rome in Renaissance Thought (Cambridge, 1993)Google Scholar; Fritsen, A.M.V., Renaissance Commentaries on Ovid's Fasti (Ph.D. thesis, Yale University, 1995)Google Scholar; Grafton, A., Leon Battista Alberti. Master Builder of the Italian Renaissance (New York, 2000), chapter VIIGoogle Scholar. I have not seen Mazzocco, A., Biondo Flavio and the Antiquarian Tradition (Ph.D. thesis, University of California, 1973)Google Scholar.

⁶ qui ista tum publicorun:, tum privatorum operum epigrammata intra urbem et foris quoque multis in locis conquisita atqite in parvum volumen coacta, literarum studiosis legenda tradidisti: D'Onofrio, Visitiamo Roma nel Quattrocento (above, n. 1), 69; see Spring, The Topographical and Archaeological Study (above, n. 5), 159. The last hazard is mentioned in a letter, Fubini, R. (ed.), Poggius Bracciolini Opera Omnia III (Turin, 1964), I (III.21), 222–3Google Scholar.

⁷ Capitolio contigua, forum versus, superest porticus aedis Concordiae, quam, cum primum ad urbem accessi, vidi fere integram, opere marmoreo admodum specioso; Romani postmodum, ad calcem, aedem totam et porticus partem, disiectis columnis, sunt demoliti. In porticu adhuc literae sunt S.P.Q.R. incendio consumptam restituisse: D'Onofrio, Visitiamo Roma nel Quattrocento (above, n. 1), 72.

⁸ Poliziano, Angelo, Commento inedito alle Selve di Stazio (ed. Martinelli, L. Cesarini) (Florence, 1978)Google Scholar ad Silv. 1.1.31 cited Servius ad Aen. 2.116 to demonstrate that the Temple of Saturn was beside the Temple of Concord ante clivum Capitolinum (112).

⁹ Huelsen, C.K.F., Das Forum Romanum: seine Geschichte und seine Denkmäler (second revised edition) (Rome, 1905–1910), 30, 75Google Scholar; Valentini and Zucchetti, Codice topografico (above, n. 1), III, 55 and n. 5: Mirabilia Romae §24.

¹⁰ D'Onofrio, Visitiamo Roma nel Quattrocento (above, n. 1), 74.

¹¹ Huelsen, Das Forum Romanum (above, n. 9), 26, 105, Secretarium Senatus; Coarelli, F., ‘Secretarium Senatus’, in LTUR IV, 262Google Scholar.

¹² On the date of Roma instaurata see Fubini, Dizionario biografico degli Italiani (above, n. 1), X, 536–59, esp. pp. 547–8 s.v. Biondo Flavio. The text of Roma instaurata is cited hereafter (by book and chapter numbers) from D'Onofrio, Visitiamo Roma nel Quattrocento (above, n. 1), 99–266, who printed the last complete edition (Basel, 1559), I, 218–72. For the Curia Hostilia see 1.77–8, cf. 2.63, 3.7.

¹³ The Curia is not mentioned in Pomponio Leto's Excerpta, but he did add it to the Regionary Catalogue. For both of these see below.

¹⁴ Forum iure dicendo, ferundis legibus, plebe ad concionem advocanda, celeberrimum urbis locum, et iuxta Comitium creandis magistratibus insigne, deserta squalent malignitate fortunae, alterum porcorum bubalorumque diversorium, alterum serendis oleribus cultum: D'Onofrio, Visitiamo Roma nel Quattrocento (above, n. 1), 83.

¹⁵ Lucio Fauno, Delle antichità della citta di Roma … (Venice, 1543), cited from D'Onofrio, Visitiamo Roma nel Quattrocento (above, n. 1), 83.

¹⁶ This was briefly noted by Robathan, D.M., ‘Flavio Biondo's Roma instaurata’, Medievalia et Humanistica n.s. 1 (1970), 203–16, esp. p. 209Google Scholar. On Biondo see also Brizzolara, A.-M., ‘La Roma instaurata di Flavio Biondo: alle origini del metodo archeologico’, Memorie dell' Accademia delle Scienze dell'Istituto di Bologna, Classe di Scienze Morali 76 (1979–1980), 29–74Google Scholar.

¹⁷ At 2.30 he says that he followed Varro on the Via Sacra, one of the celeberrima urbis loca described by the ancient antiquarian: quae non minus tunc vetustate obsoluerint, quam nobis nunc pene perierint ea quae ipsius Varronis aetate nova et Integra erant. On the topography of the Comitium area see Coarelli, Il foro romano: periodo arcaico (above, n. 4), 138–46; Carafa, P., Il comizio di Roma dalle origini all'età di Augusto (Rome, 1998)Google Scholar.

¹⁸ Frutaz, A.P., Le piante di Roma (Istituto di Studi Romani) (Rome, 1962), II, tav. 157–60Google Scholar. The Strozzi map is Bibl. Laur. Cod. Red. 77 fols 7v–8r: Scaglia, G., ‘The origin of an archaeological plan of Rome by Alessandro Strozzi’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 26 (1964), 136–63Google Scholar, fig. 31. Weiss, The Renaissance Discovery of Classical Antiquity (above, n. 5), 92 n. 2 regarded as not acceptable Scaglia's proposal that the exemplar was by Biondo, believing rather that it derived from him. See also Fubini, Dizionario biografico degli Italiani (above, n. 1), X, 548. The other three related city plans are in manuscripts of Ptolemy's Geography (Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, MS Lat. 4802; Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Cod. Urb. Lat. 277, Vat. Lat. 5699). The last of these (dated 1469) was owned by Niccolò Perotti, see Scaglia, ‘The origin of an archaeological plan of Rome’ (above), 138–40.

¹⁹ Was this because Biondo had not mentioned them? I suggest that they appear as the same sort of telephone box on the ‘Pietro del Massaio’ maps (Frutaz, Le piante di Roma (above, n. 18), II, tav. 157–9). Lanciani, Storia degli scavi di Roma (above, n. 4), II, 222, cited a source from the mid-sixteenth century that refers to tres columnas Castoris. However, the prevailing view in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries was that the three columns belonged to the Temple of Jupiter Stator (cf. Biondo, Roma instaurata 2.43-4). See Nielsen, I. and Poulsen, B. (eds), The Temple of Castor and Pollux (Rome, 1992), 10Google Scholar; Nielsen, I., ‘Castor, aedes, templum’, in LTUR I (Rome, 1993), 262Google Scholar.

²⁰ The editio princeps is Rome, 1471 (Hain 15563). For a critical edition with commentary see Tortelli, G., Roma antica (ed. Capoduro, L.) (Rome, 1999)Google Scholar. Professor Michael Crawford kindly drew my attention to this work. My citations are from this edition and this paragraph relies on Capoduro's introduction, 7–22, esp. pp. 10–12.

²¹ Romae loca ab nostris auctoribus nominanter expressa: Tortelli, Roma antica (above, n. 20), 61.

²² Tortelli, Roma antica (above, n. 20), 38–46.

²³ Verum et praeter ea duo fora quae supra nominavimus, Bovarium scilicet et Piscarium, nonnulla alia Romae fuisse diversis ex auctoribus recollegimus. Unum scilicet, quod Forum Romanum simpliciter dicebatur, constitutum quidem post Bovarium iuxta Palatium in via Sacra, ad radices Capitolii et arcum Severi …: Tortelli, Roma antica (above, n. 20), 43.

²⁴ Weiss, The Renaissance Discovery of Classical Antiquity (above, n. 5), 77.

²⁵ ‘A student's notes of lectures by Giulio Pomponio Leto’, Antichthon 1 (1967), 86–94, at p. 89 n. 15Google Scholar.

²⁶ See the end note.

²⁷ Valentini and Zucchetti, Codice topografico (above, n. 1), I, 193–258; IV, 421–36. Lanzillotta, M. Accame, ‘Pomponio Leto e la topografia di Roma’, Journal of Ancient Topography. Rivista di Topografia Antica 7 (1997), 184–94Google Scholar, concentrated on Pomponio Leto's lectures on Varro, Ling. (Vat. Lat. 3415). From time to time reference will be made to two other topographical works: the anonymous Tractatus de Rebus Antiquis et Situ Urbis Romae, c. 1411 (Valentini and Zucchetti, Codice topografico (above, n. 1), IV, 101–50), also called the ‘Anonymus Magliabecchianus’ (Weiss, The Renaissance Discovery of Classical Antiquity (above, n. 5), 60–2; Lanzillotta, M. Accame, Contributi sui Mirabilia Urbis Romae (Publicazioni del A.AR.FI.CL.ET. (nuova serie) 163) (Genoa, 1996), 225–7)Google Scholar; and Francesco Albertini, Opusculum de Mirabilibus Novae et Veteris Urbis Romae (Rome, 1510) (annotated excerpts in Valentini and Zucchetti, Codice topografico (above, n. 1), IV, 457–546. I have not seen the annotated edition by A. Schmarsow (Heilbronn, 1866)).

²⁸ Dunston, ‘A student's notes’ (above, n. 25), 87–8. The copier, who wrote in a clear humanistic cursive script, often had trouble deciphering his exemplar. This is shown not only by the many scribal errors, but also by the occasional deliberate gaps.

²⁹ Bassett, E.L., Delz, J. and Dunston, J., ‘Silius Italicus’, in Kristeller, P.O. (ed.), Catalogus Translationum et Commentariorum: Medieval and Renaissance Latin Translations and Commentaries: Annotated Lists and Guides III (Washington (DC), 1976), 375Google Scholar.

³⁰ Dunston, ‘A student's notes’ (above, n. 25), 88–9. See, for example, V. Zabughin's mention of ‘la magnifica digressione sul Circo Massimo e i giuochi circensi, che forma quasi un trattato a sè’, in Vat. Lat. 3415 fols 71r–73r (dictata on Varro, De lingua latino), which was illustrated with sketches (Giulio Pomponio Leto. Saggio critico (Grottaferrata, 1910), II, 2, 178 and 361 n. 42)Google Scholar; and Fritsen, Renaissance Commentaries on Ovid's Fasti (above, n. 5), 145.

³¹ Cf. Iulii Pomponii Sabini … In omnia quae quidem exstant P. Vergilii Maronis opera commentarii (Basel, 1544); ad Aen. 8.361 Romanoque foro: Romanum forum erat a sinistra parte ubi sunt tres columnas. Forum a ferendo et erant ibi quatuor fora, boarium, Romanum, forum causarum, forum Traiani.

³² Tortelli, Roma antica (above, n. 20), 38.

³³ Nordh, A., Libellus de Regionibus Urbis Romae (Svenska Institutet i Rom 3) (Lund, 1949)Google Scholar. See further Chastagnol, A., ‘Les Régionnaires de Rome’, in Nicolet, C. (ed.), Les littératures techniques dans l'antiquité romaine: statut, public et destination, tradition (Fondation Hardt Entretiens 42) (Geneva, 1996), 179–97Google Scholar; Arce, J., ‘El inventario de Roma: Curiosum y Notitia’, in Harris, W.V. (ed.), The Transformations of Vrbs Roma in Late Antiquity (Journal of Roman Archaeology Supplementary Series 33) (Portsmouth (RI), 1999), 15–22Google Scholar; Valentini and Zucchetti, Codice topografico (above, n. I), I, 63–85, 193–206; Palombi, D., ‘Regiones Quattuordecim’, in LTUR IV, 199–204Google Scholar.

³⁴ Early in the century they were used by the author of the Tractatus. On the fifteenth-century knowledge of the Regionary Catalogues, see Valentini and Zucchetti, Codice topografico (above, n. 1), I, 200, 204; IV, 251; Nordh, Libellus de Regionibus (above, n. 33), 15; Jordan, H., Topographie der Stadt Rom im Alterthum, 2 vols (Berlin, 1871–1878), II, 301–2Google Scholar; Jacks, The Antiquarian and the Myth of Antiquity (above, n. 5), 93–4.

³⁵ The manuscript to which he referred is no longer to be found at Monte Cassino (Valentini and Zucchetti, Codice topografico (above, n. 1), I, 75, 200–1), but is perhaps to be identified with Vat. Lat. 3227. Spring, The Topographical and Archaeological Study (above, n. 5), disputed this identification.

³⁶ Spring, The Topographical and Archaeological Study (above, n. 5), 324–5. Spring tabulated Biondo's use of the Regionarics in Roma instaurata in appendix F (pp. 454–9).

³⁷ Nordh, Libellus de Regionibus (above, n. 33), 99–100. Unless otherwise specified, I refer to the Notitia, the fuller version, in the edition of Nordh. The list is just that. I have added the locations by cross-referencing with other sections of the Notitia. ‘Haenobarbi’ is Ahenobarbi in the Curiosum. See Biondo, Roma instaurata 2.7: hinc [Pantheon] ad Aenobarborum sive ut vulgus appellat longobardorum platea et circum Flaminium nunc agonem …

³⁸ Neither Biondo nor Tortelli referred to these last two Fora.

³⁹ Valentini and Zucchetti, Codice topografico (above, n. 1), I, 252–3.

⁴⁰ Reg. VI from Atti di Santa Susanna, p. 632, Factum est amem hoc Romae in regione sexta iuxta vicum Mamurtini ante forum Salustii: Huelsen, C., Le chiese di Roma nel medio evo (Florence, 1927), 486–7 n. 96Google Scholar; Valentini and Zucchetti, Codice topografico (above, n. 1), IV, 429 Excerpta: Post templum … ibi fuit Sallusti forum, IV, 476 Albertini: Forum Salustii erat in Quirinali …

⁴¹ Krautheimer, R., Rome. Profile of a City, 312–1308 (Princeton, 1980), 311 fig. 247Google Scholar. On the general aspect of Rome in the mid-fifteenth century see Stinger, The Renaissance in Rome (above, n. 5), 21–7.

⁴² Nordh, Libellus de Regionibus (above, n. 33), 84–5; on the elephant see Coarelli, F., Il Foro Boario: dalle origini alla fine della Repubblica (Roma, 1988), 12Google Scholar.

⁴³ Biondo had associated Juturna with the Acqua Vergine, 2.73, cf. 1.102, Ov., Fast. 1.463–4Google Scholar. Paolo Marsi argued from his sources (Hal., Dion.Ant. Rom. 6.13Google Scholar; Livy 2.20.12–13 (?) and Val. Max. 1.8.1) that the two monuments closely associated by Ovid, , Fast. 1.705–8Google Scholar (Ledaeis templa dicata dels and Iuturnae … lacus) were ‘in medio foro’ beside the Temple of Vesta. Nevertheless, he located the aqua Iuturnae near San Giorgio in Velabro (this was also called San Giorgio alla Fonte from the large fountain nearby: Huelsen, Le chiese (above, n. 40), 255 n. 5):

Erat ergo in foro et ipsa aqua Iuturnae, quae nunc paulo illinc remotior cernitur, a posteris quoquo modo transversa. Est enim apud templum divi Georgii turris semiruta sub qua est ipse fons, et aquae quidem salubres. Quod ego experiri volui, quo certior fierem an ea esset aqua Iuturnae, praesertim cum Varro diceret ‘nympha Iuturna: quae iuvaret. Itaque multi egroti, propter id nomen, hinc aquam petere solent.’ [Varro, , Ling. 5.71Google Scholar; Serv., Aen. 12.139Google Scholar] Duxi igitur illuc ad abluendum quinquies discipulum scabidum, protinusque ab omni scabie liberatus est (sig. e vi r ad Fast. 1.705–8).

Weiss, R., ‘Andrea Fulvio antiquario Romano (c. 1470–1527)’, Annali della Scuola Normale di Pisa, ser. 2. 28 (1959),· 1–44Google Scholar, esp. p. 36 attributed to Fulvio in his Antiquaria Urbis (Rome, 1513) the determination of ‘la posizione giusta del tempio di Castore e Polluce presso la ‘Fons Iuturnae’ ed il tempio di Vesta’, but we can now see that Marsi had anticipated him.

⁴⁴ Cf. Biondo, , Roma instaurata 1.20Google Scholar,21. This bridge is depicted on the Strozzi map just south of the tip of the Tiber island, Scaglia, ‘The origin of an archaeological plan of Rome by Alessandro Strozzi’ (above, n. 18), 152.

⁴⁵ In the early stages of antiquarianism there is some doubt about where and what the Velabrum was. The Notitia has it under Regio XI Circus Maximus (Nordh, Libellus de Regionibus (above, n. 33), 91). At Biondo, , Roma instaurata 2.54Google Scholar the Velabrum appears to be an edifice in the ruins of which San Giorgio in Velabro was built. Pomponio, however, in the Excerpta, located it between the Forum Boarium (San Giorgio) and the Aventine (Valentini and Zucchetti, Codice topografico (above, n. 1), IV, 436), perhaps misled by Varro, , Ling. 5.43–4Google Scholar and 156 (he distinguishes between a greater and lesser Velabrum), which even Poliziano seems to have misunderstood. Poliziano concludes in his commentary on Ov., Fast. 6.405Google Scholar, Ergo maius sub Aventino, minus prope forum (Poliziano, Angelo, Enarrationes in Fastos Ovidii. Commento inedito ai Fasti di Ovidio (ed. Monaco, F. Lo ) (Florence, 1991), 431Google Scholar).

⁴⁶ Cf. Biondo, , Roma instaurata 2.55Google Scholar: Forum Boarium, … quem hinc Iani templum inde Capitolii clivum publicum et alia parte palatii Augustorum radices circumsepirent. For Paolo Marsi see his commentary on Fasti 6.447–8: celeberrima … area quod forum [Boarium] a velabro protenditur usque adripas tybridis (sig. & ivv). See Coarelli, Il Foro Boario (above, n. 42), 9–13; Ziolkowski, A., ‘I limiti del Foro Boario alla luce degli studi recenti’, Athenaeum 82 (1994), 184–96Google Scholar.

⁴⁷ Valentini and Zucchetti, Codice topografico (above, n. 1), I, 227.

⁴⁸ Cf. Livy 10.23.3: in sacello Pudicitiae Patriciae, quae in foro bovario est adaedem rotundam Herculis; Macrob., Sat. 3.6.10Google Scholar; Serv., ad Aen. 8.363Google Scholar. In the Excerpta (Valentini and Zucchetti, Codice topografico (above, n. 1), IV, 435) there is a more precise location of one of these, known as Rotundum, behind the walls of the buildings of the Scholae Graecae (Santa Maria in Cosmedin) with a reference to its partial destruction in the time of Sixtus IV, but no mention of the discovery there of a larger than life gilded bronze statue of Hercules Victor, now in the Palazzo dei Conservatori. ‘hara hercule’ was added on the Strozzi map in a later hand after its discovery: Jacks, The Antiquarian and the Myth of Antiquity (above, n. 5), 119. For the date see now Reeve, M.D., ‘An annotator of Roma instaurata’, in Studi latini in ricordo di Rita Cappelletto (Urbino, 1996), 179–94Google Scholar. It is given by the annotation on fol. 49r, 3.29: 1477 de mense Maii reperta est statua Herculis aenea sub ecclesia S. Mariae in Scola Greca. Paolo Marsi also refers to the discovery in his commentary on Fasti 1.581 sig. e i r:

Romae autem victoris Herculis aedes sunt duae: una ad portam Trigeminam, altera in Foro Boario (…) Verum quis credet tot iam elapsis saeculis ab eo tempore quo Celebris erat illa ara, illis diebus quo haec Romae profitebar, in ultimo angulo Fori Boarii, ab his qui marmora inquirebant, reperta est ara maxima et effossa aerea Herculis statua, cum multis circa eam epigrammatibus. Quae omnia delata mox fuere in Capitolium et in atrio Dominorum Conservatorum collocata atque omnibus visenda patent.

See Albertini, in Valentini and Zucchetti, Codice topografico (above, n. 1), IV, 481, 515 and Lanciani, Storia degli scavi (above, n. 4), I, fig. 42 = Marten van Heemskerck's sketch ‘L'Ercole vincitore del Foro Boario ed i frammenti della statua colossale di Constantino riuniti nel cortile del palazzo dei Conservatori’ (c. 1537); Weiss, The Renaissance Discovery of Classical Antiquity (above, n. 5), 102, 191; Stinger, The Renaissance in Rome (above, n. 5), 256; Bober, P. Pray and Rubinstein, R. (eds), Renaissance Artists and Antique Sculpture: a Handbook of Sources (Oxford, 1986), 164–5, no. 129Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ Tortelli, Roma antica (above, n. 20), 38 and n. 135.

⁵⁰ Cf. Nedergaard, E., ‘Arcus Augusti a. 29 a.C.’, in LTUR I, 80–1Google Scholar — beside the Temple of Divus Iulius. The matter is still controversial : see Rich, J.W., ‘Augustus's Parthian honours, the temple of Mars Ultor and the arch in the Forum Romanum’, Papers of the British School at Rome 66 (1998), 71–128, esp. pp. 97–115CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵¹ For Poggio, see D'Onofrio, Visitiamo Roma nel Quattrocento (above, n. 1), 76, 20; Tortelli, Roma antica (above, n. 20), 69–72.

⁵² Valentini and Zucchetti, Codice topografico (above, n. 1), IV, 122. It was understood better by the author of the so-called Sylloge Signoriliana of the early fifteenth century, Sylloge Signoriliana, no. 1 CIL VI, Pars 1, XVI: sed ego dictum arcum non fuisse triumphalem credo, sed forte factum Octaviano propter constructionem pontis; Spring, The Topographical and Archaeological Study (above, n. 5), 207. Poggio notes at the end of his excursus on Augustus's buildings fornicem … conspicuum inter Palatium et Tiberim, in quo Divi Augusti nomen est sculptum (D'Onofrio, Visitiamo Roma nel Quattrocento (above, n. 1), 70). Biondo, , Roma instaurata 1.20Google Scholar simply mentions vetustissimos arcus marmoreos in the same spot. These fifteenth-century identifications seem to be independent of the elaborate description of an ‘Actian’ arch near the Pantheon in Magistri Gregorii De Mirabilibus Urbis Romae, §22 (Valentini and Zucchetti, Codice topogrqfico (above, n. 1), III, 159–60; cf. Nardella, C., Il fascino di Roma nel medioevo. Le ‘Meraviglie di Roma’ di Maestro Gregorio (Rome, 1997), 76–100Google Scholar).

⁵³ For example, Livy 21.62; Tac., Ann. 2.49Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ Valentini and Zucchetti, Codice topogrqfico (above, n. 1), IV, 476. For the Forum Holitorium, see Claridge, A., Rome. An Oxford Archaeological Guide (Oxford, 1998), 47Google Scholar, ‘between the south tip of the Capitoline hill and the river bank’; Coarelli, F., ‘Forum Holitorium’, in LTUR II, 299Google Scholar. The Forum Holitorium properly belonged to Regio IX Circus Flaminius.

⁵⁵ Nordh, Libellus de Regionibus (above, n. 33), 92.

⁵⁶ Valentini and Zucchetti, Codice topogrqfico (above, n. 1), IV, 434.

⁵⁷ On the textual problem see de Ruyt, C., Macellum: marché alimentaire des romains (Institut Supérieur d'Archéologie et d'Histoire de l'Art Collège Erasme) (Louvain-La-Neuve, 1983), 241–3Google Scholar; Coarelli, ‘Forum Holitorium’ (above, n. 54), 299. Coarelli suggested Iunium = Ianium; in general see Morselli, C. and Sartorio, G. Pisani, ‘Forum Piscarium/Piscatorium’, in LTUR II (1995), 312–13Google Scholar; de Ruyt, Macellum (above), 239–43.

⁵⁸ Marsi, on the other hand, correctly puts the Temple of Vesta in the Forum inter pallantium et capitolium (sig. e vi r, ad Fast. 1.705–6). The location of T[emipio Veste on the Strozzi map near Sant'Angelo in Pescheria can be explained only partially by Biondo's location, as Scaglia, ‘The origin of an archaeological plan of Rome’ (above, n. 18), 148, would have it, for he clearly puts both the Temple of Vesta and the Forum Piscarium near the Tiber.

⁵⁹ Sig. b viii v (Fast. 1.258).

⁶⁰ Valentini and Zucchetti, Codice topografico (above, n. 1), I. 228 (cod. Marc. 3453).

⁶¹ D'Onofrio, Visitiamo Roma nel Quattrocento (above, n. 1), 90.

⁶² Valentini and Zucchetti, Codice topografico (above, n. 1), IV, 537.

⁶³ See n. 58 above. Huelsen, Le chiese (above, n. 40), 196 n. 59, Sant'Angelo in Foro Piscium, Poggio: … ad Angelum Michaelem …, ubi nunc est piscatorium forum (D'Onofrio, Visitiamo Roma nel Quattrocento (above, n. 1), 74). Cf. Tortelli, Roma antica (above, n. 20), 40 and n. 147.

⁶⁴ This area is shown on the map at the back of Valentini and Zucchetti, Codice topografico (above, n. 1), IV = Frutaz, Le piante di Roma (above n. 11), II, tav. 175. Huelsen, Le chiese (above, n. 40), 295 n. 29, placed San Lorenzo in piscinula near the Ponte Rotto.

⁶⁵ Livy 23.32.3–4 (ad Piscinam publicam); cf. Amm. Marc. 17.4.4; Paul. Fest. 232L; Biondo, , Roma instaurata 2.9Google Scholar: Antoni<ni>anae thermae ubifuerunt … suntque in regione olim Piscina Publica.

⁶⁶ Valentini and Zucchetti, Codice topografico (above, n. 1), I, 44 with n. 4.

⁶⁷ See Richardson, L., A New Topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome (Baltimore/London, 1992), 426Google Scholars.v. Vicus Piscinae Publicae and 292 s.v. Piscina Publica. An epigraphical source known to Pomponio Leto but not used by Flavio Biondo was the base of the Vicomagistri (CIL VI 975; Jordan, Topographie der Stadt Rom (above, n. 34), I², 77). In our period it was underneath the quattrocento loggia of the Conservatori on the Capitoline (Jacks, The Antiquarian and the Myth of Antiquity (above, n. 5), 159). It was dedicated to Hadrian in 136 by the magistri vicorum of the city of Rome. It now gives the names of the vici of five of the fourteen regions. Exactly where or when it was discovered is uncertain, but it was known to Ciriaco d'Ancona, the most famous of inscription hunters, and was completely transcribed by Fra Giocondo. His first epigraphic collection is dated 1478—c. 1489, and, as he used Pomponio Leto's collections, it is likely that, in turn, Pomponio Leto was able to see his transcription (Jordan, Topographie der Stadt Rom (above, n. 34), II, 292; Valentini and Zucchetti, Codice topografico (above, n. 1), I, 195). The date of Giocondo's collection fits quite well with Pomponio Leto's work on the Notitia, which can be put between 1476 and 1488.

⁶⁸ But cf. Amm. Marc. 17.4.4. See Cappelletto, R., ‘Marginalia di Poggio in due codici di Ammiano Marcellino (Vat. Lat. 1873 e 2969)’, in Miscellanea A. Campana (Padua, 1981), 189–211Google Scholar; Recuperi ammianei da Biondo Flavio (Rome, 1983)Google Scholar.

⁶⁹ Valentini and Zucchetri, Codice topogrqfico (above, n. 1), IV, 465.

⁷⁰ According to Huelsen, Le chiese (above, n. 40), 470–1 n. 65, the designation of San Sisto via Appia as ‘in piscina’ is not attested by medieval sources.

⁷¹ Cf. de Ruyt, Macellum (above, n. 57), 243–5.

⁷² Tortelli, Roma antica (above, n. 20), 38, 43.

⁷³ Nordh, Libellus de Regionibus (above, n. 33), 84; Valentini and Zucchetti, Codice topografico (above, n. 1), I, 220, Regio VIII Forum Romanum (Not. Pomponio Leto).

⁷⁴ Nordh, Libellus de Regionibus (above, n. 33), 85.

⁷⁵ Valentini and Zucchetli, Codice topografico (above, n. 1), I, 212, 225.

⁷⁶ Poliziano, however, argues in his note on Stat. Silv. 1.1.30 that the Basilica Paulli was not a new building, but the earlier Basilica Aemilia restored (Pliny, HN 35.13): Commento inedito alle Selve di Stazio (above, n. 8), 108–10.

⁷⁷ Varro, , Ling. 6.4Google Scholar, basilica Aimilia et Fulvia refers to the original building of 179 BC. The only other ancient literary reference to a Basilica Aemilia (Pliny, , HN 35.13Google Scholar) may be to a different building — see Steinby, E.M., ‘Basilica Aemilia’, in LTUR I, 167–8Google Scholar; Wiseman, T.P., ‘Rome and the resplendent Aemilii’, in Roman Drama and Roman History (Exeter, 1998), 106–20 with fig. 7Google Scholar.

⁷⁸ Huelsen, Das Forum Romanum (above, n. 9), 116.

⁷⁹ Valentini and Zucchetti, Codice topografico (above, n. 1), IV, 436. On San Teodoro (still standing), see Huelsen, Le chiese (above, n. 40), 489 n. 3. Here Pomponio refers to the ficus Ruminalis near the Lupercal (Varro, , Ling. 5.54Google Scholar; Serv., ad Aen. 8.90Google Scholar; Paul. Fest. 332–3L; Pliny, , HN 15.77Google Scholar).

⁸⁰ Pliny, , HN 36.104–6Google Scholar; Cass. Dio 49.43.1; Shipley, F.W., Agrippa's Building Activities in Rome (Washington University Studies—New Series, Language and Literature 4) (St. Louis, 1933), 19–24, 89–93Google Scholar; Bauer, H., ‘Cloaca, Cloaca Maxima’, in LTUR I, 288–90Google Scholar.

⁸¹ Cf. Zabughin, Giulio Pomponio Leto (above, n. 30), II, 357–8 nn. 15 and 26. See Nash, E., Pictorial Dictionary of Ancient Rome (second edition) (London, 1968), I, 389Google Scholar with fig. 476; Giuliani, C.F., ‘Equus: Domitianus’, in LTUR II, 228–9Google Scholar; Giuliani and Verduchi, L'area centrale del Foro Romano (above, n. 4), 118–22. The base (cf. lines 56–60) discovered and identified by Boni in 1902 has now been redated to the Augustan period (Valentini and Zucchetti, Codice topografico (above, n. 1), IV, 424 n. 5). See also Darwall-Smith, R.H., Emperors and Architecture: a Study of Flavian Rome (Brussels, 1996), 227–33Google Scholar; Coleman, K., ‘Mythological figures as spokespersons in Statius' Siluae’, in de Angelis, F. and Muth, S. (eds), Im Spiegel des Mythos. Bilderwelt und Lebenswelt — Lo specchio del mito. Immaginario e realtà (Wiesbaden, 1999), 67–80Google Scholar.

⁸² Valentini and Zucchetti, Codice topografico (above, n. 1), IV, 424, cf. I, 222 and n. 5, Equus aeneus Domitiani (Not. Pomponio Leto); cf. Albertini, in Valentini and Zucchetti, Codice topografico (above, n. 1), IV, 491.

⁸³ Fehl, P., ‘The placement of the equestrian statue of Marcus Aurelius in the Middle Ages’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 37 (1974), 363–7CrossRefGoogle Scholar; cf. Nardella, Il fascino di Roma (above, n. 52), 83–7.

⁸⁴ Valentini and Zucchetti, Codice topografico (above, n. 1), I, 225; Ogilvie, R.M., A Commentary on Livy, Books 1–5 (Oxford, 1965)Google Scholar on Livy 1.4.5 (the one in the Comitium is the ‘true ficus Ruminalis’); Jacks, The Antiquarian and the Myth of Antiquity (above, n. 5), 156–7; Coarelli, F., ‘Ficus Ruminalis’. in LTUR II, 249Google Scholar.

⁸⁵ Valentini and Zucchetti, Codice topografico (above, n. 1), I, 225, Ficus Ruminalis in comitio (Not. Pomponio Leto); cf. the note of Ogilvie, A Commentary on Livy (above, n. 84) on Livy 1.4.5. See also Paolo Marsi on Fast. 2.412: arescens magno erat ostento (sig. g vi v).

⁸⁶ Valentini and Zucchetti, Codice topografico (above, n. 1), IV, 424, Excerpta: pestis evanuit (cf. Ogilvie, A Commentary on Livy (above, n. 84), 75–7; Giuliani, C.F., ‘Lacus Curtius’, in LTUR III (Rome, 1996), 166–7Google Scholar). Cf. Varro, , Ling. 5.148Google Scholar: In Foro Lacum Curtium a Curtio dictum constat…; Paul. Fest. 42L: ob salutem Romani populi; Livy 7.6.3–5; Stat., Silv. 1.1.66–83Google Scholar (78, inventorque salutis); Val. Max. 5.6.2; August., De civ. D. 5.18Google Scholar.

⁸⁷ Valentini and Zucchetti, Codice topografico (above, n. 1), III, 56 (Mirabilia), 90.

⁸⁸ Santa Maria Liberatrice on the site of the thirteenth-century Santa Mari a de Inferno (Huelsen, Le chiese (above, n. 40), 339–40 n. 50) was demolished in January 1900 — see Steinby, E.M. (ed.), Lacus Iuturnae. I. Analisi delle fonti. 2. Materiali degli scavi Boni (1900) (Rome, 1989)Google Scholar and T.P. Wiseman's review in Journal of Roman Studies 82 (1992), 229CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Nielsen and Poulsen (eds), The Temple of Castor and Pollux (above, n. 19), 9–29.

⁸⁹ Tortelli, Roma antica (above, n. 20), 38–40 and n. 135.

⁹⁰ Valentini and Zucchetti, Codice topografico (above, n. 1), IV, 142, Tractatus: Ubi nunc Sanctus Basilius et vulgariter area Noë, vocabulo corrupto, fuit arcus Nervae etc.; cf. Biondo, , Roma instaurata 3.53Google Scholar. San Basilio was built on the ruins of the Temple of Mars Ultor: Huelsen, Le chiese (above, n. 40), 208 n. 12. Cf. Horster, M., ‘Der Minervatempel auf dem Forum Transitorium in Zeichnungen der Renaissance’, Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz 28 (1984), 135–55Google Scholar. The Arcus Nervae was probably not part of the Forum Nervae: Bauer, H. and Morselli, C., ‘Forum Nerva’, in LTUR II, 311Google Scholar.

⁹¹ Nordh, Libellus de Regionibus (above, n. 33), 100. For the ‘Palatium’ see Valentini and Zucchetti, Codice topografico (above, n. 1), II, 193, Itinerario descr. delle mura di Roma (eighth/ninth century): Palatium Traiani; ibi ad Vincula. On San Pietro in Vincoli, see Huelsen, Le chiese (above, n. 40), 418–19 n. 16.

⁹² Valentini and Zucchetti, Codice topografico (above, n. 1), IV, 432 (Baths of Titus), 426 (Trajan's Forum). In the Notitia the column had been associated with a Temple of Trajan.

⁹³ Tortelli, Roma antica (above, n. 20), 61 and n. 316.

⁹⁴ Tortelli, Roma antica (above, n. 20), 44.

⁹⁵ Tractatus: Valentini and Zucchetti, Codice topografico (above, n. 1), IV, 144; Albertini, in Valentini and Zucchetti, Codice topografico (above, n. 1), 475; cf. Pliny, , HN 35.56Google Scholar; Cass. Dio 43.22.2, 45.6.4.

⁹⁶ See Ackerman, J.S., ‘Marcus Aurelius on the Capitoline Hill’, Renaissance News 10 (1957), 69–75CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Künzle, P., ‘Die Aufstellung des Reiters vom Lateran durch Michelangelo’, in Miscellanea Bibliothecae Hertzianae (Römische Forschungen der Bibliotheca Hertziana 16) (Munich, 1961), 255–70Google Scholar. On fifteenth-century identifications of the ‘Caballus Constantinianus’, see Weiss, The Renaissance Discovery of Classical Antiquity (above, n. 5), 65, 80. For Poggio it was Septimius Severus (D'Onofrio, Visitiamo Roma nel Quattrocento (above, n. 1), 82). The correct identification as Marcus Aurelius is that of Platina (Bartclomeo Sacchi, 1421–81), a contemporary of Pomponio's (Weiss, The Renaissance Discovery of Classical Antiquity (above, n. 5), 80 n. 7); Platina, B., Liber de Vita Christi ac Omnium Pontificum (ed. Gaida, G.) (Rerum Italic. Script. III, 1) (Città di Castello, 1913–1932), 418Google Scholar).

⁹⁷ Valentini and Zucchetti, Codice topografico (above, n. 1), IV, 491–2. The Notitia, however, has in the Forum ‘equum Constantini’ (Nordh, Libellus de Regionibus (above, n. 33), 84, cf. 64). This item is absent from the Curiosum and from Pomponio Leto's Notitia. It is therefore unlikely to have been the source of the error.

⁹⁸ Valentini and Zucchetti, Codice topografico (above, n. 1), IV, 423. Cf. Palombi, D., ‘Forum Gallorum’, in LTUR II, 298–9Google Scholar; Palombi, D., ‘Forum Rusticorum’, in LTUR II, 345Google Scholar.

⁹⁹ The location of the Macellum Liviani is in the Regionary Catalogues: Nordh, Libellus de Regionibus (above, n. 33), 80. See further de Ruyt, Macellum (above, n. 57), 163–72. Notitia Regio V Esquiliae Macellum Liviani (Nordh, Libellus de Regionibus (above, n. 33), 80); Valentini and Zucchetti, Codice topografico (above, n. 1), I, 213 (Not. Pomponio Leto), Regio V Exquilina Macellum Liviani; Biondo, , Roma instaurata 2.25Google Scholar, macellum … Lidiae. For the Macellum Liviae see de Ruyt, Macellum (above, n. 57), 163–72; Sartorio, G. Pisani, ‘Macellum Liviae’, in LTUR III, 203–4Google Scholar. Cf. Cecchelli, M., ‘Santa Maria Maior, Basilica’, in LTUR III, 217–18Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁰ On Santa Maria Maggiore, see Huelsen, Le chiese (above, n. 40), 251 n. 4, 342 n. 55.

¹⁰¹ Huelsen, Le chiese (above, n. 40), 499–500 n. 7.

¹⁰² Zabughin, Giulio Pomponio Leto (above, n. 30), II, 361 n. 43 suggests this was against Biondo, Roma instaurata 2.25: cf. Tortelli, Roma antica (above, n. 20), 52–3. It was on the northeast boundary of the Forum Romanum. The hall near the church of Santi Cosma e Damiano was built on the site of the Macellum: Sartorio, G. Pisani, ‘Macellum’, in LTUR III, 201–3Google Scholar. For further detail on the location, see Tortorici, E., Argiletum: commercio, speculazione edilizia e lotta politica dall'analisi topografica di un quartiere di Roma di età reppublicana (Rome, 1991), 37–56, 89–90Google Scholar.

¹⁰³ Tortelli, Roma antica (above, n. 20), 74.

¹⁰⁴ Paolo Marsi in his commentary on Ov., Fast. 1.257–8Google Scholar — cum tot sint Iani, cur stas sacratus in uno/hic ubi iuncta foris templa duobus habes? — gives a quick and inconclusive sketch of the relationships of the fora: Romanum, Boarium, of Caesar and Augustus (on which he refers the reader to what he has said at Tr. 3.1.27), and Piscarium (sig. b viii v). Albertini has a section De Foris et Curiis that contains an interesting attempt to demarcate the Forum Romanum, as well as the location of the Forum Holitorium mentioned above (Valentini and Zucchetti, Codice topografico (above, n. 1), IV, 475–6).

¹⁰⁵ See end note.

¹⁰⁶ I have not found this as yet.

¹⁰⁷ There is nothing to say where Calderini thought the rostra were situated. He may have misunderstood Suet. Iul. 84: pro rostris aurata aedes ad simulacrum templi Veneris Genetricis collocata.

¹⁰⁸ On the Palatine and Vesta (34–5) Poliziano makes use of the topographical indications in Ov., Tr. 3.1.27–32Google Scholar: the book is guided from the Fora of Caesar and Augustus, to the Temple of Vesta, the regia, the Porta Mugonia and the Temple of Iuppiter Stator and thence to the Palatine; cf. Bishop, J.H., ‘Palatine Apollo’, Classical Quarterly n.s. 6 (1956), 187–92CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰⁹ Of the many ancient sources quoted by Poliziano in his note here, only one (Suet. Calig. 22) helps with the location of the temple, connecting it with the Palatine. Poliziano gives no explanation of ‘pro rostris’. No fifteenth-century investigator linked the Temple of Castor and Pollux with its surviving three columns. Poggio we have discussed above. Biondo did not mention this temple, but there is indirect evidence that Pomponio Leto had put it in roughly the right place: Valentini and Zucchetti, Codice topografico (above, n. 1), IV, 482, Albertini: Templum Castoris et Pollucis in via Sacra in Foro Romano sub Palatio, ubi minc est tabernaculum Virginis ad ponticulum, in quo loco effossa fuere vestigia cum duobus tabulis marmoreis dedicatione ipsius, teste Pomponio Leto, qui eas vidisse affirmat. Nonnulli volunt fuisse ubi est ecclesia Sancti Loy. Biondo puts the Rostra in the same area: rostra templum ad radices Pallatij fuisse, qua is mons e regione opponitur aetatis nostrae Capitolio, et ubi nunc est parva sanctae Mariae de inferno ecclesia (2.63). Cf. the note on Silius Italicus 1.623 (above, p. 230), which puts the Rostra near the three columns.

¹¹⁰ Similarly, in his commentary on Ovid's Fasti he shows little interest in this sort of archaeological topography, cf. Koortbojian, M., ‘Politiano's role in the history of antiquarianism and the rise of archaeological methods’, in Tarugi, L. Secchi (ed.), Poliziano nel suo tempo (Florence, 1996), 265–73, esp. p. 272Google Scholar: ‘his true calling was a literary, not a visual one’. Nevertheless, see Branca, V., Poliziano e l'umanesimo della parola (Turin, 1983), 78–83Google Scholar. Branca conjectured that ‘il Poliziano era stato indotto a dedicare il suo secondo corso ai Fasti probabilmente dal nuovissimo interesse che stava suscitando questo testo prezioso per l'antiquaria romana’ (79). After his visits to Rome (the best known being those of 1484 and 1488), Poliziano's interests are less exclusively textual. He pays more attention to coins, inscriptions and material remains. For example, in his lectures on Suetonius in 1490–1, ‘il ricorso a Roma è continuo, alla Roma pagana e alla Roma cristiana, alle sue strade, ai suoi monumenti, ai suoi acquedotti, ai suoi templi, al suo stesso volgare. Il Poliziano si compiace di indicare continuamente le vestigie della Roma antica in quella moderna …’: Fera, V., Una ignota Expositio Suetoni del Poliziano (Messina, 1983), 64Google Scholar.