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“Heirs to What Had Been Accomplished”: D. N. Aidit, the PKI, and Maoism, 1950–1965
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 18 July 2022
Abstract
Why did the Communist Party of Indonesia (PKI) pursue a nonviolent, collaborative, and parliamentary path to power? How did it secure major electoral successes? The answers to both queries have much to do with the PKI's adaptation of Maoism. Although scholars recognize that Maoism was influential on PKI theory and praxis, they have hitherto underevaluated the extent to which PKI leaders, notably Dipa Nusantara Aidit and Muhammad Hatta Lukman, engaged with Mao's ideas and how such ideas informed policy. Through textual exegesis of PKI leaders’ writings and speeches, our article argues that the PKI's “Indonesianization” of Marxism–Leninism drew from several Maoist texts, but differed in its composition in a number of important ways. “Indonesianization” entailed cross-class alliances, the political agency of the peasantry, willingness to cooperate with parties across the political spectrum, and, most innovatively, a nonviolent agenda. The PKI also demonstrated an adaptive willingness to learn from all, while remaining beholden to none. Our goal is to show how PKI leaders spoke back in their dialectical engagement with Maoism, as Maoism, for them, did not constitute a static, orthodox, or monolithic “thing.” Instead, Maoism was for Aidit and Lukman an ideological system within which lay an ideological discourse, critical interpretive paradigm, historical revolutionary experience, military strategy, and blueprint to socialist development against which to juxtapose their ideas and grand visions.
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References
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30 Mortimer, Indonesian Communism, 332. Along with Soeprapto, Muhammad Jusuf was among the most prominent PKI leaders during the early phase of the Indonesian Revolution, but his ties to the Japanese weakened his legitimacy. Kahin, Nationalism and Revolution in Indonesia, 158–9.
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32 Mortimer, Indonesian Communism, 38.
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35 Alimin himself evinced an attraction to Maoist ideas in the early 1950s, prefiguring Aidit. See Harry Poeze, Verguisd en Vergeten: Tan Malaka, de Linkse Beweging en de Indonesische Revolutie, 1945–1949 (Leiden, 2007), 583–9.
36 Hindley, The Communist Party of Indonesia, 63. The last Politburo member not loyal to Aidit was veteran communist Alimin, who was shunted into an ineffectual sinecure in October 1953. Aidit loyalist Sakirman replaced him.
37 Mortimer, Indonesian Communism, 40–42.
38 Olle Tornquist, Dilemmas of Third World Communism: The Destruction of the PKI in Indonesia (London, 1984), 74; and McVey, “Indonesian Communism and the Transition to Guided Democracy,” 154–5.
39 D. N. Aidit, The Indonesian Revolution and the Immediate Tasks of the Communist Party of Indonesia (Peking, 1964), 57.
40 Rémy Madinier, Islam and Politics in Indonesia: The Masjumi Party between Democracy and Integralism, trans. Jeremy Desmond (Singapore, 2015), 218, 278.
41 Ruth McVey, “Indonesian Communism and China,” in Tang Tsou, ed., China in Crisis, vol. 2 (Chicago, 1969), 357–94.
42 Mozingo, Chinese Policy towards Indonesia, 121.
43 Mortimer, Indonesian Communism under Sukarno, 335 n. 11. See also D. N. Aidit, “Tentang Perlawatan Ke-empat Negeri,” Bintang Merah 12 (June 1956), 216–18. Archival documents from Moscow reveal that Aidit and Stalin had met before his death, and had several CCP-facilitated exchanges that, Efimova contends, influenced the PKI's orientation in advance of its 1954 fifth national congress. Efimova, Stalin i Indonyeziya, 152–72. On Aidit's and the PKI's later alignment with Beijing see Taomo Zhou, Migration in the Time of Revolution: China, Indonesia, and the Cold War (Ithaca, 2019), 155–6.
44 Galway, The Emergence of Global Maoism, 63–4. Importantly, though, the PKI “maintain[ed] a show of friendly relations with the CPSU and its supporting parties,” especially during the Soviet Union's grants of support during the 1959–61 campaign to liberate in West Irian from Dutch rule. Mortimer, Indonesian Communism under Sukarno, 334.
45 Zhou, Migration in the Time of Revolution, 66, quoting “Sujianuo zongtong chuguo fangwen chengjiu juda, Yindunixiya baozhi relie zanyang” (President Sukarno's Foreign Visit Was Extremely Fruitful and Was Warmly Praised by Indonesian Newspapers), Renmin Ribao (People's Daily), 19 Oct. 1956; “Sujianuo zongtong dui Zhongguo renminde guangbo yanshuo” (President Sukarno Delivered a Speech to the Chinese People on the Radio), Renmin Ribao (People's Daily), 16 Oct. 1956.
46 Zhou, Migration in the Time of Revolution, 66. On positive CCP–PNI relations, see also “Zhongguo he Yindunixiyade youyi zhi qiao” (The Bridge of Friendship between China and Indonesia), Renmin Ribao (People's Daily), 15 Oct. 1956.
47 Zhou, Migration in the Time of Revolution, 69, citing “Chen Yi buzhang tong Yindunixiya Sujiazuo jiu Yinni panluan he goumi deng wenti de tanhua jilu” (Minutes of a Discussion between Foreign Minister Chen Yi and Indonesian Ambassador Soekardjo on Regional Rebellions in Indonesia, Rice Purchase, etc.) (2 March 1958), Chinese Foreign Ministry Archives, no. 105-00366-02; “Zhang fubuzhang jiejian Yinni Sujiazuo dashi de tanhua jilu” (Minutes of a Discussion between Vice Foreign Minister Zhang and the Indonesian Ambassador Soekardjo) (29 April 1958), Chinese Foreign Ministry Archives, no. 105-00366-01. See also Audrey R. Kahin and George McT. Kahin, Subversion as Foreign Policy: The Secret Eisenhower and Dulles Debacle in Indonesia (New York, 1995), 54–65; and Fan Zhonghui, Jiangjun, Waijiao jia, Yishu jia: Huang Zhen zhuan (General, Diplomat, and Artist: A Biography of Huang Zhen) (Beijing, 2007), 377.
48 Galway, The Emergence of Global Maoism, 60–62.
49 Hindley, The Communist Party of Indonesia, 63–4.
50 Ibid., 79. Hindley characterizes Tan Ling Djie's purported failings as follows: “In the field of organization. Tan Ling Djie-ism was condemned as basically liquidationist. It advocated the creation of a working-class party other than the PKI. This was ‘tailism’ because the working class already had sufficient political consciousness to support an openly Communist party. In the sphere of policy. Tan Ling Djie-ism was described as ‘legalistic,’ as ‘nothing other than bourgeois liberalism,’ because it wished to tone down the Party program, to divert the members too much from the class struggle, to place excessive emphasis on the parliamentary struggle.”
51 Zhou, Migration in the Time of Revolution, 108.
52 Robert Elson, The Idea of Indonesia: A History (Cambridge, 2008), 153. Sukarno won favor among PKI leaders for hosting the 1955 Afro-Asian Conference in Bandung, though they differed on policy significantly. Jennifer Lindsay, “Heirs to World Culture 1950–1965: An Introduction,” in Jennifer Lindsay and Maya H. T. Lim, eds., Heirs to World Culture: Being Indonesian, 1950–1965 (Leiden, 2012), 1–30, at 9.
53 See Galway, The Emergence of Global Maoism, 5–13.
54 Mao Zedong, “On the People's Democratic Dictatorship2 (30 June 1949), in Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung, vol. 4, 1st edn (Beijing, 1961), 411–24.
55 D. N. Aidit, The Birth and Growth of the Communist Party of Indonesia (Jakarta, 1958), 6.
56 Ibid., 7.
57 Ibid., 8. Marhaen was a conceptual category (of shopkeepers, petty traders, and cottage industry workers, inter alia) that Soekarno popularized and corresponds to a lumpenproletariat. Several Marxist movements used the term. Murba was Tan Malaka's modification of proletariat, which corresponded to the “poor” or “dispossessed,” and included the lumpenproletariat and agrarian smallholders. He ascribed it political agency. Oliver Crawford, “The Political Thought of Tan Malaka,” (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Cambridge, 2018), 182.
58 Aidit, The Birth and Growth of the Communist Party of Indonesia, 13.
59 Hindley, The Communist Party of Indonesia, 164–74. The turunkebawah (going-down) campaigns of 1964 were an attempt to effect land redistribution at the village level after years of national-level obstruction. Initially successful, the conservative backlash was so strong that the PKI backpedalled within months.
60 Mortimer, Indonesian Communism, 152–69.
61 Aidit, The Birth and Growth of the Communist Party of Indonesia, 30.
62 Ibid. 35.
63 Ibid., 36.
64 On the CCP's early experiences with united fronts and broad recruitment after the 1927 Shanghai massacre see Ying Xing, “Cong ‘difangjunshihua’ dao ‘junshidifanghua’: Yi Hongsijun ‘banzhefazhan’ zhanlüedeyuanyuanliubianweizhongxin” (From “Local Militarization” to “Military Localization”: A Focus on the Origins and Development of the Fourth Red Army's “Integrated-Development” Strategy), Kaifangshidai (Open Times) (China) 5 (2018), 1–42.
65 Mao Zedong, “Report on the Peasant Movement in Hunan” (Feb. 1927), in Mao's Road to Power: Revolutionary Writings 1912–1949 (hereafter MRP), ed. Stuart Schram and Timothy Cheek, 8 vols. (Armonk, 1992), 2: 430–35.
66 Dirlik, Marxism in the Chinese Revolution, 79.
67 Mao Zedong, “On New Democracy,” in MRP, 7: 330–69, at 341.
68 Ibid., 337.
69 Aidit, The Birth and Growth of the Communist Party of Indonesia, 9.
70 Ibid., 17–18.
71 Ibid., 9.
72 D. N. Aidit, Pertahankan Republik Proklamasi 1945! (Jakarta, 1955), 11.
73 Mao Zedong, “Conclusions Regarding the Report of the Central Executive Committee” (27 Jan. 1934), in MRP IV 4: 714–22, at 716. See also Mao, “The United Front in Cultural Work” (30 Oct. 1944), in Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung, vol. 3 (Beijing, 1965) 236–7.
74 Smith, Aminda, Thought Reform and China's Dangerous Classes: Reeducation, Resistance, and the People (Lanham, 2012), 18, 98–9Google Scholar.
75 Mortimer, Indonesian Communism, 253–71, McVey, “Teaching Modernity,” 18.
76 Born and raised in Shanghai, Barnett worked as a correspondent for the Chicago Daily News during the Third Chinese Revolutionary Civil War (1945–9) and traveled throughout China. His familiarity with the CCP's rise to power predisposed him to perceive ideological similarities between the PKI and the CCP. The American Universities Field Staff described itself as a “corps of correspondents” who furnished “accurate, firsthand information on foreign areas” to US universities. It claimed to be an independent organization, but likely had links to US intelligence services. See “American Universities Field Service,” Engineering and Science (later Caltech) 18/4 (1955), 15–16.
77 D. N. Aidit, “Echoes of Mao Tse-Tung in Djakarta: An Interview with D. N. Aidit, Secretary General of the Indonesian Communist Party,” interview by A. Doak Barnett, ABD-6-’55, American Universities Field Staff, 21 May 1955, 5.
78 Ibid., 9.
79 Ibid., 9. Aidit certainly embraced aspects of Stalinism. In 1954, Aidit lent his unequivocal support to Stalin's claim in Economic Problems of Socialism in the USSR (1951) that socialist economies were still subject to the law of value, and therefore had to develop and manage their productive forces through business elites if necessary. This same argument would form the basis for Xue Muqiao's 1981 justification of economic reform in the PRC. Aidit never recanted this position, despite Mao's opposition to it—articulated in A Critique of Soviet Economics—after the Sino-Soviet split. See D. N. Aidit, Djalan ke Demokrasi Rakjat bagi Indonesia (Jakarta, 1955), 9–11.
80 Aidit, “Echoes of Mao Tse-Tung in Djakarta,” 9.
81 Mao Zedong, “Oppose Bookism” (May 1930), in MRP, 3: 419–26, at 421.
82 On these two essays and Mao's criticisms of dogmatists see Dirlik, Marxism in the Chinese Revolution, 75–104; and Knight, Rethinking Mao, 197–216.
83 Lukman, M. H., Tentang Front PersatuanNasional (Jakarta, 1960), 11–12Google Scholar.
84 Ibid., 11.
85 Ibid., 10–11.
86 Ibid., 22–3. See Liu Shaoqi, Internationalism and Nationalism (Beijing, 1952).
87 Lukman, Tentang Front PersatuanNasional, 23.
88 Ibid., 53.
89 On Mao's stance on national minorities see Mao Zedong, “On the Correct Handling of Contradictions among the People” (27 Feb. 1957), in The Secret Speeches of Chairman Mao: From the Hundred Flowers to the Great Leap Forward, ed. Roderick MacFarquhar, Timothy Cheek, and Eugene Wu (Cambridge, MA, 1989), 131–90, at 184.
90 Aidit, The Birth and Growth of the Communist Party of Indonesia, 24–5.
91 Ibid., 27. Debates about the applicability of proletarian revolution to colonized nations stretched back to the 1920s, when PKI leaders like Darsono attempted to explain the Indies’ peculiar political situation to the Comintern's India Sub-secretariat. The adaptation of Mao's ideas was therefore part of a decades-long dialectical process simultaneously informed by the sobering experience of unsuccessful uprisings. See Partai Komunis Indonesia and Komintern, “Report of Comrade Darsana to India Sub-secretariat, May 6, 1926,” in “Notulen van vergaderingen van het Subsecretariaat voor India en Indonesië. Met bijlagen. 1926,” Archief Komintern—Partai Komunis Indonesia, Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis.
92 See Mao Zedong, “On Protracted War” (26 May 1938), in MRP, 6: 319–89.
93 Aidit, The Birth and Growth of the Communist Party of Indonesia, 28.
94 Ibid., 44.
95 Ibid., 41.
96 Mao, “On New Democracy,” 341, original emphasis.
97 Mao Zedong, “The Law of the Unity of Contradictions [On Contradiction]” (Aug. 1937), in Mao Zedong on Dialectical Materialism: Writings on Philosophy, 1937, ed. Nick Knight (Armonk, 1990), 173–4.
98 D. N. Aidit, Indonesian Socialism and the Conditions for Its Implementation (Jakarta, 1962), 5.
99 Mao's 1939 essay followed several socioeconomic analyses that began with his 1926 “Analysis of the Classes in Chinese Society” and reached its most refined form in his exhaustive “Xunwu Investigation” and “Xingguo Investigation” (both 1930). Mortimer, Indonesian Communism, 157, acknowledges that the PKI adopted the “Maoist formula that divided actors into left, middle, and right (or diehard) forces.”
100 Mortimer, Indonesian Communism, 148–9.
101 Ibid., 154. Mortimer notes that this stance was from the 1954 congress.
102 Ibid., 148–49.
103 Ibid., 150–51.
104 Ibid., 151.
105 Aidit, Indonesian Socialism, 2.
106 Howard Dick, Vincent Houben, J. Thomas Lindblad, and Thee Kian Wie, eds., The Emergence of a National Economy: An Economic History of Indonesia, 1800–2000 (Leiden, 2002), 175. Aidit's position is reminiscent of arguments in French Egyptian Maoist Samir Amin's thesis. Samir Amin, “Les effets structurels de l'intégration international des économies précapitalistes: Une étude technique du mécanisme qui a engendrer les économies dites sous-développées (Structural Effects of the International Integration of Precapitalist Economies: A Technical Study of the Mechanism That Engendered Underdeveloped Economies)” (Ph.D. dissertation, Université de Paris, 1957), 1–9, 139–41, 484–5.
107 On Indonesia's continued dependence on commodity exports, and its consequent inability to accumulate capital for industrialization, see Dick et al., The Emergence of a National Economy, 174–5.
108 Aidit, Indonesian Socialism, 3–4. The state's failure to enact land reform or formulate a coherent plan for the deployment of state capital led to ethnic Chinese private investors filling the void. In 1929, ethnic Chinese owned negligible amounts of plantation land. By 1952, they owned 19 percent. See Richard Robison, Indonesia: The Rise of Capital (Jakarta, 2009), 43.
109 Aidit, Indonesian Socialism, 33–4. Bintang Merah (Red Star) was one of the PKI's flagship publications, serving as a magazine counterpart to the daily newspaper Harian Rakjat. For a similar investigation by a Cambodian Marxist-turned-Maoist see Galway, Matthew, “Specters of Dependency: Hou Yuon and the Origins of Cambodia's Marxist Vision (1955–1975),” Cross Currents: East Asian History and Culture Review 31 (2019), 126–61Google Scholar.
110 Aidit, Indonesian Socialism, 35. Although the severity of class stratification, landlordism, and usury in China was more severe and on a wider scale than in Indonesia, there is much in common, as Mortimer acknowledges. Mortimer, Indonesian Communism, 148–52. On early CCP land redistribution conversations see Ying, “Cong ‘difangjunshihua’ dao ‘junshidifanghua’,” 25–7, 33–4; Klaus Mühlhahn, Making China Modern: From the Great Qing to Xi Jinping (Cambridge, MA, 2019), 293–6; and Brian DeMare, Land Wars: The Story of China's Agrarian Revolution (Stanford, 2019), 6–10. On Mao's Xunwu investigation see Mao Zedong, “Xunwu Investigation” (May 1930), in MRP, 3: 296–418.
111 Aidit, Indonesian Socialism, 35. This proved ineffective and the PKI attempted unilateral land redistribution in 1964. On similar Maoist-inspired proposals for agricultural cooperatives in Cambodia see Galway, The Emergence of Global Maoism, 114–35.
112 Bambang Purwanto, “Economic Decolonization and the Rise of Indonesian Military Business,” in J. Th. Lindblad and Peter Post, eds., Indonesian Economic Decolonization in Regional and International Perspective (Leiden, 2009), 39–57. This trend of military control of lucrative industries continued unabated in the Suharto years. Michael Vatikiotis, Indonesian Politics under Suharto: The Rise and Fall of the New Order, 3rd edn (London, 1993), 71–2.
113 Aidit, Indonesian Socialism, 25.
114 Mühlhahn, Making China Modern, 402–5; and Yunhui Lin, Xiang Shehuizhuyi guodu: Zhongguo Jingjiyu Shehuide Zhuanxing, 1953–1955 (Transition to Socialism: The Transformation of Chinese Economy and Society, 1953–1955) (Hong Kong, 2009), 32–44.
115 Aidit, Indonesian Socialism, 45. On fundamental similarities between Indonesia's colonial and independent economies see Dick et al., The Emergence of a National Economy, 174.
116 Aidit, Indonesian Socialism, 42–3.
117 Ibid., 43–4, 49–50, 70. Aidit did not pontificate on IMF evils as a point of ideology; he evenhandedly recognized that Czechoslovakia's IMF membership did not hamstring its economy because its economy was relatively mature and sufficiently industrial. Indonesia, like other developing countries, had a commodity-producing, nonindustrial economy. Under such conditions, IMF membership was a de facto shackle.
118 Aidit, Indonesian Socialism, 42, 48–9, 52, 62, 70.
119 Mao Zedong, Report from Xunwu, ed. and trans. Robert Thompsons (Stanford, 1990), 157.
120 On the connection between Samir Amin and Cambodian Communists Hou Yuon and Khieu Samphan see Galway, “Specters of Dependency,” 126–61.
121 Christophe Bourseiller, Les Maoïstes: La folle histoire des gardes rouges français (The Maoists: The Crazy Story of the French Red Guards) (Paris, 1996), 300; and Knight, Rethinking Mao, 48–9.
122 Galway, The Emergence of Global Maoism, 199–200.
123 Aidit, Indonesian Socialism, 51.
124 Mao Zedong, “On New Democracy,” 344.
125 Harold Tanner, Where Chiang Kai-Shek Lost China: The Liao–Shen Campaign, 1948 (Bloomington, 2015), 133–9.
126 Aidit, Indonesian Socialism, 51.
127 Ibid.
128 Ibid., 53, 57, 72–6.
129 Ibid., 2.
130 Ibid., 78.
131 David Mozingo, Chinese Policy toward Indonesia, 1949–1967 (Ithaca, 2004), 213.
132 Tornquist, Dilemmas of Third World Communism, 188; citing Rex Mortimer, The Indonesian Communist Party and Land Reform, 1959–1965 (Clayton, 1972), 22.
133 Mortimer, Indonesian Communism under Soekarno, 276.
134 D. N. Aidit, “PKI Program,” in Aidit, ed., Problems of the Indonesian Revolution (Bandung, 1963), 94.
135 Ibid., 5–61. This precept had first emerged in Aidit's 1957 class analysis of Indonesian society, widely used as a training manual for party cadres. See Mortimer, Indonesian Communism, 142.
136 Mortimer, Indonesian Communism, 277.
137 Ibid., 381.
138 Aidit, “PKI Program,” 97.
139 Mortimer, Indonesian Communism, 49. Prewar literacy rates had been very low, especially in the rural sector. The PKI's emphasis was initially on building a smaller cadre party, as was the case for many other republican parties like the PSI.
140 Masjumi had been forcibly disbanded by Soekarno in 1960 for its alleged links to the PRRI uprisings. See Kahin and Kahin, Subversion as Foreign Policy, 112–18.
141 Aidit, The Indonesian Revolution and the Immediate Tasks of the Communist Party of Indonesia, 42.
142 Ibid., 50, 58.
143 Mortimer, Indonesian Communism under Sukarno, 58.
144 D. N. Aidit, Perkuat Persatuan Nasional dan Persatuan Komunis! (Jakarta, 1961), 24.
145 Hindley, The Communist Party of Indonesia, 30. The PKI drew from Stalin's theses on the national bourgeoisie as a domestic bourgeoisie that opposed imperialism and feudalism, and Mao's analysis of the comprador bourgeoisie. See Tornquist, Dilemmas of Third World Communism, 50–51.
146 D. N. Aidit, The Road to People's Democracy for Indonesia: General Report to the Fifth National Congress of the CPI, March 1954 (Jakarta, 1955), 54–5.
147 Mortimer, Indonesian Communism, 339.
148 Hindley, The Communist Party of Indonesia, 30, emphasis added. Mortimer describes the PKI's application as “involv[ing] curious and intricate exercises in reconciliation, but never the mechanical adoption of a course of action that appeared to be contradicted by their own requirements.” Mortimer, Indonesian Communism under Sukarno, 52.
149 Sudisman, Tegakkan PKI Jang Marxis-Leninis Untuk Memimpin Revolusi Demokrasi Rakjat Indonesia: Lima Dokumen Penting Politbiro CC PKI (n.l., 1971). Our thanks to John Roosa for pointing us towards this source. No location was provided, since this book was clandestinely published as samizdat.
150 Geoffrey Robinson, The Killing Season: A History of the Indonesian Massacres, 1965–66 (Princeton, 2018), 121.
151 Frank Cibulka, “The Coalition Strategies and Tactics of the Indonesian Communist Party: A Prelude to Destruction,” in Trond Gilberg, ed., Coalition Strategies of Marxist Parties (Durham, NC, 1989), 284–303, at 299. See also Mozingo, Chinese Policy toward Indonesia, 255.
152 Harry A. Poeze, Tan Malaka, Gerakan Kiri, Dan Revolusi Indonesia, vol. 2 (Jakarta, 2009).
153 Rebecca Karl calls this recognition of a “shared world stage with other peoples and countries” that were dealing with a “temporal/spatial problem inherent in a modern global history.” Karl, Rebecca, Staging the World: Chinese Nationalism at the Turn of the Twentieth Century (Durham, NC, 2002), 198Google Scholar.