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Did the Spirit Withdraw from Israel? An Evaluation of the Earliest Jewish Data1

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 February 2009

John R. Levison
Affiliation:
The Divinity School, Duke University, Durham, NC 27708, USA

Extract

The view that the Holy Spirit as the source of prophecy was believed by Jews during the tannaitic period to have withdrawn from Israel, to return only in the eschatological future, is built upon a pastiche of texts: Ps 74.9; 1 Macc 4.46, 9.27 and 14.41; Josephus's Ap. 1.37—41; 2 Apoc. Bar. 85.3; Pr Azar 15; and t. Soṭa 13.2—4. On the basis of such texts, E. Sjöberg referred to ‘a widespread theological conviction’ about the withdrawal of the Holy Spirit and J. Vos to ‘die verbreitete Tradition’. C. K. Barrett quoted G. F. Moore approvingly: ‘The Holy Spirit is the Spirit of prophecy … The Holy Spirit is so specifically prophetic inspiration that when Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi, the last prophets, died, the Holy Spirit departed from Israel.’ W. D. Davies suggested cautiously, after a thorough analysis of the data, ‘… we may now assume that Paul was reared within a Judaism which, to use very moderate language, tended to relegate the activity of the Holy Spirit to the past’. G. W. H. Lampe generalized, ‘In the main, the Spirit continues to be thought of as being, pre-eminently, the Spirit of prophecy, manifested in the distant past in such great figures as Elijah (Ecclus. 48.12) or Isaiah (vs. 24), but which was now no longer present in Israel.’ J. Jeremias subtitled section nine of his New Testament Theology ‘The Return of the Quenched Spirit’, and

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Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1997

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References

2. ‘Πνεûμα’, TDNT 6.385.Google Scholar

3 Vos, J., Traditionsgeschichtliche Untersuchungen zur paulinische Pneumatologie (Assen: van Gorcum Co., 1973) 72.Google Scholar

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5 Paul and Rabbinic Judaism: Some Rabbinic Elements in Pauline Theology (Philadelphia: Fortress, 4th ed. 1980) 215.Google Scholar This statement follows a serious analysis (208–15) of other data which indicate the continued working of the Holy Spirit. Professor Davies has communicated to me in private conversation that he no longer espouses this position, upon which he wrote a half century ago.

6 ‘Holy Spirit’, Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible 2.630.Google Scholar

7 New Testament Theology (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1971) 81.Google Scholar

8 New Testament Prophecy (Atlanta: John Knox, 1979) 21.Google Scholar

9 Christology in the Making: A New Testament Inquiry into the Origins of the Doctrine of the Incarnation (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1980) 135.Google Scholar See also idem, Baptism in the Holy Spirit: A Re-examination of the New Testament Teaching on the Gift of the Spirit in Relation to Pentecostalism Today (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1970) 27Google Scholar, where he states that at the baptism of Jesus ‘the long drought of knowing the Spirit comes to an end’.

10 Das Angeld des Geistes: Studien zur paulinischen Pneumatologie (Göttingen: Vanden-hoeck & Ruprecht, 1992) 31.Google Scholar

11 Ibid., 31. For the discussion in its entirety, see 26–32.

12 God's Empowering Presence: The Holy Spirit in the Letters of Paul (Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1993) 914.Google Scholar

13 Meyer, R., ‘πρоϕήιης’, TDNT 6.812–16Google Scholar; Leivestad, R., ‘Das Dogma von der prophetenlosen Zeitf’, NTS 19 (1972–1973) 288–99CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Aune, D. E., Prophecy in Early Christianity and the Ancient Mediterranean World (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1983) 103–6Google Scholar; Greenspahn, F. E., ‘Why Prophecy Ceased’, JBL 108 (1989) 3749.Google Scholar

14 Lampe, , ‘Holy Spirit’, IDB 2.630.Google Scholar

15 Barton, J., Oracles of God: Perceptions of Ancient Prophecy in Israel after the Exile (New York/Oxford: Oxford University, 1986) 115.Google Scholar

16 Barton, , Oracles of God, 108Google Scholar. Aune, (Prophecy in Early Christianity, 103)Google Scholar contends more stridently, ‘The evidence … flatly contradicts that view.’

17 Biblical translations, including Apocrypha, are from the New Revised Standard Version, unless otherwise stated.

18 See Kirkpatrick, A. F., The Book of Psalms (Cambridge: Cambridge University, 1902) 439–42Google Scholar; Tate, M. E., Psalms 51–100 (Word Biblical Commentary 20; Waco, TX: Word, 1990) 247.Google Scholar

19 Meyer, , TDNT 6.814Google Scholar; Aune, , Prophecy in Early Christianity, 105Google Scholar; Greenspahn, , ‘Why Prophecy Ceased‘, 40.Google Scholar

20 Barton, , Oracles of God, 107.Google Scholar

21 Theodotian Dan 3.38.

22 Leivestad, , ‘Das Dogma’, 292.Google Scholar

23 See, for example, Goldstein, J. A., I Maccabees (AB 41; Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1976) 1213Google Scholar; Horn, , Angeld, 2930.Google Scholar

24 The translations of 1 Macc 9.29; 12.10; 12.22 and 16.24 are my own.

25 This interpretation is borne out by the simplicity of the language of 1 Macc 9.27. The verb, ϕθη, which refers elsewhere in 1 Maccabees to the appearances of Judas (4.6) and a military detachment (4.19), is employed similarly here of the non-appearance of a prophet at a particular point in time rather than to the ceasing of prophecy for all time.

26 Josephus, (Ant. 13.5Google Scholar) omits this reference to a prophet in his version: ‘After this calamity had befallen the Jews, which was greater than any they had experienced since their return from Babylon …’

27 Barton, , Oracles of God, 107.Google Scholar

28 Meyer, (TDNT 6.815Google Scholar) feels justified in identifying this prophet with John Hyrcanus, who occupies the climactic position in 1 Maccabees and is accorded prophetic status by Josephus. On Josephus' interpretation of John Hyrcanus, see Gray, R., Prophetic Figures in Late Second Temple Jewish Palestine: The Evidence from Josephus (New York/Oxford: Oxford University, 1993) 1623.Google Scholar

29 Aune, , Prophecy in Early Christianity, 104Google Scholar; Leivestad, , ‘Das Dogma’, 295–6.Google Scholar

30 Greenspahn, , ‘Why Prophecy Ceased’, 3940.Google Scholar

31 Translation and quotation from the Loeb Classical Library. I replace the LCL translation, ‘failure of the exact’ with ‘inaccurate’, following the suggestion of Louis H. Feldman in a letter of Nov. 1,1994. Greek, .

32 Feldman, , ‘Prophets and Prophecy in Josephus’, JTS 41 (1990) 400CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Aune, , Prophecy in Early Christianity, 106Google Scholar; Greenspahn, , ‘Why Prophecy Ceased’, 40.Google Scholar

33 Gray, , Prophetic Figures, 816.Google Scholar

34 Several other elements support the view that Josephus believed prophecy to have continued. First, the fact that Josephus refers to Cleodemus the Prophet (Ant. 1.240–1) and to Hyrcanus, John as a prophet (Bell. 1.68–9Google Scholar; Ant. 13.299–300) would seem to indicate that prophecy had not ceased, although one cannot be certain because the reference to Cleodemus is taken by Josephus from Alexander Polyhistor, who may have used the term loosely, and the reference to John Hyrcanus may have been influenced by the fact that Josephus was descended from the Hasmoneans. See Feldman, L. H., ‘Prophets and Prophecy’, 400–7Google Scholar; Gray, , Prophetic Figures, 823Google Scholar. Second, Gray (26–34) discusses dreams and predictions after the time of John Hyrcanus as evidence that prophecy continued. Third, Gray devotes successive significant chapters to Josephus, ' view of himself, the Essenes, the ‘sign prophets’ (e.g., Theudas, Ant. 20.97–9Google Scholar), and other prophetic figures in part to demonstrate the thesis that ‘the belief that prophecy had ceased should not be understood as a hard-and-fast dogma, but rather as one expression of a wider nostalgia for the distant past’ (167).

35 Translations of 2 Baruch by Klijn, A. F. J. in Charlesworth, J. H., The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha (2 vols.; New York: Doubleday, 1983) 1.621–52.Google Scholar

36 This conviction is encapsulated in 54.15: ‘although Adam sinned first and has brought death upon all who were not in his own time, yet each of them who has been born from him has prepared for himself the coming torment. And further, each of them has chosen for himself the coming glory.’

37 Meyer, , TDNT 6.815.Google Scholar

38 ‘Why Prophecy Ceased’, 40.

39 Before embarking upon our analysis, we ought to recognize the perennial problem of dating rabbinic material. Strack, H. L. and Stemberger, G. (Introduction to the Talmud and Midrash [Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1991] 176Google Scholar) place the final redaction of the Tosefta in the later third or fourth centuries. Its reliability as a source for understanding the first century CE, therefore, is dependent in part upon the existence of prior texts which share its perspective. I have attempted to demonstrate in part two that no such firm evidence of this viewpoint antedates the Tosefta itself. Therefore, even if t. Soṭa 13.2–4 supported the alleged dogma of the permanent withdrawal of the prophetic Spirit, its usefulness for interpreting the New Testament would be limited.

40 Unpublished translation of E. M. Meyers. Other translations of the Tosefta, unless otherwise specified, are from Neusner, J., The Tosefta, Translated from the Hebrew: Third Division Nashim (The Order of Women) (New York: Ktav, 1979)Google Scholar. Hebrew citations and the translations of Meyers and myself are based upon Zuckermandel, M. S., Tosephta: Based on the Erfurt and Vienna Codices, with Parallels and Variants (2nd ed. with a ‘Supplement to the Tosephta’ by Liebermann, S.; Jerusalem: Bamberger & Wahrmann, 1937).Google Scholar

41 TDNT 6.816. Similarly Horn, F. W., ‘Holy Spirit’, Anchor Bible Dictionary 3.263–4.Google Scholar

42 Marmorstein, A. (‘The Holy Spirit in Rabbinic Legend’Google Scholar, in idem, Studies in Jewish Theology [ed. J. Rabbinowitz and M. S. Lew; London/New York/Toronto: Oxford University, 1950] 126) infers from a saying of Rabbi Akiba, who taught that during the thirty-eight years of Israel's punishment, Moses received no divine address, meeting with the shekhinah, or any visit from the Holy Spirit: ‘For this reason and not on any personal ground it was said that Hillel would have been worthy of the Holy Spirit had not the sinfulness of his age robbed him of its possession.’ We should observe, however, that the bath qol in t. Soṭa13.2–4 is a mode of divine revelation; clearly the generation is not so evil that the sages cannot collectively hear the divine voice. The caveat proffered in 13.3 that, despite the withdrawal of the Spirit, God continued to communicate by means of the bath qol, is an attempt to rebut the implication that God failed to communicate. Therefore, the analogy Marmorstein draws between this text and Akiba's statement about Moses is unsuitable; there is here communication – significant communication which confirms the presence of rabbis worthy of the Holy Spirit.

43 Translation mine.

44 T. Soṭa 11.10 in Zuckermandel is 11.8 in Neusner's translation.

45 See also the similar prediction of Simeon the Righteous, in t. Soṭa 13.5.Google Scholar

46 The formula employed to describe what was lost or what evil entered with the death of certain rabbis characterizes also the survey of the biblical characters, though it differs, as we might expect, from its rabbinic counterparts in being followed by the question, ‘What is said’, and an explanation by means of a biblical citation which demonstrates that the death of a great biblical figure resulted in the loss of blessing: ‘When Abraham had died, what is said? …’ or ‘When Miriam died, what is said? …’ In each instance, as we have seen, the loss is temporary, and it is alleviated when another righteous person appears.

47 Translation from Danby, H., The Mishnah (Oxford: Oxford University, 1933) 446.Google Scholar

48 ‘πνεμα’, TDNT 6.386 n. 296.Google Scholar

49 Translation mine.

50 E.g., 1QH 12.11–12; 13.19; 14.25.

51 Spec. Leg. 3.1–6; Cher. 27–9; Som. 2.252. On these see my ‘Inspiration and the Divine Spirit in the Writings of Philo Judaeus’, JSJ 26 (1995) 271323.Google Scholar

52 E.g., Josephus, Ant. 4.108, 118–19; 8.114Google Scholar; on these see my ‘Josephus' Interpretation of the Divine Spirit’, JJS (1996),Google Scholar forthcoming. See also Pseudo-Philo, Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum 27.910Google Scholar; on this see my ‘Prophetic Inspiration in Pseudo-Philo's Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum’, JQR 85 (1995) 297329.Google Scholar

53 For important overviews, see Marmorstein, , ‘Rabbinic Legend’, 132–5Google Scholar; Schäfer, P., Die Vorstellung vom heiligen Geist in der rabbinischen Literatur (StANT 28; Munich: Kösel, 1972) 116–34, especially 121–3Google Scholar; and Parzen, H., ‘The Ruah Hakodesh in Tannaitic Literature’, JQR n.s. 20 (19291930) 5176.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

54 Lev Rab. 21.8.

55 J. Soṭa 1.4.

56 7. Ŝeb. 9.1.

57 T.Pesah. 1.27.

58 Der Geist Gottes im Neuen Testament (Gütersloh: Bertelsmann, 1926) 118.Google Scholar

59 The Holy Spirit (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1980) 30.Google Scholar

60 Vorstellung, 148–9.

61 ‘Das Dogma’, 290.

62 Prophecy in Early Christianity, 104.

63 TDNT 6.816. For criticism of this view, see Barton, , Oracles of God, 112–15.Google Scholar

64 ‘Matay Paseqah Hanevu’ah?’, Tarbiz 17 (19451946) 111.Google Scholar See summaries and critiques in Schäfer, P., Vorstellung, 144–6Google Scholar and Greenspahn, , ‘Why Prophecy Ceased’, 42–3.Google Scholar

65 ‘Why Prophecy Ceased’, 48–9.

66 Mek. Beshallah 7. Translation from Lauterbach, J. Z., Mekilta de-Rabbi Ishmael: A Critical Edition on the Basis of the Manuscripts and Early Editions with an English Translation, Introduction and Notes (3 vols.; Philadelphia, 19331935) 1.252.Google Scholar

67 Parallel texts in b. Soṭa 48b, b. Sanh. 11a, b. Yoma 9b, and j Soṭa 9.17, where there is likewise no indication that the withdrawal of the Holy Spirit was believed to be permanent.

68 See, for example, Meyers, E. M., ‘The Crisis of the Mid-fifth Century B.C.E., Second Zechariah and the “End” of Prophecy’;, in Pomegranates and Golden Bells: Studies in Biblical, Jewish, and Near Eastern Ritual, Law, and Literature in Honor of Jacob Milgrom (ed. Wright, D. P., Freedman, D. N., Hurvitz, A.; Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1995) 713–23.Google Scholar