¹⁵⁵ ‘Denn wir waren ja sozusagen auch musikalisch zwölf Jahre lang auf der Stelle getreten und getreten worden. Nur selten waren unsere Konzerte über den Wert eines akustischen Museums älterer Musik hinausgeraten. Nun gilt es viel nachzuholen. Unsere Ohren bedürfen der Schulung, um wieder reifzu werden für die neue Musik. Wir müssen gleichsam nachsitzen, damit wir wieder auf einen besseren Platz unter den führenden Musiknationen kommen.’ Edmund Nick, ‘Über neue Musik’, Neue Zeitung, 28 October 1945. All translations by author unless otherwise indicated.

¹⁵⁶ S.W., ‘“Die Freie Gruppe” (Heidelberg): Moderne Musik – Bildende Kunst – Dichter-Abend. Wolfgang Fortner – Dr. Hartlaub – Ernst Glaeser’, Rhein-Neckar-Zeitung, 19 January 1946; Pape, Birgit, Kultureller Neubeginn in Heidelberg und Mannheim 1945–1949 (Heidelberg: C. Winter, 2000), 81 Google Scholar.

¹⁵⁷ On Fortner’s activities during this period, see Ian Pace, ‘The Reconstruction of Post-War West German New Music during the Early Allied Occupation (1945–46), and its roots in the Weimar Republic and Third Reich (1918–45)’ (Ph.D. dissertation, Cardiff University, 2018), 70–6.

¹⁵⁸ Fred K. Prieberg, Handbuch deutsche Musiker 1933–1945 [CD-ROM] (Kiel: Prieberg, 2004), 3934.

¹⁵⁹ Ernst Krause, ‘Wie darf komponiert werden?’, Wiesbadener Kurier, 19 June 1946.

¹⁶⁰ Hessische Hauptstaatsarchiv Darmstadt O21 (Bergsträsser) No. 26/6. The copy of the full programme is kept in this file. I am very grateful to Eva Haberkorn for locating this for me.

¹⁶¹ ‘Das neueste Schaffen der zeitgenössischen Komponisten aus aller Welt soll eine tönende Brücke bilden über die Abgründe der vergangenen Jahre.’ M., ‘Musikwoche in Bad-Nauheim’, Frankfurter Rundschau, 5 July 1946.

¹⁶² As is now well established, there were Nazi functionaries who sought to integrate Hindemith and his work into the life of the regime in its early days (especially following his retreat from some of his more radical work of the 1920s), and he took a position in the Reichsmusikkammer in February 1934. However, all of this came to an end with the furore which followed the premiere in Berlin on 12 March 1934 of the Mathis-Symphonie and the subsequent machinations by his enemies which ultimately led to the composer’s emigration in 1937. See Kater, Michael, Composers of the Nazi Era: Eight Portraits (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 31–56 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁶³ Josef Linssen, in ‘Die Frankfurter Woche für neue Musik. Ein Vorbericht’, Melos, 14/7–8 (1947), 207, looked back on the Bad Nauheim festival as an attempt to reconnect with a ‘musical world-spirit’. Similar sentiments could be found in reviews of Neue Musik Donaueschingen 1946; see Zintgraf, Werner, Neue Musik 1921–1950. Donaueschingen, Baden-Baden, Berlin, Pfullingen, Mannheim (Horb am Neckar: Geiger-Verlag, 1987), 113 Google Scholar, and Herbert Urban, ‘Moderne Musik in Donaueschingen. Wieder internationales Musikfest – neue europäische Komponisten’, Die Welt, 9 August 1946.

¹⁶⁴ The full text is reproduced in Im Zenit der Moderne. Die internationalen Ferienkurse für neue Musik Darmstadt, vol. 1, ed. Gianmario Borio and Hermann Danuser (Freiburg: Rombach, 1997), 24–5; my modified translation is based on that in Martin Iddon, New Music at Darmstadt: Nono, Stockhausen, Cage, and Boulez (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2013), 24 (I change Iddon’s translation of verpönt as ‘proscribed’ to ‘disdained’, importantly).

¹⁶⁵ See for example Potter, Pamela M., ‘Music in the Third Reich: The Complex Task of “Germanization”’, The Arts in Nazi Germany: Continuity, Conformity, Change, ed. Huener, Jonathan and Nicosia, Francis R. (New York and Oxford: Berghahn, 2009), 86–90 Google Scholar; and Schmidt-Faber, Werner, ‘Atonalität im Dritten Reich’, Herausforderung Schönberg. Was die Musik des Jahrhunderts veränderte, ed. Dibelius, Ulrich (Munich: Hanser, 1982), 110–36Google Scholar.

¹⁶⁶ Even the major book by Michael H. Kater, Culture in Nazi Germany (New Haven, CT, and London: Yale University Press, 2019), does not really engage with internationalism in Nazi culture. The most significant recent text which does is Martin, The Nazi-Fascist New Order, though the focus here is primarily on German–Italian relations. Pamela M. Potter, in Art of Suppression: Confronting the Nazi Past in Histories of the Visual and Performing Arts (Oakland, CA: University of California Press, 2016), while drawing upon a range of scholarship arguing that Nazi control of artistic life was less powerful than earlier imagined, and also drawing various comparisons between cultural life in Nazi Germany and other fascist countries, does not really consider other than in passing the role of non-German artists in Nazi Germany.

¹⁶⁷ The view of Action Française as the first fascist organization was first put forward by Ernst Nolte in Three Faces of Fascism: Action Française. Italian Fascism. National Socialism, trans. Leila Vennewitz (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1965); originally published as Der Faschismus in seiner Epoche (Munich: Piper-Verlag, 1963) and has been influential, though Eatwell, Roger, in Fascism: A History (London: Pimlico, 2003), 24–5Google Scholar, sees it as a precursor rather than a fully fledged fascist movement. The possibility that fascism began with the Ku Klux Klan is entertained by Robert O. Paxton in his Anatomy of Fascism (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2004), 49.

¹⁶⁸ Beyond the example of Japan, which Stanley Payne is disinclined to link too closely to European fascism (see his A History of Fascism, 1914–1945 (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1995), 328–37), theorists of fascism have generally been sceptical about drawing too close links between European and extra-European movements; see Payne, A History of Fascism, 337–54, or Alistair Hennessy, ‘Fascism and Populism in Latin America’, Fascism: A Reader’s Guide, ed. Laqueur (London: Penguin, 1979), 248–99; for another view, see Laqueur, , Fascism: Past, Present, Future (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), 147–8Google Scholar.

¹⁶⁹ Griffin, Roger, ‘Introduction’, in International Fascism: Theories, Causes and the New Consensus, ed. Griffin, Roger (London: Arnold, 1998), 1Google Scholar.

¹⁷⁰ Payne, A History of Fascism, 3–19.

¹⁷¹ Bekker, Paul, ‘Neue Musik’ (1919), in Neue Musik. Gesammelte Schriften III (Stuttgart and Berlin: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 1923), 85–118 Google Scholar; Pfitzner, Hans, Die neue Aesthetik der musikalischen Impotenz. Ein Verwesungssymptom? (Munich: Verlag der Süddeutschen Monatshefte, 1920)Google Scholar.

¹⁷² For an overview, see Pace, ‘The Reconstruction of Post-War West German New Music’, 17–20, and for more detail, Christoph von Blumröder, Der Begriff “neue Musik” im 20. Jahrhundert (Munich and Salzburg: Musikverlag Emil Katzbichler, 1981), 52–78.

¹⁷³ Pfitzner, Die neue Aesthetik, 109, 123–4, 126–7.

¹⁷⁴ Pfitzner, Hans, ‘Vorwort zur dritten Auflage’, in Gesammelte Schriften, Band II (Augsburg: Benno Filser-Verlag, 1926), 109–10.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁵ See Hailey, Christopher, Franz Schreker 1878–1934: A Cultural Biography (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 144–8Google Scholar. This led to a response by rival Leipzig critic Adolf Aber (1893–1960) in the form of a pamphlet entitled Der Fall Heuss, to which Heuss replied at the end of the year questioning the qualifications and integrity of Aber, and drawing attention to Aber’s Jewishness (ibid., 172–3). An imagined link between Jewish people and internationalism was of course a personal obsession of Hitler himself. See Kershaw, Ian, Hitler 1889–1936: Hubris (London: Allen Lane, 1998), 104 Google Scholar, 192, 289, 304–5, 330.

¹⁷⁶ Cited in Boyden, Matthew, Richard Strauss (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1999), 283.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁷ See Potter, ‘Music in the Third Reich’, 96–100, on the ‘Dejewification’ of musical life.

¹⁷⁸ Eichenauer, Richard, Musik und Rasse (Munich: Lehmanns, 1932).Google Scholar

¹⁷⁹ See for example Unger, Hermann, ‘Die Zerstörung der Deutschen Music’, Düsseldorfer Nachrichten, 21 March 1933, reproduced in Die Musik, 25/11 (1933), 870–1Google Scholar; or the view of Rolf Cunz in 1937 of how the Deutsches Musikjahrbuch, which he had founded in 1922, had published several special volumes in opposition to ‘Marxist internationalism’, finding that ‘true champions of German blood’ had successfully fought for ‘a clear and clean divorce from the music of world nations’. See Rolf Cunz, introduction to Deutsches Musikjahrbuch 1937 (Berlin: Dorn-Verlag, 1937), 4, cited in Prieberg, Handbuch deutsche Musiker, 926.

¹⁸⁰ Herder, Johann Gottfried, ‘Treatise on the Origin of Language’ (1772), in Philosophical Writings, trans. and ed. Michael N. Forster, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 146–54Google Scholar.

¹⁸¹ Herder, Johann Gottfried, Ideen zur Philosophie der Geschichte der Menschheit, in Herder, Werke, vol. vi, ed. Martin Bollacher (Frankfurt am Main: Deutscher Klassiker Verlag, 1989), 40–50.Google Scholar

¹⁸² ‘Der natürlichste Staat ist also auch Ein Volk, mit Einem Nationalcharakter’. Ibid., 369–70.

¹⁸³ See in particular Spencer, Vicki A., ‘Kang and Herder on Colonialism, Indigenous Peoples, and Minority Nations’, International Theory, 7/2 (2015), 360–92.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁸⁴ Kleingeld, Pauline, Kant and Cosmopolitanism: The Philosophical Ideal of World Citizenship (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013), 20–2Google Scholar. Kleingeld also considers the ideas of Christoph Martin Wieland in a similar fashion.

¹⁸⁵ Cheah, Pheng, ‘Introduction Part II: The Cosmopolitical – Today’, Cosmopolitics: Thinking and Feeling beyond the Nation , ed. Cheah, Pheng and Robbins, Bruce (Minneapolis, MN, and London: University of Minnesota Press, 1998), 22–5Google Scholar.

¹⁸⁶ Ibid., 25–6. Cheah is keen to observe that ‘nationalist politics is not necessarily a form of identity politics’ (p. 26). For a wide-ranging exploration of multiple revisionist perspectives on cosmopolitanism and their consequences for music, see Collins, Sarah and Gooley, Dana, ‘Music and the New Cosmopolitanism: Problems and Possibilities’, Musical Quarterly, 99/2 (2016), 139–65CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁸⁷ See Malachuk, Daniel S., ‘Nationalist Cosmopolitics in the Nineteenth Century’, Cosmopolitics and the Emergence of a Future, ed. Morgan, Diane and Banham, Gary (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), 139–62CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁸⁸ See Anthony D. Smith, Nationalism (Cambridge: Polity, 2010), 42–6, for a good, brief overview of these categories which does not ignore the ways in which the older forms of nationalism could still produce ‘illiberal, xenophobic policies’ (p. 44).

¹⁸⁹ Prieberg, Handbuch deutsche Musiker, 3650.

¹⁹⁰ Killer, Hermann, ‘Musik und Internationalität’, Die Musik, 27/9 (June 1935), 642 Google Scholar.

¹⁹¹ Ibid., 642–3.

¹⁹² Haefeli, Die Internationale Gesellschaft für Neue Musik, 56, 479–91; Anton Haefeli and Reinhard Oehlschlägel, ‘International Society for Contemporary Music’, Grove Music Online <https://doi.org/10.1093/gmo/9781561592630.article.13859>.

¹⁹³ Full programme for ‘Internationales Musikfest in Hamburg vom 1. bis 7. Juni 1935’ in Die Musik, 27/9 (June 1935), 644. See Figure 2.

¹⁹⁴ Gerigk, Herbert, ‘Vergreisung oder “Fortschreitende Entwicklung”? Bemerkungen zum Hamburger Musikfest 1935’, Die Musik, 27/9 (June 1935), 722–7Google Scholar.

¹⁹⁵ Okrassa, Nina, Peter Raabe. Dirigent, Musikschriftsteller und Präsident der Reichsmusikkammer (1872–1945) (Cologne: Böhlau, 2004), 92–4,Google Scholar 101. However, Raabe also viewed African American dance bands and American films as a major threat to German culture; see Potter, Art of Suppression, 22–3.

¹⁹⁶ Raabe, Peter, ‘Deutsches Musikwesen und deutsche Art’, Allgemeine musikalische Zeitung, 53 (1 October 1926), 737–8, cited in Okrassa, Peter Raabe, 106–7Google Scholar.

¹⁹⁷ Raabe, Peter, ‘Nationalism, Internationalismus und Musik’, Die Musik, 27/11 (August 1935), 801–3Google Scholar.

¹⁹⁸ Bücken, Ernst, Der Musik der Nationen (Leipzig: Alfred Kröner Verlag, 1937)Google Scholar; the quotation regarding the miracle of German ‘national taste’ can be found on page 6.

¹⁹⁹ Engel, Hans, Deutschland und Italien in ihren musikgeschichtlichen Beziehungen (Regensburg: Gustav Bosse Verlag, 1944)Google Scholar; for a summary, see Mauro Fosco Bertola, ‘Beyond Germanness? Music’s History as “Entangled History” in German Musicology from the End of the Nineteenth Century to the Second World War’, Nazi Germany and Southern Europe, 1933–45: Science, Culture and Politics, ed. Fernando Clara and Cláudia Ninhos (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016), 32–4.

²⁰⁰ ‘In ihm beginnt eine Wende der Musik, nicht zum Internationalismus, wohl aber zu einer außereuropäischen Musikgestaltung, in der nichtarische Sprachgesetze ihren Ausdruck finden.’ Pessenlehner, Robert, Vom Wesen der deutschen Musik (Regensburg: Bosse, 1937), 176–7Google Scholar, cited in Prieberg, Handbuch deutsche Musiker, 6288.

²⁰¹ Wünsch, Walther, ‘Südslawische Volksmusik als Ausdruck südslawischer Volksgeschichte’, Die Musik, 30/7 (April 1938), 450–5Google Scholar (p. 450).

²⁰² Wünsch, Walther, ‘Der Jude im balkanslawischen Volkstum und Volksliede’, Die Musik, 30/9 (June 1938), 595–8Google Scholar. There were three other related articles by Wünsch published soon afterwards in the same journal: ‘Südslawische Musikinstrumente und Lieder’, Die Musik, 30/12 (September 1938), 796–800; ‘Vorchristliche Restbestände im balkanischen Volkstum. Ihre Beziehung zur Volksmusik der Slawen in Südosteuropa’, Die Musik, 31/4 (January 1939), 242–6; ‘Goethe und das südslawische Volkslied’, Die Musik, 31/6 (March 1939), 363–5.

²⁰³ For reasons of space, I have assembled a highly detailed downloadable chronology of important international musical events between 1933 and 1945, together with overviews of various institutions which featured international music, and details of principal musical and cultural exchange programmes between Nazi Germany and Italy, Spain, Portugal, Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria, Japan, the Soviet Union, France, Britain, Poland, Czechoslovakia, multiple ‘Nordic’ countries, Belgium and the Netherlands. See Ian Pace, Timeline and Data Sources for article on ‘Music and Internationalism in Nazi Germany: Provenance and Post-War Consequences’ (hereafter Timeline and Data Sources) at <https://ianpace.wordpress.com/2022/08/01/musical-internationalism-in-nazi-germany-table-of-events/> (accessed 18 October 2022). I will summarize the findings here; most of the data sources (especially journals and newspapers from the time) are provided there.

²⁰⁴ See Pace, Timeline and Data Sources, section 3, for detailed consideration of German musical interactions with each of these countries, from which I draw summaries here.

²⁰⁵ Johannes Dafinger, ‘Treason? What Treason? German–Foreign Friendship Societies and Transnational Relations between Right-Wing Intellectuals during the Nazi Period’, Intellectual Collaboration with the Third Reich: Treason or Reason?, ed. Björkman, Maria, Lundell, Patrik and Widmalm, Sven (ebook; London: Routledge, 2019)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, chapter 4.

²⁰⁶ See the section on ‘Societies Pairing Germany with Other Nations’, in Pace, Timeline and Data Sources, for full dates and references.

²⁰⁷ Dafinger, ‘Treason? What Treason?’

²⁰⁸ Sösemann, Bernd, ‘Philhellenen in der “Volksgemeinschaft”. Die “Deutsch–Griechische Gesellschaft” in Berlin als Mitglied der nationalsozialistischen “Vereinigung zwischenstaatlicher Verbände”’, Internationale Dilemmata und europäische Visionen, ed. Sieg, Martin and Timmermann, Heiner (Berlin: Lit Verlag, 2010), 202–3.Google Scholar

²⁰⁹ Ibid., 201–2.

²¹⁰ See section 1 of Timeline and Data Sources for plentiful evidence of this. Such events were mirrored in many concert tours by German musicians to occupied or ideologically allied nations. To detail these would be beyond the scope of this article, but see for example the numerous foreign trips of the Berlin Philharmonic, detailed in Peter Muck, Einhundert Jahre Berliner Philharmonische Orchester, vol. 3 (Tutzing: Hans Schneider, 1982), 256–314.

²¹¹ Rosen, Waldemar, ‘Deutschland im europäischen Musikaustausch’, Jahrbuch der deutschen Musik 1943, ed. von Hase, Hellmuth (Leipzig and Berlin: Breitkopf & Härtel and Max Hesses Verlag, 1943), 65–6Google Scholar; Prieberg, Handbuch deutsche Musiker, 6560.

²¹² ‘So reiht sich auch die deutsche Kunst und im besonderen die Musik in die innere Front der geistigen Landesverteidigung.’ Hermann Killer, ‘Berliner Konzerte’, Die Musik, 32/3 (December 1939), 100–1.

²¹³ Blessinger, Karl, ‘München’, Die Musik, 32/10 (July 1940), 356 Google Scholar.

²¹⁴ Misha Aster, The Reich’s Orchestra (London: Souvenir Press, 2010), 124–5; Muck, Einhundert Jahre Berliner Philharmonische Orchester, vol. iii, 298. The conductors were José Cubiles, Franco Ferrara, Hidermaro Konoye and Lovro von Matačić respectively.

²¹⁵ Law, Ricky W., Transnational Nazism: Ideology and Culture in German–Japanese Relations, 1919–1936 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2019), 284 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²¹⁶ Wulf, Joseph, Musik im Dritten Reich. Eine Dokumentation (Gütersloh: Rowholt, 1963), 94 Google Scholar. Hinkel also went on to describe Konoye as ‘the greatest non-German interpreter of Richard Strauss’ (ibid.). This followed a concert which Konoye conducted with the Berlin Philharmonic on 3 October, with works of Schubert (arranged by Konoye), Strauss, Reger and traditional Japanese music. See Muck, Einhundert Jahre Berliner Philharmonische Orchester, vol. iii, 257. This was reviewed extremely positively by Fritz Ohrmann in ‘Hidemaro Konoye, Philharm. Orch’, Signale für die musikalische Welt, 91/41 (1933), 681–2.

²¹⁷ Lee, Kyungboon, ‘Japanese Musicians between Music and Politics during WWII: Japanese Propaganda in the Third Reich’, Itinerario, 38/2 (2014), 121–38 (p. 124).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²¹⁸ Herbst, Kurt, ‘Funkmusikalische Auslese’, Die Musik, 29/4 (January 1937), 282 Google Scholar. Konoye had conducted in Germany much earlier than this, making his debut with the Berlin Philharmonic back in 1924. See Blaek, Eric Charles, Wars, Dictators and the Gramophone, 1898–1945 (York: William Sessions, 2004), 117 Google Scholar.

²¹⁹ Stege, Fritz, ‘Berliner Musik’, Zeitschrift für Musik, 104/2 (February 1937), 184 Google Scholar.

²²⁰ ‘Hidemaro Konoye, der den Geist der deutschen Musik so erfaßt hat, daß er befähigt ist in seinem Lande der berufene Verkünder der deutschen Musik zu sein’. Richard Ohlekopf, ‘Hidemaro Konoye, Gerh. Hüsch’, Signale für die musikalische Welt, 95/1 (6 January 1937), 5.

²²¹ Albrecht Urach-Württemberg, ‘Aus 40 Jahren moderner japanischer Musikentwicklung. August Junker, der Pionier deutscher Musik in Japan’, Die Musik, 29/10 (July 1937), 675–7.

²²² All re-released as Konoye: The Complete Berlin Philharmonic Recordings, Pristine Audio PASC288 (2011). See also ‘Neuafnahmen in Auslese’, Die Musik, 32/2 (November 1939), 66.

²²³ Karl Blessinger, ‘München’, Die Musik, 32/10 (July 1940), 356; Erwin Völsing, ‘Berliner Konzerte’, Die Musik, 33/5 (February 1941), 181.

²²⁴ ‘Zeitgeschichte’, Die Musik, 35/6 (1943), 194.

²²⁵ Lee, ‘Japanese Musicians’, 126, 128–30.

²²⁶ See Dümling, Albrecht, ‘The Target of Racial Purity: The “Degenerate Music” Exhibition in Düsseldorf, 1938’, Art, Culture, and Media under the Third Reich, ed. Etlin, Richard A. (Chicago, IL, and London: University of Chicago Press, 2002), 48–50 Google Scholar; Eichenauer, Musik und Rasse, 157–81, 205–9.

²²⁷ Wolf Stegemann, ‘Die Nordische Gesellschaft – eine ideologisch völkisch-rassische Organisation der NSDAP mit Rothenburgs bürgerlicher Hautevolee’, Rothenburg unterm Hakenkreuz, 20 January 2014 <http://www.rothenburg-unterm-hakenkreuz.de/die-nordische-gesellschaft-eine-ideologisch-voelkisch-rassische-organisation-der-nsdap-mit-rothenburgs-buergerlicher-hautevolee/> (accessed 20 September 2019). For a thorough investigation of this organization, see Erika L. Briesacher, ‘Cultural Currency: Notgeld, Nordische Woche, and the Nordische Gesellschaft, 1921–1945’ (Ph.D. dissertation, Kent State University, 2012), 140–218. For an earlier study of these themes, see Lutzhöft, Hans-Jürgen, Der nordische Gedanke in Deutschland 1920–1940 (Stuttgart: Ernst Klett Verlag, 1971)Google Scholar.

²²⁸ Henning Rechnitzer-Möller, ‘Nordische Musik’, Die Musik, 26/1 (October 1933), 69–71; see also Helmut Schmidt-Garre, ‘Der rassische Stil der nordischen Musik’, Volksparole, 24 October 1934, reprinted in Die Musik, 27/2 (November 1934), 154–5.

²²⁹ Stege, Fritz, ‘Yrjö Kilpinen’, Zeitschrift für Musik, 106/9 (September 1939), 921–30Google Scholar.

²³⁰ ‘Caesar Franck – ein Deutscher! Zum 50. Todestag des Meisters am 9. November 1940’, Zeitschrift für Musik, 107/9 (September 1940), 517–29. But see also Reinhold Zimmermann, ‘War Casar Franck ein “urfranzösischer” Musiker?’, Zeitschrift für Musik, 108/3 (March 1941), 187–9.

²³¹ Warmbrunn, Werner, The German Occupation of Belgium 1940–1944 (New York: Peter Lang, 1993), 127, 130–1CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For further examples of such sentiments applied to music, see Nicholas Spanuth, ‘Deutsche Musik im besetzten Gebiet. Erstaufführungen in Belgien’, Zeitschrift für Musik, 108/7 (July 1941), 459–60; and Walter Weyler, ‘Zur Erneuerung der flämischen Musik. Vom Volkslied zur Polyphonie’, Die Musik, 34/5 (February 1942), 162–5.

²³² Directive from Raabe, 4 November 1941, in Prieberg, Handbuch deutsche Musiker, 5645. There were some exceptions, as when for example the Berlin Philharmonic and Clemens Krauss performed Ravel’s Boléro on 19 and 20 November 1944 at the Staatsoper, demonstrating that the prohibition was not rigidly enforced. See Muck, Einhundert Jahre Berliner Philharmonische Orchester, vol. iii, 311 and 313.

²³³ Joan Evans, ‘Stravinsky’s Music in Hitler’s Germany’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 56 (2003), 525–94 (pp. 581–4).

²³⁴ Charman, Terry, Outbreak 1939: The World Goes to War (London: Virgin, 2009), 57 Google Scholar.

²³⁵ Monod, David, Settling Scores: German Music, Denazification, and the Americans, 1945–1953 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2005), 157 Google Scholar.

²³⁶ Advert in Zeitschrift für Musik, 108/9 (1941), 621.

²³⁷ Directive from Raabe, 12 July 1941, reproduced in Prieberg, Handbuch deutsche Musiker, 5644.

²³⁸ The most comprehensive resource on this remains the archived version of James Deaville, ‘Allgemeiner Deutscher Musikverein’, at <https://web.archive.org/web/20050307085106/; http:/www.humanities.mcmaster.ca:80/~admv/admv.htm> (accessed 1 July 2019).

²³⁹ See Herzog, Friedrich W., ‘Erstes Deutsches Tonkünstlerfest im Dritten Reich. Der Allgemeine Deutsche Musikverein in Wiesbaden’, Die Musik, 26/10 (July 1934), 748–54Google Scholar.

²⁴⁰ See Raabe, ‘Rede zur Eröffnung der 67. Tonkünstlerversammlung des Allgemeinen Deutschen Musikvereins in Weimar am 13. Juni 1936’, Zeitschrift für Musik, 103/7 (July 1936), 813; and for Goebbels’s distrust, having been briefed by Hans Severus Ziegler, see his diary entry of 16 June 1936 in Die Tagebücher von Joseph Goebbels: sämtliche Fragmente. Teil I: Aufzeichnungen 1923–1941. Band 2 (Munich: Saur, 1987), 108.

²⁴¹ Hanau, Eva, Musikinstitutionen in Frankfurt am Main 1933–1945 (Cologne: Studio, 1994), 141–2Google Scholar.

²⁴² Evans, Joan, ‘“International with National Emphasis”: The Internationales Zeitgenössisches Musikfest in Baden-Baden, 1936–1939’, Music and Nazism: Art under Tyranny, 1933–1945 (Laaber: Laaber-Verlag, 2003)Google Scholar, ed. Michael Kater and Albrecht Riethmüller, 102–13.

²⁴³ ‘Ein internationales Musikfest mit nationalen Tendenzen’. Friedrich W. Herzog, ‘Musik der Völker in Baden-Baden’, Die Musik, 28/10 (July 1936), 781–4 (p. 781); also cited in Evans, ‘“International with National Emphasis”’, 103. Herzog went on to talk about an ‘amicable cultural competition among nations’ (‘friedliche kulturelle Wettstreit der Nationen’) in place of the ‘routine Jewish-influenced concerts disguised as international’ (‘international getarnten Allerweltskonzerts unter jüdischem Einfluß’) of the Weimar era festivals. Herzog, ‘Musik der Völker’, 781. See also his similar comments in Herzog, ‘Europäische Musik in Bande. Das II. Internationale zeitgenössische Musikfest in Baden-Baden’, Die Musik, 29/7 (April 1937), 495.

²⁴⁴ ‘Amtliche Mitteilung über die Gründung des “Ständigen Rats für die internationale Zusammenarbeit der Komponisten”’, Die Musik, 26/10 (July 1934), 765–6; Garberding, Petra, ‘Strauss und der Ständige Rat für die internationale Zusammenarbeit der Komponisten’, Richard Strauss Handbuch, ed. Werbeck, Walter (Stuttgart: Metzler, 2014), 42–7 (p. 42).Google Scholar

²⁴⁵ Martin, The Nazi-Fascist New Order, 88.

²⁴⁶ These were in Hamburg (June 1935), Vichy (September 1935), Stockholm (February 1936), Dresden (May 1937), Stuttgart (May 1938), Brussels (November 1938) and Frankfurt (July 1939).

²⁴⁷ ‘Gesellschaften und Vereine’, Zeitschrift für Musik, 103/4 (April 1936), 507; ‘Konzertpodium’, Zeitschrift für Musik, 103/10 (October 1936), 1276.

²⁴⁸ These were to have taken place in Athens, Berlin, Copenhagen, Helsinki, London, Naples, Reykjavik and Vienna. See Garberding, ‘Strauss und der Ständige Rat’, 43–4; ‘Aus der Arbeit des “Ständigen Rates”’, Die Musik, 32/3 (December 1939), 106.

²⁴⁹ Gerigk, Herbert, ‘Musikfestdämmerung. Das dritte internationale Musikfest in Venedig und die erste Arbeitstagung des “Ständigen Rats für die internationale Zusammenarbeit der Komponisten”’, Die Musik, 27/1 (October 1934), 45–51 Google Scholar.

²⁵⁰ This was an exhibition of Italian art from 1800 to the present organized by the Preußische Akademie der Künste in Berlin, whose organizing committee included both Goebbels and Hermann Goering. It included four rooms dedicated to twentieth-century art, including a reasonable amount of Futurist painting and other work associated with different varieties of modernism. Despite also including a wide range of relatively traditionalist twentieth-century Italian art, not to mention a range of nineteenth-century work, the exhibition was despised by Hitler, who attended on 10 December, and was described as a ‘fiasco’ by Mussolini after he had read a report of the exhibition. It is likely that Hitler’s wrath was provoked by such featured artists (to take a selection in the order they appear in the catalogue) as Pieraccini Leonetta Cecchi, Ettore di Giorgio, Primo Sinopico, Mimì Quilici Buzzacchi, Francesco dal Pozzo, Pietro Marussig, Felice Casorati, Celestino Celestini, Lino S. Lipinsky, Luigi Bartolini, Carlo Alberto Petrucci, Giorgio Morandi, Ardengo Soffici, Domenico Valinotti, Mario Sironi, Achille Funi, Giuseppe Capogrossi, Gianfilippo Usellini, Giovanni Colacicchi, Antonio Donghi, Eugenio da Venezia, Mario Broglio, Michele Guerrisi, Romano Dazzi, Arturo Checchi, Ugo Ortona, Mirko Basaldella, Alessandro Cervellati, Orfeo Tamburi, Cipriano Efisio Oppo, Contardo Barbieri, Virgilio Guidi, Cagnaccio di San Pietro, Carlo Carrà, Gino Severini, Ugo Carà, Enrico Paulucci, Luigi Spazzapan, Guglielmo Sansoni Tato, Enrico Prampolini, Umberto Boccioni, Mino Rosso and Ernesto Thayaht, whose work embodied varying degrees of distortion of vision, caricature, abstraction, faux naïveté, sexuality and unsettling subject matter, and in some cases mirrored the work of Weimar era artists. See Ausstellung italienischer Kunst von 1800 bis zur Gegenwart: November–Dezember 1937 (Berlin: Akademie der Künste, 1937) and Martin, The Nazi-Fascist New Order, 76, 80–81. On the events leading up to the exhibition and its reception, see Benedetta Garzarelli, Parleremo al mondo intero: La propaganda del fascismo all’estero (Alessandria: Edizioni dell’Orso, 2004), 209–24. In light of Hitler’s successive Nuremberg speeches denouncing a range of modernist tendencies in art – see Adolf Hitler’s speech at the NSDAP Congress on Culture (3 September 1933), in The Third Reich Sourcebook, ed. Anson Rabinbach and Sander L. Gilman (Berkeley and Los Angeles, CA: University of California Press, 2013), 113–20 (pp. 116, 118); and his ‘Art and Its Commitment to Truth’ (September 1934), ibid., 489–90; also Max Domarus, Hitler: Speeches and Proclamations 1932–1945. Volume Two: The Years 1935 to 1938, trans. Chris Wilcox and Mary Fran Gilbert (Wauconda, IL: Bolchazy-Carducci Publishers, 1992), 695–6; Offizieller Bericht über den Verlauf des Reichparteitages mit sämtlichen Kongressreden: Der Parteitag Grossdeutschlands, vom 5. bis 12. Sept. 1938 (Munich: Zentralverlag der NSDAP, 1938), 85 – there was little chance of his arriving at any agreement with the more benevolent and appropriative view of particular modernist tendencies advocated by other Nazis, including Goebbels. See Joseph Goebbels, Lecture on ‘Die deutsche Kultur vor neuen Aufgaben’, given in Berlin, Großer Saal der Philharmonie, 15 November 1933, Goebbels-Reden. Band 1: 1932-1939, ed. Helmut Heiber (Düsseldorf: Droste Verlag, 1971), 137; Longerich, Peter, Goebbels: A Biography, trans. Bance, Alan, Noakes, Jeremy and Sharpe, Lesley (London: Vintage, 2015), 33–5Google Scholar; Erik Levi, Music in the Third Reich (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1994), 88. But the exhibition can be viewed as consolidating such a divide.

²⁵¹ Gerigk, ‘Musikfestdämmerung’, 50.

²⁵² The opposing festivals of the ISCM in Prague and the Ständiger Rat in Vichy, both in 1935, are contrasted by Anne, C. Shreffler in ‘The International Society for Contemporary Music and Its Political Context (Prague, 1935)’, in Music and International History in the Twentieth Century, ed. Jessica, C.E. Gienow-Hecht (New York and Oxford: Berghahn, 2015), 58–90 Google Scholar. Shreffler presents especially interesting material on the debates between Ernst Krenek and Edward J. Dent. Krenek despised what he called the ‘Blubo-Internationale’ (‘Blubo’ being a contraction of Blut und Boden) (Austriacus [Ernst Krenek], ‘Die Blubo-Internationale’, in 23: Eine Wiener Musikzeitschrift, 17–19 (1934), pp. 19–25) and argued to Dent that the ISCM should directly oppose everything it represented, but that it was unable to do so because of too great an embracing of ‘entertainment music’ from the West and of ‘folklore’ from the East in place of international new music.

²⁵³ Shreffler, ‘The International Society for Contemporary Music’, 66–71.

²⁵⁴ Martin, The Nazi-Fascist New Order, 82–5.

²⁵⁵ Gerigk, Herbert, ‘Das Internationale Musikfest in Belgien’, Die Musik, 31/3 (December 1938), 200–1.Google Scholar

²⁵⁶ ‘Zeitgeschichte’, Die Musik, 34/10 (July 1942), 342; Martin, The Nazi-Fascist New Order, 213–21. As Martin points out (ibid., 89), this view was shared by Ralph Vaughan Williams, who argued in 1932 that ‘the composer who tries to be cosmopolitan from the outset will fail, not only with the world at large, but with his own people as well’; Vaughan Williams, ‘Should Music Be National?’, in National Music and Other Essays (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1934).

²⁵⁷ Führer durch die Konzertsäle Berlins, 15/28 (May 1935), 2–3; 16/24 (April 1936), 2–3; 18/28 (April 1938), 1.

²⁵⁸ Advert for Berlin Konzertgemeinde, Führer durch die Konzertsäle Berlins, 19/1 (August 1938), 12.

²⁵⁹ Topitz, Anton M., ‘Was brachte die Spielzeit 1940/41 im Konzertsaal?’, Die Musik, 33/12 (September 1941), 423–6Google Scholar; Wilhelm Altmann, ‘Statistischer Überblick über die im Winter 1941/42 stattfindenden Reihenkonzerte (Orchester- und Chorwerke mit Orchester)’, Zeitschrift für Musik, 109/2 (February 1942), 54–61; Zeitschrift für Musik, 109/3 (March 1942), 102–10; and ‘Statistischer Überblick über die im Winter 1942/43 stattfindenden Reihenkonzerte (Orchester- und Chorwerke mit Orchester)’, Zeitschrift für Musik, 110/2 (February 1943), 59–68. See section 5 of Timeline and Data Sources for a breakdown of these.

²⁶⁰ See Pace, ‘The Reconstruction of Post-War West German New Music’, 103–310, for a detailed investigation of the policies of the three Western occupying powers and their implementation in terms of general concert life, the direction of radio stations and the creation of specialist new music events in Germany. Important earlier studies of post-war West German musical organization and programming include Elizabeth Janik, Recomposing German Music: Politics and Tradition in Cold War Berlin (Leiden, Brill & Biggleswade: Extenza Turpin, 2005), Monod, David, Settling Scores: German Music, Denazification, and the Americans, 1945–1953 (Chapel Hill, NC, and London: University of North Carolina Press, 2005)Google Scholar; Amy C. Beal, New Music, New Allies: American Experimental Music in West Germany from the Zero Hour to Reunification (Berkeley, Los Angeles and London: University of California Press, 2006); Toby Thacker, Music after Hitler, 1945–1955 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2007); Ferdinand Kösters, Als Orpheus wieder sang … Der Wiederbeginn des Opernlebens in Deutschland nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg (Münster: Edition Octopus, 2009); and Linsenmann, Andreas, Musik als politischer Faktor. Konzepte, Intentionen und Praxis französischer Umerziehungs- und Kulturpolitik in Deutschland 1945–1949/50 (Tübingen: Narr Francke Attempto Verlag, 2010)Google Scholar.

²⁶¹ A key transitional book in this respect is Ulrich Dibelius, Moderne Musik 1945–1965 (Munich: Piper, 1966), which continues to include a substantial section on groups of composers from different nation states (270–332). For a critique of arguments asserting modernist/serialist dominance in Germany in the 1950s, see my paper ‘The Cold War in Germany as Ideological Weapon for Anti-Modernists’ (presented at the Radical Music History Conference, Helsinki, 8 December 2011), at http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/id/eprint/6482/ (accessed 20 September 2019).