² ‘Memorial to Dr David Eder’, British Medical Journal, 2 (1936), 846.

³ On the emergence of psychoanalysis: Barbara Caine, ‘The Stracheys and Psychoanalysis’, History Workshop Journal, 45 (1998), 144–69; Laura Cameron, ‘Histories of Disturbance’, Radical History, 74 (1999), 5–13; S. Ellesley, ‘Psychoanalysis in Early Twentieth Century England: A Study in the Popularisation of Ideas’ (unpublished PhD thesis: University of Essex, 1995); J. Forrester, ‘“A Whole Climate of Opinion”: Rewriting the History of Psychoanalysis’, in Mark Micale and Roy Porter (eds), Discovering the History of Psychiatry (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994), 174–90; John Forrester and Laura Cameron, ‘“A Nice Type of English Scientist”: Tansley and Freud’, History Workshop Journal, 48 (1999), 64–100; R.D. Hinshelwood, ‘Psychodynamic Psychiatry Before World War I’, in German Berrios and Hugh Freeman (eds), 150 Years of British Psychiatry (London: Athlone, 1991), Vol. 1, 197–205; M. Pines, ‘The Development of the Psychodynamic Movement’, in Berrios and Freeman, idem, 206–31; Richard Overy, The Morbid Age: Britain between the Wars (London: Allen Lane, 2009), 136–74; Daniel Pick, ‘The Id Comes to Bloomsbury’, The Guardian, 16 August 2003 < http://www.guardian.co.uk/books/2003/aug/16/highereducation.news >; Suzanne Rait, ‘Early British Psychoanalysis and the Medico-Psychological Clinic’, History Workshop Journal, 58 (2004), 63–85; Dean Rapp, ‘The Reception of the Freud by the British Press: General Interest and Literary Magazines, 1920–1925’, Journal of the History of the Behavioural Sciences, 24 (1988), 191–201; Dean Rapp, ‘The Early Discovery of Freud by the British General Educated Reading Public, 1912–1919’, Social History of Medicine, 3 (1990), 217–45; Graham Richards, ‘Britain on the Couch: The Popularisation of Psychoanalysis in Britain, 1918–1940’, Science in Context, 13 (2000), 57–84. On the broader psychological culture: Matthew Thomson, Psychological Subjects: Identity, Culture and Health in Twentieth-Century Britain (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006).

⁴ B. Rieger and M. Daunton (eds), Meanings of Modernity: Britain from the Late-Victorian Era to World War II (Oxford: Berg, 2001). On the connections between socialism and psychological thought: Jeremy Nuttall, Psychological Socialism: The Labour Party and Qualities of Mind and Character, 1931 to the Present (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2006); idem, ‘“Psychological Socialist”; “Militant Moderate”: Evan Durbin and the Politics of Synthesis’, Labour History Review, 68 (2003), 235–52.

⁵ Particularly significant: Michael Roper, The Secret Battle: Emotional Survival in the Great War (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2009).

⁶ Reviewing the history of this effort: Alan C. Elms, Uncovering Lives: The Uneasy Alliance of Biography and Psychology (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994). For typically fierce criticism of psychobiography: David E. Stannard, Shrinking History: On Freud and the Failure of Psychohistory (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1980).

⁷ David E. Martin and David Rubinstein (eds), Ideology and the Labour Movement (London: Croom Helm, 1979).

⁸ Ross McKibbin, ‘Why Was There No Marxism in Great Britain?’, English Historical Review, 99 (1984), 297–331. Though it should be noted that this question applied to the popular basis of the early British labour movement.

⁹ Opening up exploration of ideology within the Labour movement: Duncan Tanner, ‘Ideological Debate in Edwardian Labour Politics’, in Eugene F. Biagini and Alistair J. Reid (eds), Currents of Radicalism: Popular Radicalism, Organised Labour, and Party Politics in Britain, 1850–1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991). For an insight into the interplay with cultural politics: Ian Brittain, Fabianism and Culture: A Study in British Socialism and the Arts, c. 1884–1918 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982). Calling for a broader appreciation of ideology in politics: Michael Freeden, ‘The Stranger at the Feast: Ideology and Public Policy in Twentieth-Century Britain’, Twentieth Century British History, 1 (1990), 9–34.

¹⁰ Most significantly, though only taking up the story from 1931: Jeremy Nuttall, Psychological Socialism, op. cit. (note 4). Labour’s Evan Durbin’s interest in psychology in the 1930s and 1940s has attracted particular attention: Jeremy Nuttall, ‘“Psychological Socialist”...’, op. cit. (note 4). For reflection on how psychologists engaged with socialism: Thomson, op. cit. (note 3).

¹¹ When socialists did pay attention to psychology it was invariably through translations of continental writing, such as: Henry de Mann, The Psychology of Socialism (London: Allen and Unwin, 1928); Sergeï Chakotin, The Rape of the Masses: the Psychology of Totalitarian Political Propaganda (London: Labour Book Service, 1940).

¹² For some suggestions: W.H. Greenleaf, The British Political Tradition: Volume I, The Rise of Collectivism (London: Methuen, 1983), 273–86; and on psychological interest within inter-war Liberalism: Michael Freeden, Liberalism Divided: A Study in British Political Thought, 1914–1939 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986), 228–46.

¹³ For instance: Arthur Marwick, ‘The Labour Party and the Welfare State in Britain, 1900–1948’, American Historical Review, 73 (1967), 380–403; C. Webster, ‘Labour and the Origins of the National Health Service’, in Nicolaas Rupke (ed.), Science, Politics, and the Public Good: Essays in Honour of Margaret Gowing (London: Macmillan, 1988), 184–20; John Stewart, The Battle for Health: A Political History of the Socialism Medical Association, 1930–51 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1999).

¹⁴ Unless cited, biographical material is from J.B. Hobman (ed.), David Eder: Memoirs of a Modern Pioneer (London: Gollancz, 1945). Some studies give Eder’s date of birth as 1866, perhaps because he was seventy on his death, however, his obituary clarifies that he was born in 1865: The Times, 31 March 1936.

¹⁵ Zangwill (1864–1926) drew on these experiences in his popular novels The Bachelors’ Club (1891) and The Old Maids’ Club (1892). He came to prominence as a leader of Jewish causes with his The Children of the Ghetto (1892). He would be one of the founders of the Jewish Territorial Organisation.

¹⁶ Hani A. Faris, ‘Israel Zangwill’s Challenge to Zionism’, Journal of Palestine Studies, 4 (1975), 74–90.

¹⁷ Stephen Yeo, ‘A New Life: The Religion of Socialism in Britain, 1883–1896’, History Workshop Journal, 4 (1977), 5–56.

¹⁸ The branch also included H.M. Hyndman, subsequently Secretary of the Social Democratic Federation, the influential Marxist group. The Society was founded in 1885 and would disband in 1892.

¹⁹ Pyotr Kropotkin, ‘An Appeal to the Young’, reprinted in Roger N. Baldwin (ed.), Kropotkin’s Revolutionary Pamphlets, [1899] repr. (New York: Blom, 1968), 261–82.

²⁰ The essay was first published in the Parisian Le Révolté (June-August, 1880). It is likely that Eder would have read the translation by H.M. Hyndman, published in the periodical Justice in 1884. The essay probably reached more people after it was published by the Freedom Press in 1899, see Baldwin, ibid., 264–7.

²¹ Hobman, op. cit. (note 14), 43.

²² Quoted in Ethel Mannin, Confessions and Impressions (London: Jarrolds, 1934), 221.

²³ ‘On the multiple meanings of socialism at this time: S. Yeo, ‘Notes on Three Socialisms – Collectivism, Statism and Associationsim—Mainly in Late-Nineteenth- and Early-Twentieth-Century Britain’, in Carl Levy (ed.), Socialism and the Intelligentsia, 1880–1914 (London: Routledge, 1974), 219–70.

²⁴ Of these, Eder was certainly an enthusiast of the last two. On this brand of fin-de-siècle radicalism: Mark Bevir, ‘The Rise of Ethical Anarchism in Britain, 1885–1900’, Historical Research, 89 (1996), 143–65; Dan Weinbren, ‘Against All Cruelty: The Humanitarian League, 1891–1919’, History Workshop Journal, 38 (1994), 86–105; Sheila Rowbotham and Jeffrey Weeks, Socialism and the New Life: The Personal and Sexual Politics of Edward Carpenter and Havelock Ellis (London: Pluto Press, 1977).

²⁵ On the draw of this opportunity and the potential to make a fortune, yet also the risks: Anne Digby, ‘“A Medical El Dorado”? Colonial Medical Incomes and Practice at the Cape’, Social History of Medicine, 8 (1995), 463–79.

²⁶ The details of the Herring v. Janson and others case are accessible in reports in The Times between 7 and 15 November 1895. Herring, the first husband of Florence, was accused of overvaluing a yacht and then deliberately destroying it. It was implied that Eder was a co-conspirator and that he was also involved in fraud in relation to the house he shared with Florence.

²⁷ Hobman, op. cit. (note 14), 44.

²⁸ He published one article on the collection of Andes specimens: Journal of Tropical Medicine, 15 (April 1902), 122 and pictures facing 124.

²⁹ Eder to Zangwill, February 1901, in Hobman, op. cit. (note 14), 51.

³⁰ Mannin, op. cit. (note 22), 220–1.

³¹ For instance: Hobman, op. cit. (note 14), 46, 109; Harry Sacher, Zionist Portraits and Other Essays (London: Blond, 1959), 76.

³² The Royal Geographical Society holds correspondence based on his 1902 visit: JMS/6/157.

³³ Hobman, op. cit. (note 14), 53–4.

³⁴ Mannin, op. cit. (note 22), 221.

³⁵ Hobman, op. cit. (note 14), 94.

³⁶ Roger Casement regarded the ‘crime against humanity’ in the region as worse than in the Congo: Angus Mitchell (ed.), The Amazon Journal of Roger Casement (London: Anaconda, 1997), 178; Michael Taussig, Shamanism, Colonialism and the Wild Man: A Study of Terror and Healing (London: University of Chicago, 1986), 52–4, 134; Michael Taussig, ‘Culture of Terror – Space of Death: Roger Casement’s Putomayo Report and the Explanation of Torture’, Comparative Studies in Society and History, 26 (1984), 467–97; Brian Inglis, Roger Casement (London: Penguin, 1973), 171–218.

³⁷ Matthew Brown (ed.), Informal Empire in Latin America: Culture, Commerce and Capital (Oxford, Blackwell, 2008).

³⁸ Hobman, op. cit. (note 14), 61–71.

³⁹ Hobman based this on an account written some years later by Eder and noting the absence of anger attributed this to the passing of time and Eder’s development of a ‘mellower wisdom’, op. cit. (note 14), 71. On the typicality of this style of narrative: Ross G. Forman, ‘When Britons Brave Brazil: British Imperialism and the Adventure Tale in Latin America, 1850–1918’, Victorian Studies, 42 (2000), 454–87.

⁴⁰ Hobman, op. cit. (note 14), 49, 51.

⁴¹ ibid., 52.

⁴² ibid., 43–4

⁴³ He later wrote about his shift from this position in New Judea, 23 April 1926, ibid., 141.

⁴⁴ ibid., 86–7. On the suspicion of the working class and early Labour Party towards state intervention: Pat Thane, ‘The Working Class and State “Welfare” in Britain, 1880–1914’, Historical Journal, 27 (1984), 877–900.

⁴⁵ Wallace Martin, The New Age Under Orage (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1967); Norman and Jeanne Mackenzie, The First Fabians (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1977), 344–5.

⁴⁶ This was subsequently published as a pamphlet: M.D. Eder, The Endowment of Motherhood (London: New Age, 1908). The scheme was adopted by H.G. Wells and placed in the hands of the Conservative social imperialist Remington in his The New Machiavelli (London: John Lane, 1911). Eder himself referred to Wells’ own essay on ‘Socialism and the Family’ in The Endowment of Motherhood, 3. Eder’s scheme has been overlooked in existing literature on the development of family allowance and maternal welfare: John Macnicol, The Movement for Family Allowances, 1918–45: A Study in Social Policy Development (London: Heinemann, 1981); Jane Lewis, The Politics of Motherhood: Child and Maternal Welfare in England, 1900–1939 (London: Croom Helm, 1980).

⁴⁷ This interest lay behind his introduction to one of the first psychoanalytic anthropological accounts: Géza Róheim, Australian Totemism: A Psychoanalytic Study in Anthropology (London: Allen and Unwin, 1925).

⁴⁸ Anna Davin, ‘Imperialism and Motherhood’, History Workshop Journal, 5 (1978), 9–65.

⁴⁹ Michael Freeden, ‘Eugenics and Progressive Thought: A Study in Ideological Affinity’, Historical Journal, 22 (1979), 645–71.

⁵⁰ Eder, op. cit. (note 46), 25–30.

⁵¹ He was also involved in criticism of the ‘Carter case’, where a boy was operated on without the consent of his father: Hobman, op. cit. (note 14), 81–2.

⁵² The Mental Deficiency Act, though less so its implementation, now attracts considerable attention. The authority of eugenics is challenged in Edward J. Larson, ‘The Rhetoric of Eugenics: Expert Authority and the Mental Deficiency Bill’, British Journal of the History of Science, 24 (1991), 45–60. On implementation of the Act, the importance of a social definition of mental deficiency, and the role of supervision in the community in expanding the reach of care and control: Matthew Thomson, The Problem of Mental Deficiency: Eugenics, Democracy and Social Policy in Britain, c.1870–1959, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998).

⁵³ T.G. Davies, Ernest Jones, 1879–1958 (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1979), 29. Jones claimed to have introduced Eder, though he is not always the most reliable of witnesses and resented the idea that Eder was Britain’s first psychoanalyst: E. Jones, obituary to M.D. Eder, International Journal of Psycho-Analysis, 17 (1936), 143–6; Vincent Brome, Ernest Jones: Freud’s Alter-Ego (London: Caliban Books, 1982), 210–11.

⁵⁴ Eder, op. cit. (note 46), 6, 12. Eder’s first meeting with Jones has been dated to 1909, however it is suggested that it was not until a reading of the ‘Little Hans’ case in 1909 that he was fully drawn to a psychoanalysis: M. Moreau Ricaud, ‘David Eder’, in Alain de Mijolla (ed.), Dictionnaire de Psychoanalyse: Volume 1 (Paris, Calmann-Levy, 2002), 460–1.

⁵⁵ Hobman, op. cit. (note 14), 90.

⁵⁶ Carolyn Steedman suggests that Freudian ideas about the unconscious and the course of sexual development which Eder was able to describe out of his work in Deptford may have steered McMillan towards pathologising working-class childhood during and after the war: C. Steedman, Childhood, Culture and Class: Margaret McMillan, 1860–1931 (London: Virago, 1990), 209–11. More generally, see: John Stewart, ‘Ramsay MacDonald, the Labour Party and Child Welfare, 1900–1914’, Twentieth Century British History, 4 (1993), 105–25. In his Psychological Socialism, op. cit. (note 4), Jeremy Nuttall has argued that the project of ‘improving minds’ is a neglected and key element in the history of modern British socialism, however, he overlooks this earlier history of practical reform as well as the links to a new-life stream within turn-of-the-century socialism epitomised by a figure such as Edward Carpenter: Stanley Pierson, ‘Edward Carpenter, Prophet of a Socialist Millenium’, Victorian Studies, 13 (1970), 301–18.

⁵⁷ The standard overview sees the period 1889–1918 as one in the rise of a children’s ‘social services state’, see Harry Hendrick, Child Welfare: England 1872–1989 (London: Routledge, 1994). This was also the dominant frame for an influential collection of essays on the emergence of state concern: Roger Cooter (ed.), In the Name of the Child: Health and Welfare, 1880–1940 (London: Routledge, 1994). As the editor of this collection noted, little had changed a decade later: Roger Cooter, ‘In the Name of the Child Beyond’, in Marijke Gijswijt-Hofstra and Hilary Marland (eds), Cultures of Child Health in Britain and the Netherlands in the Twentieth Century (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2003), 287–96. For a review of recent developments in the literature: Alysa Levene, ‘Family Breakdown and the “Welfare Child” in 19th and 20th Century Britain’, History of the Family, 11 (2006), 67–79.

⁵⁸ M. McMillan, ‘On the Threshold’, School Hygiene, 1 (1910), 28–31. On popular suspicion of the state: Henry Pelling, ‘The Working Class and the Welfare State’ in idem, Popular Politics and Society in Late-Victorian Britain (London: Macmillan, 1968), 1–18; Thane, op. cit. (note 44).

⁵⁹ Editorial, School Hygiene, 3 (November 1912), 193–4. Developing the significance of new psychology for progressive education: Thomson, op. cit. (note 3), 109–39.

⁶⁰ From the late nineteenth century this had been encouraged by the child study movement, a new progressive pedagogy, and concern over handicapped school children and delinquents: Hendrick, op. cit. (note 57); Nikolas Rose, The Psychological Complex: Psychology, Politics and Society in England, 1869–1939 (London: Routledge, 1985); Thomson, op. cit. (note 3), 109–39; Adrian Wooldridge, Measuring the Mind: Education and Psychology in England, c.1860–c.1990, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994). A Freudian approach would find more sympathy in the inter-war period, most notably in the expanding system of child guidance clinics, though the degree of success is disputed: John Stewart, ‘The Scientific Claims of British Child Guidance, 1918–1945’, British Journal for the History of Science, 42 (2009), 407–32; D. Thom, ‘Wishes, Anxiety, Play, and Gestures: Child Guidance in Inter-War England’, in Cooter (ed.), In the Name of the Child, op. cit. (note 57), 200–19.

⁶¹ Hobman, op. cit. (note 14), 94.

⁶² Brenda Maddox, Freud’s Wizard: The Enigma of Ernest Jones (London: John Murray, 2006), 111. Maddox suggests that the fact that Eder could cite such a case does add to the case for him being the first to practise psychoanalysis. On the medical profession’s opposition: T. Turner, ‘James Crichton Browne and the Anti-Psycho-Analysts’, in German Berrios and Hugh Freeman (eds), 150 Years of British Psychiatry: The Aftermath, Vol. 2 (London: Athlone, 1996), 144–55.

⁶³ For a report on this paper: Yorkshire Observer, 3 January 1914. The paper warned against objecting to coarseness of behaviour in the child since healthy sexual development needed free play. The desire to be messy was not to be repressed, as it was a source of sublimation. Thus, ‘beware of the boy who is clean without endless expostulations and scoldings.’

⁶⁴ M.D. and Mrs Eder, ‘The Conflicts of the Unconscious in the Child’, Child Study, 9, 6 (October 1916), 79–83; and 9: 7/8 (November/December 1916), 105–8. Steedman points out that McMillan herself remained too reticent to discuss child sexuality, op. cit. (note 56), 209–10.

⁶⁵ On the attractions of psychoanalysis to doctors disillusioned with the limits of materialist medicine: Thomson, op. cit. (note 3), 94–7, 195–8. On the narrative of personal growth in narrating the life of the nineteenth-century socialist: P. Joyce, Democratic Subjects: The Self and the Social in Nineteenth-Century England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994).

⁶⁶ For the reception among intellectuals: D. Rapp, ‘The Early Discovery of Freud by the British General Educated Public, 1912–1919’, Social History of Medicine, 3 (1990), 217–43; D. Rapp, ‘The Reception of Freud by the British Press’, Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences, 24 (1988), 191–201; Ted Winslow, ‘Bloomsbury, Freud, and the Vulgar Passions’, Social Research, 57 (1990), 785–819.

⁶⁷ Barbara Low, Psycho-Analysis: A Brief Account of the Freudian Theory (London: Allen and Unwin, 1920).

⁶⁸ Letter from Jones to Freud, 30 July 1912 in R.A. Paskauskas (ed.), The Complete Correspondence of Sigmund Freud and Ernest Jones, 1908–1939 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1993), 145.

⁶⁹ Glover in Hobman, op. cit. (note 14), 98.

⁷⁰ Eder, ‘Doctors and Dreams’, Daily Dispatch, 7 August 1913, cited in Hobman, op. cit. (note 14), 80.

⁷¹ Glover, in Hobman, ibid.. 90.

⁷² ibid., 129.

⁷³ Brome, op. cit. (note 53), 121.

⁷⁴ Brenda Maddox, The Married Man: A History of D.H. Lawrence (London: Sinclair Stevenson, 1994), 197. Both Eder and his new wife divorced in 1909. Edith had been married to Dr Leslie Haden Guest, who had been drama critic at the New Age and would become a Labour MP in 1923 and later one of the few hereditary Labour peers. Though Eder never had children, he became very close to the two Guest sons.

⁷⁵ Though he personally rejected psychoanalytic theory, Lawrence looked to Eder for analysis. His own vision of the primal unconscious would be developed in his essays ‘Psychoanalysis and the Unconscious’ and ‘Fantasia of the Unconscious’, written in Italy in the early 1920s and published in Britain in 1923: Maddox, ibid., 250, 287. It was once believed that Eder served as a model for the character Kangaroo in Lawrence’s novel of that name, about clashes between fascists and socialists in post-war Australia, however this is now disputed: Maddox, ibid., 310–12; Robert Darroch, D.H. Lawrence in Australia (Melbourne: Macmillan, 1981). Certainly, Lawrence’s description of Kangaroo’s physique, his face—‘long and lean and pendulous’—and his intellectual and political presence could well have drawn on Eder: D.H. Lawrence, Kangaroo [1923], repr. (London: Penguin, 1997), 120.

⁷⁶ Maddox, op. cit. (note 74), 196–7.

⁷⁷ For instance, Lawrence wrote to Eder, 25 April 1919 (letter 1729) pleading ‘Oh do take me to Palestine, and I will love you for ever. Let me come and spy out the land with you... [however] I have a horror of the people “with noses”.’ Lawrence proposed a system of two laws for the new land: the first, that there should be no laws and that each man should be responsible for himself; the second, that every man should have food, shelter, knowledge, and the right to mate freely. See also Lawrence to Eder, 24 August 1917 (letter 1442); and his letter to Edith of 7 July 1918 (letter 1570), describing Jews as the haters of the human race. All letters from J.T. Boulton and A. Robertson (eds), The Letters of D.H. Lawrence, Vol. 3 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984).

⁷⁸ Lawrence described this in fictional form in ‘The Nightmare’ chapter of Kangaroo.

⁷⁹ These efforts appear to have failed at the final hurdle, with Eder blaming the Ango-Jewish lobby: Hobman, op. cit. (note 14), 135. The aim of strengthening the case for a Jewish nation in any territorial settlement emerging out of the war continued to inspire efforts, leading first to the creation of the Zion Mule Corps drawing on Palestinian Jews, and then an English battalion in 1917: Morris Beckman, The Jewish Brigade (Staplehurst: Spellmount, 1998), 7.

⁸⁰ M.D. Eder, War-Shock: The Psycho-Neuroses in War Psychology and Treatment (London: William Heinemann, 1917).

⁸¹ Ben Shephard, A War of Nerves: Soldiers and Psychiatrists, 1914–1994 (London: Jonathan Cape, 2000), 86; Tracey Loughran, ‘Shell-Shock and Psychological Medicine in First World War Britain’, Social History of Medicine, 22 (2009), 82; Thomson, op. cit. (note 3), 182–6.

⁸² Eder, op. cit. (note 80), vii, 124. On efforts to control levels of shell-shock through accusations of malingering: Joanna Bourke, Dismembering the Male: Men’s Bodies, Britain and the Great War (London: Reacktion, 1996); Roger Cooter, ‘Malingering and Modernity’ in Roger Cooter, Mark Harrison and Steve Sturdy (eds), War, Medicine and Society (Stroud: Sutton, 1998), 125–48; and Mathew Thomson, ‘Status, Manpower and Mental Fitness: Mental Deficiency in the First World War’, in Cooter, Harrison and Sturdy, idem, 149–66.

⁸³ Shephard, op. cit. (note 81), 86–7; Hobman, op. cit. (note 14), 99

⁸⁴ C.G. Jung, Studies in Word Association, M.D. Eder (trans.), (London: Heinemann, 1918); R.A. Paskauskas, ‘Freud’s Break with Jung: The Crucial Role of Ernest Jones’, Free Associations, 11 (1988), 7–34.

⁸⁵ Brome, op. cit. (note 53), 121. Glover chose largely to avoid these tensions and splits in his account in the memorial volume.

⁸⁶ Institute of Psychoanalysis, CEA/F18/01–5. It has been suggested that the rift with Jones may also have coincided with an affair between Jones and Edith Eder, suggested by the intimacy of their correspondence in this period: Sonu Shamdasani, ‘Jones, (Alfred) Ernest’, Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford Univeristy Press, 2004), < http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/34221>; Maddox, op. cit. (note 62), 113, 127–8

⁸⁷ Settlement of Jews to Palestine preceded this, but Herzl (1860–1904) was the key figure in establishing an organised movement that lobbied for international recognition.

⁸⁸ Hobman, op. cit. (note 14), 134–5.

⁸⁹ He would later reflect that: ‘Marx once laid it down that the solution of the Jewish question was bound up with dissolution of Capitalism. Now experience has taught us that this is too simplistic a view of so complex a problem’, from an article in New Judea, quoted in Hobman, op. cit. (note 14), 17.

⁹⁰ Ross McKibbin, The Evolution of the Labour Party, 1910–1924 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1975).

⁹¹ Zangwill had been attracted to Zionism as a spiritual rather than racial ideal in the period 1895–1905. With the end of the ghetto and assimilation in England, he turned away from a focus on Palestine and was a founder of the Jewish Territorial Organisation, which encountered ferocious opposition from Zionists by the 1920s and disbanded in 1925: Faris, op. cit. (note 16).

⁹² Leonard Stein in Hobman, op. cit. (note 14), 134–44. In 1918, the Jewish population of Jerusalem was in a state of near starvation. The death rate had shot up to 18% through typhus and meningitis, leaving nearly 4,000 orphans in Jerusalem alone.

⁹³ For indications of the strain: Stein in Hobman, ibid., 151–2.

⁹⁴ Stein in Hobman, ibid., 134–96. His wife Edith also played a prominent role.

⁹⁵ It is suggested that Eder led seminars in psychoanalysis with Dorian Faigenbaum and that this was the first appearance of psychoanalysis in Palestine: Ricaud, ‘David Eder’, op. cit. (note 54), 461; and Eder also gains a brief mention in E.J. Rolnik, ‘Between Ideology and Identity: Psychoanalysis in Jewish Palestine (1918–1946)’, Psychoanalysis and History, 4 (2002), 211. However, the fuller establishment of psychoanalysis in Palestine has been dated to the arrival of Freud’s follower Max Eitingon from Germany in 1933, with Eder perhaps having a role in attracting him: Rafael Moses, ‘A Short History of Psychoanalysis in Palestine and Israel’, Journal of the American Academy of Psychoanalysis, 26 (1998), 329–41.

⁹⁶ On his ongoing contribution: Stein in Hobman, op. cit. (note 14), 189–98.

⁹⁷ ibid., 133, 185, 198; Mannin, op. cit. (note 22), 223–4.

⁹⁸ As Edward Glover pointed out, the first generation of psychoanalysts tended to come to the field in mid-career with other experiences. In their later lives, they therefore used psychoanalysis to reflect back on their social and cultural issues. This became less common as psychoanalysis became a career in its own right: Hobman op. cit. (note 14), 107.

⁹⁹ M.D. Eder, ‘Psycho-Analysis in Politics’, in Ernest Jones (ed.), Social Aspects of Psycho-Analysis: Lectures Delivered under the Auspices of the Sociological Society (London: Williams and Norgate, 1924), 128–68.

¹⁰⁰ Martin Roiser, ‘Social Psychology and Social Concern in 1930s Britain’, in G.C. Bunn, A.D. Lovie and G.D. Richards (eds), Psychology in Britain: Historical Essays and Personal Reflections (Leicester: British Psychological Society, 2001), 169–87.

¹⁰¹ Eder, op. cit. (note 99), 167.

¹⁰² In this period there was a relatively high involvement of doctors in Parliament – 159 standing for election and 72 elected between 1918 and 1945 – however their defence of medical interests would have been of little concern to Eder: Roger Cooter, ‘The Rise and Decline of the Medical Member: Doctors in Parliament in Edwardian and Interwar Britain’, Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 78 (2004), 59–107.

¹⁰³ Eder, op. cit. (note 99), 145.

¹⁰⁴ M.D. Eder, ‘On the Economics and the Future of the Super-Ego’, International Journal of Psycho-Analysis, 10 (1929), 252, 249–55

¹⁰⁵ M.D. Eder, ‘Psychology and Value’, British Journal of Medical Psychology, 10 (1930), 175–85.

¹⁰⁶ On the limitations and lack of imagination of Labour’s economic policy, yet also the constraints: Ross McKibbin, ‘The Economic Policy of the Second Labour Government’, Past and Present, 68 (1975), 95–123. An exception was John Maynard Keynes, whose Bloomsbury links brought him into a Freudian sphere of ideas which had some significant influences in shifting the direction of his work: Robrt Skidelsky, John Maynard Keynes: The Economist as Saviour, Vol. 2 (London: Macmillan, 1991), 234–7; Ted Winslow, ‘Keynes and Frud: Psychoanalysis and Keynes’s Account of the “Animal Spirits of Capitalism”’, Social Research, 53 (1986), 549–78. There was also an interest in Adlerian psychology in the Social Credit movement of the interwar period: Thomson, op. cit. (note 3), 90–1.

¹⁰⁷ Eder, op. cit. (note 105), 184.

¹⁰⁸ M.D. Eder, ‘The Myth of Progress’, address from the Chair to the Medical Section of the British Psychological Society, British Journal of Medical Psychology, 12 (1932), 1–14.

¹⁰⁹ Ibid., 1. For contemporary response: Hobman op. cit. (note 14), 30. Eder drew on Freud’s Civlilisation and its Discontents, published in England in 1930.

¹¹⁰ He was not alone among socialist psychoanalysts in his warning. See, for instance, his colleague Edward Glover’s influential War Sadism and Pacifism (London: Allen and Unwin, 1933), which argued that even a pacifist position drew on innate aggression.

¹¹¹ Hobman, op. cit. (note 14), 132–3. For background on these efforts (though with no mention of Eder): A.Z. Gottlieb, Men of Vision: Anglo-Jewry’s Aid to Victims of the Nazi Regime 1933–1945 (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1998): Paul Weindling, ‘Medical Refugees in Britain and the Wider World, 1930–1960: An Introduction’, Social History of Medicine, 22 (2009), 451–9. In recognition of his work in this area, a training camp for Palestinian refugees set up in Ringlestone Kent in 1935 was named the David Eder Farm: ‘Training Young Jews for Farming in Palestine’, Manchester Guardian, 24 June 1939.

¹¹² Edward Glover, The Diagnosis and Treatment of Delinquency: Clinical Report on the Work of the Institute for the Scientific Treatment of Delinquency, 1937–1941 (London: ISTD, 1944); E. Saville and D. Rumney, ‘Let Justice be Done’: A History of the ISTD. A Study of Crime and Delinquency from 1931 to 1992 (London, ISTD, 1992). This is not, however, to suggest that such an approach was wholly novel. It built upon a turn to psychological approaches towards adolescence and delinquency, and shift of emphasis towards prevention, particularly in the aftermath of the First World War, epitomised by Cyril Burt’s The Young Delinquent (London: The University of London Press, 1925): Victor Bailey, Delinquency and Citizenship: Reclaiming the Young Offender 1914–1948 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1987).

¹¹³ An exception would be the economic theorist and future Labour MP (as well as friend of John Bowlby), Evan Durbin, whose call to take seriously human nature gained force with the evidence of human aggression in mid-century fascism, racism and war: Stephen Brooke, ‘Evan Durbin: Reassessing a Labour Revisionist’, Twentieth Century British History, 7 (1996), 27–52; Nuttall, ‘Psychological Socialist…’ op. cit. (note 4), 235–52; Thomson, op. cit. (note 3), 231–4. See, for instance, Durbin’s, The Politics of Democractic Socialism (London: Labour Book Service, 1940).

¹¹⁴ Ramsay MacDonald was one such figure who was influenced by theories of crowd psychology: Bernard Barker (ed.), Ramsay MacDonald’s Political Writings (London: Allen Lane, 1972), 44–5. More generally, see Stuart MacIntyre, A Proletarian Science: Marxism in Great Britain, 1917–1933 (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1986), 198–218; Stuart MacIntyre, ‘British Labour, Marxism and Working Class Apathy in the Nineteen Twenties’, Historical Journal, 20 (1977), 479–96.

¹¹⁵ Louise Hoffman, ‘War, Revolution, and Psychoanalysis: Freudian Thought Begins to Grapple with Social Reality’, Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences, 17 (1981), 251–69; Elizabeth A. Danto, Freud’s Free Clinics: Psychoanalysis and Social Justice, 1918–1939 (New York: Columbia University Press, 2005).

¹¹⁶ ‘Dr M.D. Eder: Work for the Zionist Movement’, The Times, 31 March 1931.

¹¹⁷ The entry is written by Sandra Ellesley, an historian of the early psychoanalytic movement in England. Eder is listed as a psychoanalyst. The entry offers only a few lines on Eder’s role in Zionism, but over a page on his psychoanalytic career.

¹¹⁸ ‘Memorial to Dr M.D. Eder’, The Times, 16 October 1936.

¹¹⁹ Gollancz advertised the volume as a contribution to Judaica: The Times, 25 July 1944.

¹²⁰ Thomson, op. cit. (note 3); Overy, op. cit. (note 3), 175–218.

¹²¹ Tony Kushner, The Holocaust and the Liberal Imagination (Oxford: Blackwell, 1994), 219–55; Andrew Sinclair, War like a Wasp (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1989), 191.

¹²² ‘Mr J.B. Hobman: A Veteran Journalist’, The Times, 1 October 1953.

¹²³ Hobman, op. cit. (note 14), 11.

¹²⁴ Mannin, op. cit. (note 22), 219–25.

¹²⁵ ibid., 224; Hobman, op. cit. (note 14), 15.

¹²⁶ For Deedes’ view: Hobman, ibid., 197. Freud wrote this letter on 19 April 1936 and wanted to explain the delay in writing to Low: Hobman, idem, 21.

¹²⁷ Maddox, op. cit. (note 62), 168, 253–4; Institute of Psychoanalysis, Correspondence between Barbara Low and Ernest Jones in 1922 CLA/F27/01–5; correspondence between Ernest Jones and Anna Freud in 1945 CFF/F02/03–4.

¹²⁸ The split also related to Ferenczi’s recognition that adults were often recalling real rather than fantasised childhood sexual traumas, and here again it is possible that this found sympathy with Eder after his work with poor children. Ferenczi’s reputation revived later in the century when his more intimate and inter-subjective approach prefigured the person-centred therapy of Carl Rogers: A.W. Rachman, ‘Sandor Ferenczi’s Contributions to the Evolution of Psychoanalysis’, Psychoanalytic Psychology, 35, 4 (1995), 54–110.

¹²⁹ Pearl King and Riccardo Steiner (eds), The Freud–Klein Controversies, 1941–1945 (London: Tavistock/Routledge, 1991).

¹³⁰ Several commentators used this language of sainthood, including Harry Roberts in Hobman, op. cit. (note 14), 88; and Sacher, op. cit. (note 31), 77. For reflections on the idea of the saint in the period: Clyde Binfield (ed.), Sainthood Revisioned: Studies in Hagiography and Biography (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1995).

¹³¹ Homan, op. cit. (note 14), 96.

¹³² From different perspectives a number of studies are now opening up this line of enquiry: Henrika Kuklick, The Savage Within: The Social History of British Anthropology, 1885–1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991); Ranjana Khanna, Dark Continents: Psychoanalysis and Colonialism (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2003); Peder Anker, Imperial Ecology: Environmental Order in the British Empire, 1895–1945 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2001); Sloan Mahone and Megan Vaughan (eds), Psychiatry and Empire (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007).

¹³³ Glover in Hobman, op. cit. (note 14), 110.

¹³⁴ Nuttall, Psychological Socialism, op. cit. (note 4).

¹³⁵ As Freud put it, writing to Barbara Low in 1936 after Eder’s death: ‘We were both Jews and knew of each other that we carried in us that miraculous thing in common which – inaccessible to any analysis so far – makes the Jew.’: Hobman, op. cit. (note 14), 21. For discussion of Freud’s Jewish identity: Sander Gilman, Freud, Race and Gender (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993).

¹³⁶ The only other Jew among early members was his sister-in-law Barbara Low.

¹³⁷ Glover in Hobman, op. cit. (note 14), 104–14. On the idea that biography as a whole in this period took a psychoanalytic turn: Elms, op. cit. (note 6), 3–18.