The research for this project in Vienna and Brussels was made possible by a fellowship from the Katholicke Universiteit, Leuven (Aiamirc Foundation) and a research travel grant from the University of Maryland, Baltimore County. I wish to thank Dr Otto von Habsburg, eighteenth sovereign of the Order of the Golden Fleece, and Count Ernst F. Abensperg und Traun, interim chancellor oft he Order, for permission to soarch the archives in Vienna; Dr Elisabeth Springer, archivist at the Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, and Dr Robert Lindell of the commission for musicological research at the Austrian Academy of Sciences for their assistance. Except where specified otherwise, all documents cited here are in the archives of the Order of the Golden Fleece. In the transcriptions, abbreviations are resolved, capitalization normalized and punctuation added. Paraphrases of original documents are in parentheses; editorial insertions are in brackets.Google Scholar

1 The most recent and comprehensive study of music and the Order is William Prizer, ‘Music and Ceremonial in the Low Countries: Philip the Fair and the Order of the Golden Fleece’, Early Music History, 5 (1985), 113–53. Also see Marix, Jeanne, Histoire de la musique et des musiciens de la cour de Bourgogne sous le règne de Philippe le Bon (1420–1467) (Strasbourg, 1939; repr. Baden-Baden, 1974), 37–43 and passim.Google Scholar

2 See Fallows, David, ‘Specific Information on the Ensembles for Composed Polyphony, 1400–1474’, Studies in the Performance of Late Mediaeval Music, ed. Stanley Boorman (Cambridge, 1983), 109–59; Higgins, Paula, ‘“In hydraulis” Revisited: New Light on the Career of Antoine Busnoys’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 39 (1986), 36–86; and Craig Wright, ‘Burgundy’, The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians (London, 1980), iii, 464–8,Google Scholar

3 See especially Het Gulden Vlies: Vijf eeuwen kunst en geschiedenis, tentoonstelling 14 juli-30 September 1962 (Tielt, 1962); Trésors de la Toison d'Or: Exposition Europalia 87 Österreich, Crédit Communal, Palais des Beaux-Arts, Bruxelles, 16 septembre-16 décembre 1987 (Brussels, 1987); and Jean-Philippe Lecat, Le siècle de la Toison d'Or (Paris, 1986).Google Scholar

4 On the banquet, held on 17 February 1454 ‘aveuc la declaracion des veulx pour aler en Turquie’, see the contemporary accounts in Chronique de Mathieu d'Escouchy, ed. Gaston du Fresne de Beaucourt (Paris, 1864), ii, 116–237 (copy: cod. 61), which are interpreted by Fallows in ‘Specific Information’, 134–6 and 139–40. Also see Doutrepont, Georges, ‘Les historiens du “Banquet des voeux du faisan'”, Mélanges Charles Moeller (Leuven, 1914), i, 654–70. Tourneur points out that the pheasant of the feast derives its name from the ‘phasianus’, a bird from the shores of the Phase, a river in Colchis, the home of Jason's fleece (see Tourneur, Victor, ‘Les origines de l'Ordre de la Toison d'Or et la symbolique des insignes de celui-ci’, Académie Royale de Belgique: Bulletin de la classe des lettres, 5th series, 42 (1956–7), 300–23). Also see Hintzen, Johanna Dorina, De kruistocht plannen van Philips den Goede (Rotterdam, 1918), 80–1, who cites another chronicle of the feast by an anonymous contemporary of which a copy is in the Royal Library in The Hague. I thank Jaap van Benthem for bringing Hintzen's study to my attention.Google Scholar

5 Prizer, ‘Music and Ceremonial’, 123–50. The account of Niccolò Frigio, the ambassador of Francesco II Gonzaga, marquis of Mantua, does not state explicitly that the Office for the Dead by Du Fay is in polyphony, only the Requiem. That both were in polyphony is likely, however, since the liturgical books of Cambrai cathedral contain no unique fifteenth-century chant for that Office, and none is found in the personal copy of the Office of the Dead belonging to Philippe Nigri, chancellor of the Order (Brussels, Archives Générales du Royaume, Archives ecclésiastiques de Brabant, Archives de l'église Sainte-Gudule, 7834; discussed in Barbara Haggh, ‘The Office of the Dead by Guillaume Du Fay’, paper presented at the Seventeenth Conference on Medieval and Renaissance Music, Reading, July 1989). Polyphonic settings of the Office of the Dead do appear in Spain, but these have well-defined characteristics that distinguish them from the northern repertory and thus give no evidence of direct influence. (I am grateful to G. Grayson Wagstaff, University of Texas at Austin, for sharing these results of his doctoral research with me.) Nevertheless, I have suggested that the idea of setting the Office of the Dead in polyphony originated with Du Fay and reached Spain with the Order, in Barbara Haggh, ‘The Meeting of Sacred Ritual and Secular Piety: Endowments for Music’, Companion to Medieval and Renaissance Music, ed. Tess Knighton and David Fallows (London, 1992), 60–8 (p. 64). Yet Du Fay's Office and Mass for the Dead are not mentioned anywhere in the many documents describing funeral ceremonies in the archives of the Order of the Golden Fleece, which devote much space to lists of those present and little to ceremonial content.Google Scholar

6 Brussels 9126 = Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale, MS 9126; Chigi Codex = Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Chigi C VIII 234. On the motets, see Prizer, , ‘Music and Ceremonial’, 128–33, and Jaap van Benthem, ‘A Waif, a Wedding and a Worshipped Child: Josquin's Ut phebi radiis and the Order of the Golden Fleece’, Tijdschrift van de Vereniging voor Nederlandse Muziekgeschiedenis, 37 (1987), 64–81. Van Benthem informs me that he now believes that Ut phoebi radiis was composed for the 1481 meeting, at which Philip the Fair, aged three, was invested as a knight (private communication, May 1994); in his article, he suggested that Josquin created both texts and music for the cancelled meetings of the Order that were to have been held in Brussels in May 1479 or 1480, and that Philippe de Croy played a role in its commissioning. Members of the Croy family belonged to the Order from its institution onwards (the first knights included Jehan de Croy, ‘seigneur de Tours sur Marne nostre cousin‘), and Philippe de Croy became a member in 1473. A genealogy of the Croy family is in Richard Vaughan, Philip the Good (London, 1970), 337. On Ut phoebi and Philippe de Croy, see below, notes 92–4, 102.Google Scholar

7 Alejandro Enrique Planchart, ‘Guillaume Du Fay's Benefices and his Relationship to the Court of Burgundy’, Early Music History, 8 (1988), 117–71 (pp. 142–66). According to Planchart, this explains why Du Fay was considered a familiaris of the duke in the acta capituli of St Donatian in Bruges for 1439–40, even though Du Fay was never listed as a member of the court in court documents. On the Dijon Masses, see Prizer, ‘Music and Ceremonial’, 116–17; also note 12 and the discussion below. Trent 88 = Trent, Museo Provinciale d'Arte, Castello del Buon Consiglio, MS 88. On the Trent 88 Propers, cf. David Fallows, Dufay (London, 1982; rev. edn 1987), chapter 14, and Rebecca L.“Gerber, ‘The Manuscript Trent, Castello del Buonconsiglio, 88: A Study of Fifteenth. Century Manuscript Transmission and Repertory’ (Ph.D. dissertation, University of California at Santa Barbara, 1984).Google Scholar

8 Taruskin, Richard, ‘Antoine Busnoys and the L'homme armé Tradition’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 39 (1986), 272–81, builds on an idea presented by Prizer in a paper at the annual meeting of the American Musicological Society, Vancouver, November 1985. But cf. the communications by Rob C. Wegman (ibid., 42 (1989), 437–43) and Taruskin (ibid., 443–52). Wegman points out that the ‘Et incamatus’ of the Busnoys Mass has only 30 tempora; the thirty-first is ambiguous because the final longs of the different voices start consecutively. When the Order was founded in 1430 there were 26 knights; the number was raised by the first meeting in 1431 to 31 and in 1516 to 51.Google Scholar

9 Useful discussions comparing the L'homme armé Masses by these composers are Willi Apel, ‘Imitation Canons on L'homme armé’, Speculum, 25 (1950), 367–73, and Lewis Lockwood, ‘Aspects of the L'homme armé Tradition’, Proceedings of the Royal Musical Association, 100 (1973–4), 97–122.Google Scholar

10 On the evidence in the statutes and elsewhere for the presence of the chapel at meetings of the Order, see Prizer, ‘Music and Ceremonial’, 120–1. Many copies of the statutes and of later additions survive, both within the archives of the Order of the Golden Fleece and elsewhere. See Dogaer, Georges, ‘Des anciens livres des statuts manuscrits de l'Ordre de la Toison d'Or’, Publications du Centre Européen d'Études Burgundomédianes, 5 (1963), 63–70. A facsimile edition of one copy, Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, MS 2606, is Le livre des ordonnances de l'Ordre de la Toison d'Or (also published as Das Statutenbuch des Ordens vom Goldenen Vlies), ed. Hans Gerstinger, 2 vols. (Vienna, 1934).Google Scholar

11 The principal study of the Order is Baron Frédéric A. F. T. de Reiffenberg, Histoire de l'Ordre de la Toison d'Or depuis son institution jusqu'à la cessation des Chapitres Généraux (Brussels, 1830). He includes a bibliography of early prints on the Order on pp. xi-xv. Also see Gorissen, Pieter, ‘De historiographie van het Gulden Vlies’, Bijdragen voor de geschiedenis der Nederlanden, 6 (1951), 218–24; Luc Hommel, L'histoire du Noble Ordre de la Toison d'Or (Brussels, 1947); Baron Joseph Marie Bruno Constantin Kervyn de Lettenhove, La Toison d'Or: Notes sur l'institution et l'histoire de l'Ordre (depuis l'année 1429 jusqu'à l'année 1359) (Brussels, 1907); Les chevaliers de l'Ordre de la Toison d'Or au X Ve siècle, ed. Raphael de Smedt (Frankfurt, 1994); Schwarzkopf, Ursula, ‘La cour de Bourgogne et la Toison d'Or’, Publications du Centre Européen d'Études Burgundomédianes, 5 (1963), 91–104.Google Scholar

12 Prizer, ‘Music and Ceremonial’, 121–2, makes this inference, recognizing the limitations of the evidence. The initial foundation was for four Requiem Masses, about which no details are given, a daily (votive) Mass ‘a haulte voix, a chant et a deschant fors quand le service sera de Requiem’, and four canons trained in music. On the foundation and dedication of the Sainte Chapelle as the official chapel of the Order, see Prizer, ‘Music and Ceremonial’, 116–17; Marix, Histoire, 33; Pierre Quarré, La Sainte-Chapelle de Dijon (Dijon, 1962), 26. Also see note 7 above and the discussion below.Google Scholar

13 See Marix, , Histoire, 34. Of course, such Masses would have been appropriate at the Sainte Chapelle in Dijon and in the chapel of the Golden Fleece at the church of St Géry in Valenciennes (see note 105 below), as well as at the meetings. The clergy for the Marian Mass were dressed in gold – their vestments now in Vienna are covered with embroidery laced with gold – until 1473, when they began to wear white. See Prizer, ‘Music and Ceremonial’, 119, and 117 on the Mass mentioned by Hothby. Cf. John Hothby, Très tractatuli contra Bartholomeum Ramum, ed. Albert Seay, Corpus scriptorum de musica, 10 (Rome, 1964), 75. Seay dates the treatise c.1480. On Arnolfo Giliardi, possibly Arnolfo Schard, Arnolfo d'Arnolfo or Arnolfo da Francia (all contratenors), see D'Accone, Frank A., ‘Some Neglected Composers in the Florentine Chapels, ca. 1475–1525’, Viator, 1 (1970), 263–88 (pp. 264–71), and idem, ‘The Singers of San Giovanni in Florence during the Fifteenth Century’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 14 (1961), 307–58 (pp. 325–6, 328–9, 334–5, 337, 345–6). (I thank Rob Wegman for this last reference.) Reinhard Strohm, in Music in Late Medieval Bruges (Oxford, 1985), 126–7, argues that a Mass for St Andrew in Lucca, Archivio di Stato, Biblioteca Manoscritti, MS 228, and in Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Cappella Sistina, MS 14, may have been associated with the Order of the Golden Fleece.Google Scholar

14 The most recent inventory of the archive is Joseph Ruwet, Les archives et bibliothèques de Vienne et l'histoire de Belgique (Brussels, 1956), 765–99, but this inventory is not used at the archives of the Order of the Golden Fleece, where the first comprehensive inventory made in 1759–60 by Emanuel Joseph de Turck, official of the secretary of the privy council in Brussels, is preferred (Alter Archivbehelf 453b 2/1–3). Turck's inventory was commissioned by Count Cobenzl, a knight of the Order and minister plenipotentiary in the Low Countries, because the archives were in disarray and had never been inventoried completely. The archives were assembled in 1745 and verified in May 1755; they were transferred to Vienna in 1794 when French troops entered the Austrian Low Countries. Of the three copies Turck made (for the emperor, the count, and the guardian of the chambre des comptes in Brussels), only the complete set in Vienna and a single volume in Brussels survive. Volume i, part 1 (453b 2/1) includes a history of the archives on pp. i-xxii, a list of past inventories on pp. x-xvi and a précis of the registers of acta capituli kept by the secretaries between 1431 and 1493; volume i, part 2 (453b 2/3) summarizes the acta from 1496 to 1540; volume ii (453b 2/2) is the only volume in Brussels (Bibliothèque Royale, MS 20831), and lists the other registers, books, documents and papers of the Order. Much of Turck's history of the Order and summary of the acta was published by Reiffenberg, however. The Ruwet inventory is accurate and includes cross-references to Turck, but gives only summary descriptions and orders the documents differently.Google Scholar

15 An edition of the Marian Office is in preparation. It will be published by the press of the Katholieke Universiteit, Leuven, whose theology department approved the Office in 1458.Google Scholar

16 Ruwet, Les archives, 797, nos. 1–9, divided in boxes 1 (1–6), 2(7–8) and 3(9). Other archives concerning the meetings include miscellaneous papers (boxes 5–9 and codices 36–40) and fragments of fifteenth-century accounts (ibid., 799, nos. 2 and 4); the accounts do not concern music or ceremony. The meetings are listed in Prizer, ‘Music and Ceremonial’, 118. The acta contain a brief paragraph about the location and date of each meeting and a summary of the ceremonies and of business, which included the nomination, approval, admonishment or dismissal of knights, details of their portraits and coats of arms, lost or stolen collars, collars to be brought to new knights, and other matters pertaining to individual knights. Prominent arc reprimands for misbehaviour.Google Scholar

17 It is instructive to compare Reiffenberg's summaries with the quotations from the acta given below, so the page numbers in Reiffenberg are given here at the first mention of each meeting. There are only two references to music in Reiffenberg: the Mass of the Holy Ghost was ‘solcmniter decantata’ in front of the high altar in 1461 at St Bertin in St Omer (p. 43), and on 29–30 November 1486 the court musicians celebrated Vespers and the Mass of St Andrew in the church of St Gudula in Brussels (p. 169).Google Scholar

18 On the greffiers of the Order, see Fortuné Koller, Au service de ta Toison d'Or (Les officiers) (Dison, 1971).Google Scholar

19 See the discussion below. In his introduction, Turck notes that the acta contain many errors and are imprecise, especially about the Utrecht meeting held in 1546.Google Scholar

20 Box I, reg. 4, f. 3: ‘Et ce fait [= once the sovereign was anointed with holy water] tantost il [= the prelate] est retourne vers lautel et a ‘commencie ladite grant messe laquelle sest celebree moult solennellement et devotement a orgues et a discant et jubilacion et continuee jusques a loffertoire inclus, a la fin duquel offertoire monseigneur le souverain et messires les chevaliers fratres se sont disposez et preparez pour aler a loffrandre pour laquelle faire y ont este gardees et observees les ceremonies qui sensuivent’; ibid., f. 27: ‘a discant et orgues moult solennellement et devotement’ (cf. Reiffenberg, Histoire, 92–105, esp. pp. 92–3). On the 1468 and 1478 Bruges meetings, see Strohm, Music in Late Medieval Bruges, 51, 95–7.Google Scholar

21 Listed in Pamela Starr, ‘Rome as the Centre of the Universe: Papal Grace and Music Patronage’, Early Music History, 11 (1992), 223–62 (pp. 261–2).Google Scholar

22 Other similar supplications for cotidianen are documented in local archives. For example, see Schreurs, Eugeen, ‘Bronnen en methodologie voor de studie van het muziekleven in de collegiales van de lage landen tijdens het ancien régime: Een orientatie en enkele voorbeelden’, Musicology and Archivai Research, ed. Barbara Haggh et al., Archives et bibliothèques de Belgique, numéro spécial, 46 (Brussels, 1994), 124–76 (pp. 133–4), on the papal bull of 1443 establishing eight vicars choral at the collegiate church of St Pieter in Leuven. On cotidianen, also see Haggh, Barbara, ‘Crispijne and Abertijne: Two Tenors in Brussels’, Music and Letters (forthcoming).Google Scholar

23 See the discussion of the Marian Office below.Google Scholar

24 Organists are mentioned in the acta of the 1431 meeting, but not polyphony, though ‘excellens musiciens’ participated (see note 39 below).Google Scholar

25 See Reiffenberg, , Histoire, 107–19, on the 1481 meeting. The most recent studies of the confraternity are Eric Jas, ‘Sicut lilium inter spinas: Het muziekleven te ‘s-Hertogenbosch rond de Illustre Lieve Vrouwe Broederschap’, Kloosters, kronieken en koormuziek: Cultuur in bourgondisch ‘s-Hertogenbosch 1450–1629, Brabantse lezingen, 6 (‘s-Hertogenbosch, 1991), 41–60, and Godfried Christiaan Maria van Dijck, De Bossche optimalen: Geschiedenis van de Illustre Lieve Vrouwe broederschap te ‘s-Hertogenbosch, 1318–1972, Bijdragen tot de geschiedenis van het Zuiden van Nederland, 27 (Tilburg, 1973), 51–3, 106–12 and 146–62. Transcriptions of accounts dating from 1330 to 1550 are found in Albert Smijers, De Illustre Lieve Vrouwe Broederschap te ‘s-Hertogenbosch (Amsterdam, 1932), but these must be used with caution. A benediction probably for this meeting survives (transcribed in Appendix 1), see note 77 below.Google Scholar

26 Box 1, reg. 5, ff. 13^v–14: (Two abbots) ‘tindrent choeur pour intoner le divin office eulx tenans ou parquet [= platform] des chantres de la chapelle domestique de monditseigneur. … continue solennellement a discant et aux orgues jusques a loffertoire de ladite messe’. Two abbots led the choir and intoned on 2 May 1478 (box 1, reg. 4, f. 15) and on many other occasions.Google Scholar

27 Box 1, reg. 5, f. 36^v: ‘fut commencee grand messe et discantee solenellement par les chappellains de la chappclle domestique de monditseigneur jusques a loffertoire’. Cf. Reiffenberg, Histoire, 119–20. On the meetings of the Order that were held in Brussels, see Haggh, Barbara, Music, Liturgy, and Ceremony in Brussels, 1350–1500' (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 1988), 379–83.Google Scholar

28 See note 10 above.Google Scholar

29 Box 1, reg. 2, f. 26^v: (On the left side, there are two large tables, one for prelates, the other for) ‘les chapellains de la chapelle de mondit seigneur qui lavoient accompaingnie et honnourc a loffice de la messe’. Cf. Reiffenberg, Histoire, 44–61, on the 1468 meeting.Google Scholar

30 See box 1, reg. 3, f. 9: (The members of the chapel are at the fourth table at dinner after the Mass for St Andrew) ‘qui avoient honnore accompaigner et aide faire et celebrer ledit divin service’; and cod. 35, no. 1 (= recueil A), f. 207: (At dinner at the fifth table after the Marian Mass) ‘estoient les chappelains et chantres de la chapelle du duc lesquelz estoient vestus cedit jour tous de couleur blanc’. Cf. Reiffenberg, Histoire, 64–88, esp. p. 87, on the 1473 meeting, and note 104 below on the reforms of the Marian services. Prizer, ‘Music and Ceremonial’, 121, points out that, according to the statutes, the musicians were given food and could sit with others gathered for the meal, but they were not allowed to sit at the table of the sovereign; sometimes they had to sit in another room with the prelates if there was not enough space for them. This is repeated in decisions made at the December 1546 Utrecht meeting (box 5, no. 1, item 43; also box 3, item 45: 'Il sembloit que les chantres debvront disner en court mais non pas en la salle du chief).Google Scholar

31 See notes 26–7 above.Google Scholar

32 Box 1, reg. 1, ff. 4^v-5: ‘Aprez les solennitcz du divin service faictes en leglise Saint Donast audit Heu de Bruges notablement et en grans cerimonies a grant nombre de prelaz et autres personnes notables …‘.Google Scholar

33 Box 1, reg. 1, f. 8^v: ‘Lendemain, jour de Saint Andre, alerent le souverain et chevaliers de lordre a la messe en leglise de ladicte chapelle par ordonnance et aussi les officiers en leur ordre. Laquelle messe fut chantee et celebree grandement et solennelment a prelat et presens et assistens plusieurs prelats, nobles et grant multitude de gens.’ Cf. Jules d'Arbaumont, Essai historique sur la Sainte-Chapelle de Dijon (Dijon, 1863), 63–5, on this meeting.Google Scholar

34 Box 1, reg. 1, f. 27: ‘Et fut le service divin fait en leglise Saint Berlin audit lieu de Saint Orner a prelat et notablement en la maniere acoustumee.’ Cf. Reiffenberg, Histoire, 24–6.Google Scholar

35 Box 1, reg. 1, f. 29: ‘furent faictes les vespres solennelment en leglise parrochial de Saint Jehan audit lieu de Gand a prelat et plusieurs prelas assistens en la maniere acoustumee’. Cf. Reiffenberg, Histoire, 28–30.Google Scholar

36 Box 1, reg. 1, f. 29: ‘a grant solennite et cerimonies comme autreffois avoit este fait’.Google Scholar

37 Box 1, reg. 1, f. 36: ‘Et ont a ladicte feste grant affluence et merveilleux nombre de peuple de divers estas.’ Cf. Reiffenberg, Histoire, 34–7.Google Scholar

38 Box 1, reg. 1, ff. 39–41^v: ‘furent dites les vespres solennellement oudit cueur de leglise St Berlin pare richement de moult beaulx sains et riches reliques et joyaulx et tappisseries et monditseigneur levesque de Tournay chanceliier de lordre fut le prelat et fist loffice accompaignie de beaucop dautres notables prelas et gens deglise … [Saturday 2 May] ou fut dite et celebree moult devotement et solennelement la grant messe’. Cf. Reiffenberg, Histoire, 37–41.Google Scholar

39 Box 1, reg. 1, f. 1^v: 'Aprez les solennitez du divin service faites notablement et en grant cerimonies, a grant nombre devesques abbez et prelaz, par excellens musiciens et organistes en leglise collegial de Saint Pierre de Lille, richement pare de diverses tapisseries et le grant autel chargie de riches images dor et argent“. Cf. Reiffenberg, Histoire, 1–8.Google Scholar

40 Box 1, reg. 1, f, 8: ‘La vigile de la feste Saint Andre penultime de novembre devant la solennite des vespres fut tenu chapitre de lordre ou chapitre de la chapelle des ducs audit Dijon et y fut procede aux elections qui estoient a faire … lesquelles elections [decidees?] les cerimonies et solennitez … [f. 8^v] Lendemain jour de Saint Andre alereint le souverain et chevaliers de lordre a la messe en leglise de ladicte chapelle par ordonnance et aussi les offices en leur ordre. Laquelle messe fut chantee et celebree grandement et solennelment a prelat et presens et assistens plusieurs prelaz, nobles et grant multitude de gens … [f. 9^v] la messe [Marian Mass] oye entierent oudit chapitre.’ Cf. Reiffenbcrg, Histoire, 11–16. In 1431, the Marian Mass was also held in the chapter room. See box 1. reg. 1, f. 1^v: ‘kelle messe de nostre dame oye entierement ou chapitre de la dicte eglise.’ The statutes of Philip the Good of 10 January 1430 n.s. state (Le livre des ordonnances, f. 17^v): ‘Mais quant aux elections et corrections des chevaliers de lordre elles se feront ou chapitre de leglise ou aura este fait le service divin [Mass for the Holy Ghost], se chapitre ya convenable a ce.’Google Scholar

41 See Prizer, , ‘Music and Ceremonial’, 121; Reiffenbcrg, Histoire, 76, 116; and cf. the 1468 ordinance of Charles the Bold, item 6 (Fallows, ‘Specific Information’, 148). The Order also received an exceptional privilege from the pope: the right to hold Mass in the room of an infirm knight (Trésors de la Toison d'Or, 24).Google Scholar

42 The miniature in Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale, MS 9092, f. 9 (see Wright, ‘Burgundy’, 265) depicts Philip the Good at Mass, but this is not just any Mass. Since he wears a collar of the Order and is in his private oratory, he must be at a Marian Mass or a Mass of the Holy Ghost at a meeting of the Order. Cf. box 1, reg. 3, f. 42 (10 May 1473): ‘Mais monditseigneur le souverain aura pour ladite messe du St Esprit son oratoire prive comme il laura en le jour precedant ala messe de nostre dame.’ At the 1491 chapter it was decided that the sovereign would no longer have his private oratory next to the altar for the Marian and the Holy Ghost Masses (Reiffenberg, Histoire, 195).Google Scholar

43 Box 1, reg. 2, f. 30^v: ‘dite par le premier chappellain … sans aucun solempnitc especiale’. Cf. Le livre des ordonnances (ordinance of Philip the Good, Lille, 27 November 1430), f. 49^v: ‘Item le tiers jours se dira en la dicte eglise a 8 heures ou environ une messe de nostre dame sans prelat. A laquele messe ny aura point doffrande excepte de monditseigneur seulement’; but cf. also notes 30 and 45.Google Scholar

44 Box 1, reg. 3, f. 8^v: (The Mass of the Holy Ghost continues devoutly and solemnly – it is) ‘dite’.Google Scholar

45 Yet the 1430 statutes also prescribe the solemn celebration of this Mass. See Le lime des ordonnances, f. 17^v, no. 28: ‘grant messe qui sera celebree solemnelement de loffice de nostre dame’.Google Scholar

46 Cf. Le livre des ordonnances, ff. 7^v–8 (1430 statutes): ‘Item que lea freres et chevaliers … en demonstrance de vraye et fraternele amour lun envers l'autre …’, and cod. 35, no. 4, f. 64 (1546, Utrecht meeting), where the Order is called ‘confraternité de chevallerie’. On this meeting, see Reiffenberg, Histoire, 400–28. Useful studies of different confraternities, their organization and religious services, are Paul Trio, De Gentse broederschappen (1182–1580): Ontstaan, naamgeving, materiële uitrusting, structuur, opheffingen bronnen, Verhandelingen der Maatschappij voor Geschiedenis en Oudheidkunde te Gent, 16 (Ghent, 1990); idem, Volksreligie als spiegel van een stedelijke samenleving: De broederschappen te Gent in de late middeleeuwen, Symbolae: Facultatis litterarum et philosophiae Lovaniensis, series B, 11 (Leuven, 1993); and Paul Trio and Barbara Haggh, ‘The Archives of Confraternities in Ghent and Music’, Musicology and Archival Research, ed. Haggh et al., 44–90.Google Scholar

47 See box 20/8, no. 3, f. 1^v: Singers from St Bavo in Ghent sing a Requiem and Masses for the Holy Ghost and Mary as part of the funeral of King Francis I in Bruges, 20 April 1547; also box 20/8, no. 7, on the funeral of Charles V in 1558, at which the same three Masses were held, as was true of all of the funerals described in this folder. Other examples of similar funerals are discussed in Haggh, ‘Music, Liturgy, and Ceremony’, 351–2.Google Scholar

48 The inventories are discussed and listed in the introductions by Turck and Reiffenberg. They were made in 1477, 1484 and quite frequently and regularly afterwards. Cf. Le livre des ordonnances, ff. 37^v–38^v on the duties of the treasurer.Google Scholar

49 In Turck's introduction, he points out that the first six chapter meetings are not well documented.Google Scholar

50 The ordinance is discussed and edited in Fallows, ‘Specific Information’, 110–17, 145–59.Google Scholar

51 See the facsimile of Brussels 5557, Choirbook of the Burgundian Court Chapel: Brussel, Koninklijke Bibliotheek, MS. 5557, with introduction by Rob C. Wegman (Peer, 1989).Google Scholar

52 Cod. 35, no, 1, f. 206: ‘Le peuple qui regardoit pleurant de joye voyant son seigneur naturel en sy noble et puissant estat, et les enffans crioient Noel, vive Bourguoigne.‘Google Scholar

53 Adrienne F. Block, The Early French Parody Noël (Ann Arbor, 1983), i, 7–8; cf. 14–15 (I thank David Fallows for this reference). Rudolf Rasch thinks that these are Christmas pieces, however. See his De cantiones natalitiae en het kerkelijke muziekleven in de zuidelijke Nederlanden gedurende de zeventiende eeuw, Muziekhistorische monografieën, 10 (Utrecht, 1985), i, 316–20.Google Scholar

54 Box 2, reg. 8, f. 9; box 5, no. 1, item 50: “aux vespres sollempnelles et complies qui se chantent de nostre dame lesquelles finies se chante Inviolata'. On the Inviolata in the Low Countries, see Haggh, ‘Music, Liturgy, and Ceremony’, 426–7.Google Scholar

55 Box 5, reg. 1, f. 6^v: ‘Et ce faict [= once all had assembled in the church] le prelat ordonne a dire vespres les doibt commencher et au magnificat dicelle honnestement assiste porter lencens au chief et souverain seul et les vespres finies se chantent les complies et ung motet.‘Google Scholar

56 Le livre des ordonnances, ff. 44^v–45 (27 November 1430): ‘Et yra la dicte procession [preceding the Mass of St Andrew] chantant respons et antennes jusques a leglise’; also cod. 35, no. 1 (recueil A), ff. 389ff.; and cf. Prizer, ‘Music and Ceremonial’, 121. Prizer cites the 1 February 1500 ordinance of Philip the Fair on pp. 127–8: the chapel must sing the entire Office and Mass, including the procession before Vespers and Compline.Google Scholar

57 Box 1, reg. 2, f. 22^v (5 May 1468, procession preceding the Mass for St Andrew into the Church of Our Lady): ‘le prevost de Saint Donas revestu de surplis et chappe et avec eulx ceulx de la chapelle de monditseigneur et aucuns notables du clergie dicelle eglise’; box 1, reg. 4, f. 2 (second foliation) (30 April 1478, procession preceding Vespers of St Andrew): ‘tout chantant … jusques ou grant choeur dicelle eglise [St Saviour's, Bruges]‘.Google Scholar

58 Cod. 35, no. 1, f. 201: (The pages, escuter and herald on horseback precede) ‘tes poursuivants puis les trompettes et clairons lesquelz marchoient devant la personne du duc sonnans touchours leurs instruments, et respondans lun a lautre fort melodieusement’.Google Scholar

59 Cod. 35, no. 4, f. 56^v: (During the offertory) ‘les trompettes ont este sonnees’.Google Scholar

60 Cf. Bonifacio M. Serpilli, L'offertorio della Messa dei defunti (Rome, 1946).Google Scholar

61 See Prizer, , ‘Music and Ceremonial’, 121; Le livre des ordonnances, f. 17, no. 27; and box 1, reg. 3, f. 12: (1473, after the candle ceremony during the offertory of the Mass for the Dead)‘et incontinent ce fait ceulx de la chappelle de monditseigneur ont commence dire a haulte voix le ps. De profundis le versoiant jusques a la Fin a tout Requiem etc.’; box 1, reg. 4, f. 17^v (1478): ‘les chapellains versoient le De profundis’.Google Scholar

62 Fallows, David, ‘The Performing Ensembles in Josquin's Sacred Music’, Tijdschrift voor nederlandse muziekgeschiedenis, 35 (1985), 32–66 (pp. 33–5). Also see Edmund A. Bowles, Musikleben im 15. Jahrhundert, Musikgeschichte in Bildern, iii/8 (Leipzig, 1977), 20–4.Google Scholar

63 This was suggested to me by Rob Wegman, who points out that musical centres in the Low Countries generally began to pay trumpeters for joining in Mass and Salve from the 1510s onwards. This is the case with the Marian confraternity of Bergen op Zoom beginning in 1518/19 (see Wegman, ‘Music and Musicians at the Guild of Our Lady in Bergen op Zoom, c. 1470–1510’. Early Music History, 9 (1990), 175–249 (p. 217)), but also, slightly later, in ‘s-Hertogenbosch and Antwerp. Keith Polk documents instruments in Low Countries churches beginning at the end of the fifteenth century, in ‘Minstrels and Music in the Low Countries in the Fifteenth Century’, Musicology and Archival Research, ed. Haggh et al., 392–410 (pp. 400–1 and passim); cf. Haggh, ‘Music, Liturgy, and Ceremony’, 217–20, on Brussels minstrels in local churches and at the court palace.Google Scholar

64 Cod. 54, ff. 44ff.: (At the procession of the funeral of Isabella of Castile, the ‘estas’ and their ‘chiefs’ were followed by) ‘ceulx de la chappelle revestuz de leurs soupliz le grant chapperon sur lespaulle et les bonnet avaliez’, (then by prelates) ‘tous en pontificaux, maistres dhostel … trompettes’; ibid., ff. 84^vff.: (trumpeters present at the funeral of Philip the Fair in 1507); box 20/8, no. 7: ‘timpaniste et tubicinis [et] cantores’ are present, as well as members of the Order.Google Scholar

65 Box 1, reg. 5, f. 34^v.Google Scholar

66 Cod. 35, no. 4, ff. 55–56^v: ‘Sa majeste venue en leglise sest mise en son siege soubs les armes, et les autres chevaliers chascun selon son ordre, puis ont este sonnees les trompettes et a este chante Te deum et an apres vespres du St Esprit par les chantres de sa majeste lesquelles finies monseigneur levesque de Cambray sest mis devant le grand autel et a donne la benediction et ce faict sa majeste est retournee en son hostel accompagnies comme dessus.’ (The next day, once the king had processed in, the trumpets sounded) ‘puis a este chantee la messe du St Esprit par monseigneur levesque de Cambray et quant lon est venue a loffrande plusieurs ccremonyes y sont faictes que il faisoit beau voir’. Cf. Reiffenberg, Histoire, 363–85.Google Scholar

67 Cf. Prizer, ‘Music and Ceremonial’, 153.Google Scholar

68 Sec above, note 58.Google Scholar

69 Cod. 35, no. 4, ff. 74ff. Cf. Reiffenberg, Histoire, 445–56.Google Scholar

70 Box 20/8, no. 10: ‘Les trompettes et atabaleros [= nakers] en la mesme gallerie qui sonnerent tous pendant que sa majeste marchoit ala chappelle qui estoit tendue de la tapisserie de l'apocalypse. … aux vespres des trespassez et lendemain la messe sa majesté marcha avec le mesme accompagnement naissans bruict de trompettes d'atabales, et de haultebois, tous vestus de noir sans joyaux ni orfebverie quelconque’.Google Scholar

71 Box 1, reg. 2, f. 26^v (Bruges, 1468): (Seated at dinner were) ‘les chapellains de la chapelle de mondit seigneur qui lavoient accompaingnie et honnoure a loffice de la messe … [Benediction] … et fut le disner moult solempnel y ot largues dons donnez aux officiers darmes trompettes et menestrelz’; cod. 35, no. 1, f. 207 (Valenciennes, 1473): (At the seventh table) ‘estoient assis les sergeants d'armes avec les trompettes et clairons ausquelz heraultz et autres le duc fit donner des grands dons en argent’(cf. Reiffenberg, Histoire, 87); box 1, reg. 5, f. 15^v (‘s Hertogenbosch, 1481): et fut le disner bel honnorable et plantareux y ot trompettes et menestriers’; box 2, f. 65 (Pentecost 1491, Mechelen): (Present are) ‘trompettes, clairons et menestriers’. Frigio's account of the Brussels 1501 meeting (cf. Reiffenberg, Histoire, 232–51) mentions 12 trumpeters welcoming knights to the Coudenberg, marching in processions and announcing the courses of the banquets; the trumpeters were present when a knight joined the Order on 22 January 1501; the meeting concluded with much instrumental music at the banquet and joust (Prizer, ‘Music and Ceremonial’, 144. 153). Box 5, no. 1, f. 9 (1545, corrections of ceremonies, Utrecht); ‘Les roys et autres officiers darmes pour magnifier le disner et publier les triumphes et magnificences dudit service et des largesses qui se feront … et les trompettes pour sonner et rejouyr la compaignie alassiete de chacun metz disneront a table a part en laditte salle sil y a place.‘Google Scholar

72 See above; cf. Bowles, Musikleben, 44–51.Google Scholar

73 Box 1, reg. 3, f. 9 (1473): (At dinner after the Holy Ghost Mass, the main course was brought to the duke) ‘a tout grant foison de trompettes et menestriers’; cod. 35, no. 1, f. 207: (After the Marian Mass at dinner at the seventh table) ‘estoient assis les sergeants d'armes avec les trompettes et clairons ausquelz heraultz et autres le duc fit donner des grands dons en argent’. La Marche's instructions for celebrating a meeting of the Order were presented at the 1491 Malines meeting. See cod. 35, no. 1, ff. 227^v–236^v, esp. f. 233^v. See Reiffenberg, Histoire, 189–219, on the 1491 meeting, and note that Vespers of the Virgin and Holy Ghost were celebrated at this meeting according to the acta (box 2, reg. 8; cf. Prizer, ‘Music and Ceremony’, 122).Google Scholar

74 The prelates are mentioned often in the acta but rarely by name; musicians are mentioned only collectively and infrequently.Google Scholar

75 On the music books and vestments, see Prizer, ‘Music and Ceremonial’, 119. The knights' dress is described in the statutes, but changes were made in 1473 (see Le lime des ordonnances). The liturgical regalia now in Vienna were prepared initially for Duke Philip the Good between c.1420 and 1440, but became the property of the Order in 1477. They include a set of copes for three priests and two antependia that served as altar frontale. They were deposited in the treasury in Vienna in 1797. See Julius von Schlosser, Der burgundische Paramentenschatz des Ordens vom Goldenen Vitesse (Vienna, 1912), and Herman Fillitz, Die Schatzkammer in Wien: Symbole abendländischen Kaisertums (Salzburg and Vienna, 1986). Full Offices were to be held on the feast days of Sts Catherine and Barbara: see Fallows's transcription of item 5 of the ordinance, ‘Specific Information’, 147–8. An Office for St Barbara was already in the library of John the Fearless in 1420; see Wright, Craig, Music at the Court of Burgundy, 1364–1419: A Documentary History, Musicological Studies, 28 (Henryville, Ottawa and Binningen, 1979), 143.Google Scholar

76 Cod. 35, no. 1, ff. 94–95^v, described by Turck as: ‘Extrait d'un ancien rituel touchant la diversité des messes solennelles’, is in a sixteenth-century hand, possibly the same hand that copied the benedictions from the other pontifical (given in Appendix 1); a few notices in the left margin are cut off and unreadable. The excerpt is taken from ff. 107–9 of Troyes, Cathedral Treasury, MS 4, from the second half of the ‘De diversitate missarum solemnium. In missarum quidem solempniis, aliqua debet esse diversitas … in privatis vero diebus unius sacerdotis adiutorio et unius levile testimonio tribus subdiaconibus ad obsequium preparatis poterit missam celebrare.’ It is partially transcribed in Victor Leroquais, Les pontificaux manuscrits des bibliothèques publiques de France (Paris, 1937), ii, 400. He describes the pontifical on pp. 396–402. This pontifical deserves a thorough investigation, particularly since it contains much chant,Google Scholar

77 Cod. 35, no. 5, after f. 132, following various historical notes about the Order, contains ‘Extraits d'un ancien pontifical contenant different oraisons, qui se recitoient ci-devant par les evêques aux principales fêtes de l'année soit durant la messe ou autrement’. No pontificals from Arras or Troyes are among those in the Burgundian library remaining in Brussels today: see Joseph van den Gheyn, Catalogue des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque Royale de Belgique, 13 vols. (Brussels, 1901–19), i: Écriture sainte et liturgie (1901). Arras, Bibliothèque Municipale, MS 405, from the second half of the thirteenth century, is a pontifical prepared for Arras cathedral, but it is not from Troyes and does not contain the benedictions in question (see Leroquais, Victor, Les pontificaux, anuscrits, i, 32–42). A pontifical of unspecified provenance is in the inventory of books of Philip the Bold; see Wright, Music at the Court of Burgundy, 140. Also see the fifteenth-century inventories of the ducal library, which also list pontificals of unspecified provenance: Georges Doutrepont, Inventaire de la librairie de Philippe le Bon (1420) (Brussels, 1906), containing the inventory made in Dijon between 1420 and 1424; Jean Baptiste Joseph Barrois, Bibliothèque protypographique, ou Librairies des fils du roi Jean, Charles V, Jean de Berri, Philippe de Bourgogne et les siens (Paris, 1830), 121–226, containing the inventory made in Bruges in 1467. On the library, also see Peignot, Gabriel, Catalogue d'une partie des livres composant la bibliothèque des ducs de Bourgogne au X Ve s. (2nd edn, Dijon, 1841). Some of the benediction texts (with slight variants) do appear in a pontifical of Sens once in the Burgundian library, Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale, MS 9215, but not all of them.Google Scholar

78 The sermon is in cod. 35, Vol. 4, ff. 64–73^v. On Philippe Nigri, see Johann Theodor de Raadt, Philippe Nigri, chancelier de l'ordre de la Toison d'Or, doyen des églises Sainte-Gudule à Bruxelles et Saint-Rombaut à Malines, premier évêque d'Anvers (Malines, 1891).Google Scholar

79 Boxi 1, reg. 2, f. 25^v.Google Scholar

80 Box 1, reg. 3, f. 8^v: The sermon was ‘brief et compendieux prenant pour son theme illud judicium 6° ca[pitulum] [v. 39]‘.Google Scholar

81 Box 1, reg. 5, f. 15.Google Scholar

82 Box 2, f. 44^v I am grateful to Leofranc Holford-Strevens for identifying this text as part of the Song of Deborah and Barak: ‘de caelo dimicatum est contra eos stellae manentes in ordine et cursu suo adversum Sisaram pugnaverunt’.Google Scholar

83 Cod. 35, no. 3 (= recueil C), f. 219: ‘Inventoire des livres, registres, escriptures et lettraiges concernane le tresnoble Ordre du Thoison Dor qui sont este delivrez de la part et au nom de la vefue, et maison mortuaire de feu messire Josse de Courteville, seigneur de Polinchove, commandeur de Villa Franca, secretaire destat de sa majeste et greffier dudit Ordre par charge et ordonnance verbale de monseigneur le ducq Dalve, gouverneur et capitaine general des pays de Pardeca, chevalier et confrere, et lieutenant de sa majeste es affaires concernane ledit Ordre, et messire Charles de Tysuacq, chevalier, chief et president du conseil privé du roy et tresorier dudit Ordre. Lesquelz livres, et aultres lettraiges ledit feu Greffier Courtewille avoit receu par semblable ordonnance de la part de messire Nicolas Nicolai, jadiz son predecesseur audit office du greffier, comme il appert par les inventoires et recipisses quii en a donné, avecq lesquelz a este faicte la collation de toutes les pieces, et icelles entrenue accordera … Bruxelles en ladite maison mortuaire en presence de Guillaume vanden Vorsthuyse, huyssier de sa majeste audit conseil a ce ordonne dudit sire president le 8 jour du mois de juillet 1572 … [f. 221] Ung coyer en papier de douze feuilletz superscript Office de la messe de la Vierge Marie ou temps des chapitres generaulx de Lordre du Thoison Dor.’ Only one other liturgical item appears in the 1572 inventory (f. 224): ‘Ung petit coyer en papier de dix feuilletz superscriptz Commendacio et memoria dominorum, militum defunctorum, faicte a la messe de Requiem par monsieur l'abbé de St Bertin, chanceliier dudit ordre audit an 1481’. Unfortunately this last item could not be found in the present-day archives of the Order of the Golden Fleece. The Marian officium is in a modern paper folder in box V, labelled no. 3 (= Schachtel V, Konvolut 3): at the bottom of the folder, ‘Gold. Vlies. K.V.’ is written in pencil. It is described by Turck as ‘Copie autentique de l'office de la Sainte-Vierge dressé pour les fêtes de l'ordre … presenté à Philippe le Bon’ (Turck, Inventaire: Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale, MS 20831, pp. 8–9). According to Turck, further information should be found in cod. 35, no. 1 (Ruwet, Les archives, 794, no. 35) on ff. 123ff., but these folios are now missing (see note 101 below). The Marian officium is mentioned in Reiffenberg, Histoire, xxxi.Google Scholar

84 Box V in Ruwet, Les archives, 799.Google Scholar

85 Sec below, notes 101, 138–9.Google Scholar

86 On Fillastrc, see Hommel, Au service, 8–11. He received his doctorate from the university in Leuven in January 1436 and may have taught there (see Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale, MS 21050, f. 81). He was an avid proponent of the crusades and had a complete suit of armour made to go on them (see Bonenfant, Paul, Philippe le Bon, Brussels, 1955, 88). Jaap van Benthem points out that the Marian Office dates from just after the birth of Mary, duchess of Burgundy, the only daughter of Charles the Bold and Isabella of Bourbon, born in Brussels on 13 February 1457 (private communication, May 1994).Google Scholar

87 See Piccard, Gerhard, Wasserzeichen Fabeltiere: Greif, Drache, Einhorn (Stuttgart, 1980). The Watermark is on ff. 4, 6, 8, 10, 11 and 12. A complete codicological description of the gathering, paper and watermark will appear in the forthcoming edition of the Marian Office.Google Scholar

88 I he word officium often refers to both Office and Mass. The creation of new Offices with their accompanying Masses seems to be a late-medieval phenomenon (I thank Jeremy Noble for this observation; another example is the Recollectio festorum beate Marie Virginis by Carlier and Du Fay, discussed in Barbara Haggh, ‘The Celebration of the “Recollectio Festorum Beatae Mariae Virginis”, 1457–1987’, Atti del XIV congresso della Società Internazionale di Musicologia, ed. Angelo Pompilio et al., Turin, 1990, iii, 559–71, and eadem, ‘The Aostan Sources for the “Recollectio Festorum Beatae Mariae Virginis” by Guillaume Du Fay’, International Musicological Society Study Group Cantus Planus: Papers Read at the Third Meeting, Tihány, Hungary, 19–24 September 1988, ed. László Dobszay et al., Budapest, 1990, 355–75). It may be related to the increasing number of foundations for duplex saints' feasts in collegiate churches and cathedrals and the corresponding introduction of cotidianen.Google Scholar

89 In 1454, Fillastre began what were to have become six volumes, one on each of the fleeces of Jason, Gideon, Jacob, Mesa, Job and David, representing the six virtues of generosity, justice, prudence, loyalty, patience and mercy. See Doutrepont, Georges, ‘Jason et Gédéon, patrons de la Toison d'Or’, Melanges Godefroid Kurth, Bibliothèque de la Faculté de Philosophie et Lettres de l'Université de Liège, 2 (Liège, 1908), 191–208.Google Scholar

90 At Cambrai cathedral, Psalm 71. 6 was the text of the fourth Matins rcsponsory for Mary's Annunciation (also of the third Matins responsory for the third Sunday in Advent, and of the first Matins responsory for Monday in the third week of Advent). See Cambrai, Médiathèque Municipale, MS 38, ff. 19^v 21, 266.Google Scholar

91 See box 1, reg. 2, f. 33^v (Mons 1451): ‘Le samedi premier jour de may vegille de quasimodo fu fait le service des vespres solennelement, a grant affluence de prelas, seigneurs, nobles et autres de tous estas, le lendemain jour de quasimodo la grant messe et sermon par (bishop of Chalon, chancellor of the Order), le lundi la messe des trespassez (by the archbishop of Besançon). Ledit jour de lundi apres disner monditseigneur le souverain estant en sa chambre et messires les chavliers de lordre deversluy et les officiers en leurs habis ace requis et aussi monseigneur levesque le Tournay et monseigneur Dauthune chancelier de Bourgogne (bishop of Chalon) presenta et donna monitseigneur le duc souverain ung grant volume et livre contenant 5 livres partiaulx quil avoit fait et compile a lexaltacion et elucidacion de la religion chretienne et confutacion de la secte erronee de Mahommet, et fist mondit seigneur levesque de Chalon une compendiense colacio servant a la matiere, donna aussi a monditseigneur le duc aucuns autres livres et une grande mappe monde escripte en francois et figuree des regions provinces et lieux de la terre habitable, donna en oultre a monseigneur le conte de Charrolois un livre en latin quil avoit compose pour luy a linstruction et explacions de bonnes meurs, et avec ce donna a mondit seigneur le chanceliier de Bourgogne certains ivres en faveur de la concepcion nostre dame, et a mondit seigneur levesque de Tournay la pareille mappe monde en escripture latine’ (cf. Reiffenberg, Histoire, 31–4). On this meeting, see Hintzen, De kruistochtplannen, 62–5, who points out that this was the first meeting at which Philip the Good discussed the crusade publicly; and Charles Rousselle, ‘Une fête de la Toison d'Or à Mous’, Annales du Cercle Archéologique de Mons, 7 (1864), 348–56. Du Fay's presence at this meeting is discussed below. On Germain, see Hommel, Les officiers, 3–7, esp. p. 7 for a list of Germain's works; cf. Henri Saret, ‘Un manuscrit de Jean Germain, évêvque de Chalon-sur-Saône, chancelier de l'ordre de la Toison d'Or’, Mémoires de la Société d'Histoire et d'Archéologie de Chalon-sur-Saône, 25 (1932–3), 109–26 (pp. 109–10). That Germain introduced the fleece of Gideon as a symbol of the Order is pro-Posed by Doutrepont, ‘Jason et Gédéon’, 198.Google Scholar

92 See note 6 above.Google Scholar

93 This copy is now in the archives of the Order (Het Gulden Vlies, 121–2, no. 39; cf. Trésors de la Toison d'Or, nos. 32–4); the third book about the fleece of Gideon is only in Copenhagen, Kongelige Bibliotek, Fonds Thott, no. 465 (Fillastre's two preceding books are nos. 463 and 464: the first is on Jason, the second on Jacob). The last three volumes were never completed.Google Scholar

94 Benthem, Van, 'A Waif, 78. Croy apparently participated in the discussions about the Marian services at the 1473 meeting. Sec note 102 below,Google Scholar

95 Rorate celi is also the introit of Advent votive Marian Masses.Google Scholar

96 See Hughes, Andrew, ‘Rhymed Offices’, Dictionary of the Middle Ages, ed. Joseph Strayer (New York, 1982–9), x (1988), 375.Google Scholar

97 The Office of St Dominic is edited in Analecta hymnica medii aevi (hereafter AH), ed. Clemens Blume and Guido Dreves (Leipzig, 1886–1992), xxv(1897), 239–41; also see Promnitz, Else, Das Reimoffizium des hl. Dominikus (Breslau, 1927).Google Scholar

98 Text edited in AH, 1 (Leipzig, 1907), 584.Google Scholar

99 Rob Wegman informs me that Jacob Obrecht's Missa O lumen ecclesie has its cantus firmus underlaid with the text O lumen ecclesie (Magnificat antiphon for second Vespers of St Dominic – see AH, xxv, 241) in one source, and O quam suavis for Corpus Christi in another. See the critical report and edition of this Mass in New Obrecht Edition, ed. Barton Hudson (Utrecht. 1983-), viii (1988); Hudson dates the Mass from the 1490s and suggests preparation for the Dominican convent near the church of Our Lady in Antwerp.Google Scholar

100 On this abbey, see Maliet, Vincent, Histoire et archéologie du couvent des Dominicains de Valenciennes (Valenciennes. 1994). chapter 7: ‘Mai 1473: un chapitre de la Toison d'Or à Valenciennes’.Google Scholar

101 There is no reference to this in Reiffenberg. Cod. 35. no. 1, ff. 123ff., is described by Turck as ‘L'Office ecclésiastique de l'Ordre de la Toison d'Or présenté au Chapitre de Valenciennes l'an 1458‘. Ff. 123–134^v are missing from this codex; ff. 213ff. are on the 1473 Valenciennes chapter meeting, but there is no mention of this or any other Office.Google Scholar

102 Box 1, reg. 3, ff. 13^v–14: (On 5 May between 9 and 10 before dinner and after ratification of he 1468 acta, it is noted) ‘au regart daucun ceremonies de la messe de nostre dame pleurent et lurent aggreables a monditseigneur le souverain et a tous messires les chevaliers fratres de lordre. Et mesmement furent louez et aggreez par monditseigneur de Croy et monseigneur de Lannoy chevaliers fratres dicellui ordre les soins desdiz actes qui leur touchoient.‘Google Scholar

103 Reiffenberg, Histoire, 76–8.Google Scholar

104 Cod. 35, no, 1, f. 199, on the chapel of the Golden Fleete. In 1473 it owned 77 mencaldatus of land. In the eighteenth or nineteenth century, the chaplain received 200 florins for two weekly Masses.Google Scholar

105 See d'Arbaumont, Essai, 1–6, who points out that the Burgundians were already interested in the crusades early on, and (p. 3) that the chapel was founded for Hugh Ill's soul and those of his predecessors and successors in honour of Mary and St John the Evangelist. The charter of foundation and papal bull of approval of the Sainte Chapelle arc published in d'Arbaumont, Essai, 105ff. In a similar bull of 1244, Pope Innocent IV recognized direct papal authority over the Sainte Chapelle in Paris (Judy Louise May Taylor, ‘Rhymed Offices at the Sainte-Chapelle in the Thirteenth Century: Historical, Political, and Liturgical Contexts’, Ph.D. dissertation, University of Texas at Austin, 1994, 5). The edifice was built in 1242; it was dedicated in 1248 by one bishop in honour of the Crown of Thorns and Cross and by another in honour of the Virgin Mary. At first there were only a priest, deacon and subdeacon, and two marguilleurs; eight chaplains were added in 1318.Google Scholar

106 At this time, Philip also requested improvements to the interior and exterior of the church (see d'Arbaumont, Essai, 16–18). The church remained very much his personal chapel: Philip and his son, Charles the Bold, were baptized there, and many members of his family were buried there (ibid., 50–1). The four new canons are named in box 1, reg. 1, ff. 12–12^v (3 December 1433): ‘En ce chapitre nomma mons. le duc souverain et declara ceuix quil voloit estre chanonies des quatres chanonnies quil avoit de nouwel en faveur de son ordre fonde en sadicte chapelle de Dijon cestasse rnaistre Robert Pyen licencie en decret, maistre Henry de Ghelbroucq, messire Endes Ventier et messire Jehan Loiseleur. A chacun desquelz il confera lors une desdis 4 chanoinies ou prebendes, et en sa presence monstra premierement aux doyen et chapitre de ladicte chapelle une ferule quil avoit obtenu de nostre saint pere du povoir et auctorite alui donne en ceste partie fist les dessusnommez recevoir en chanonnes dicelle chapelle par lesdittes doyen et chapitre en la maniere deue et requise aprez ce monditseigneur le duc declara son plaisir et intencion de conferer a messire Guillaume Phrlt[?]“presbitre une des prebendes deladicte chapelle qui ou tiers lieu ou apres que deux autres escripts en son role soient ponens vaqueroit en icelle chapelle. Et a maistre Thomas Regnaudot bacheler en decret une autre prebende de ladicte chapelle ou quart lieu.‘Google Scholar

107 See Reiffenberg, , Histoire, lxxviii.Google Scholar

108 Quarré, La Sainte-Chapelle, 10–11.Google Scholar

109 The Order was approved at the Council of Basle in 1433 and by a bull of Pope Eugenius IV on 7 September 1433. See Toussaint, Joseph, Les relations diplomatiques de Philippe le Bon avec le Concile de Bâle (1431–1449), Université de Louvain, Recueil des travaux d'histoire et de philologie, series III, fascicle 9 (Leuven, 1942).Google Scholar

110 On miraculous bleeding Hosts, see Browe, Peter, Die Verehrung der Eucharistie im Mittelalter (Munich, 1933; repr. Freiburg, 1967); and idem, ‘Die Hostienschändungen der Juden im Mittelalter’, Römische Quartaischrift für Altertumskunde und für Kirchengeschichte, 34 (1926), 167–97. On the gift of the Host, see Jean-Baptiste Christyn, Jurisprudentia heroica (Brussels, 1689), i, 425–504, esp. p. 443: ‘De recentiori, et quidem ipsius Eugenii Papae IV, dono, illic item collato, fides certa est; Hostia similiter fuit, sed quae a viro impio percussa summo miraculo cruorem emiserat; quaeque ab Eugenio mirum in modum aestimata, Roberto Auclou, Capellae ejusdem canonico, et Philippo Duci in Aula Romana Oratori, tradita legitur, coruscavit exinde tot miraculis, ut Sanctac Capellae nomen gerat; et ego me fatebor, me non frustra loci religione ductum, cum ab Rege nostro optimo maximo in Catholicam hanc aulam evocatus anno M DC XLIX. observantibus nequidquam terra marique periculis ob negatum mihi à Francorum Rege per Franciam transitum, simulata mox veste id ipsum iter alacritcr et feliciter perfecisse, Numinis illic praesentis ope singulari fertum; cui novo Cancellari hujus Ordinis titulo auctus, in Capelle ipsa, in qua sepulcri [pri]mus esse coeperat, vota omnia consecraveram’; also Toussaint, Les relations, 144.Google Scholar

111 On Rite majorem and Auclou, see Fallows, Dufay, 29–30, and Alejandro Enrique Planchart, Guillaume Dufay's Masses: A View of the Manuscript Traditions', Papers Read at the Dufay Quincentenary Conference, Brooklyn College, December 6–7, 1974, ed. Allan Atlas (Brooklyn, 1976). 26–60 (pp. 26–9). The motet is edited in Guillelmi Dufay opera omnia, 6 vols. (Rome, 1951–66), Motetti (1966), no. 19. On Auclou's canonicate, see d'Arbaumont, Essai, 67, and Philibert Boulier, Sauvegarde du Ciel pour la ville de Dijon, ou Remarques historiques et chrétiennes sur la sainte et miraculeuse Hostie (Dijon, 1643). Auclou and Jean de Frayen donated windows in the choir in 1435 (d'Arbaumont, Essai, 52).Google Scholar

112 There is no other information about the Office (see d'Arbaumont, Essai, 68–9). Quarré, La Sainte-Chapelle, 23–4, mentions ‘unam missam singulis diebus cum nota et graduali simplici cantu’. See Fallows, Dufay, 71–2, on a possible relationship between Du Fay and King René of Anjou. On the sequence, sec Charles Émile Poisot, Essai sur les musiciens bourguignons (Dijon, 1854), 14: ‘Une ancienne prose du Saint-Sacrement se chantait autrefois aux messes et processions solennelles de la sainte Hostie.‘Google Scholar

113 After the Mass of St Andrew had been held at the church of St Gudula in Brussels on 30 November 1478, Maximilian, the sovereign of the Order, prayed and gave an offering at the Holy Sacrament altar in the church (acta, box 1. reg. 4, f. 32), where a miraculous bleeding Host was kept (see Haggh, ‘Music, Liturgy, and Ceremony’, 45–7). In light of what we know of the Order's relic, this worship takes on added significance. The Burgundian dukes owned several books containing liturgies for the Holy Sacrament, including sequences (see Wright, Music at the Court of Burgundy, 141, 144–5, 147).Google Scholar

114 On music (polyphony) at the Sainte Chapelle in Paris, see Brenet, Michel, Les musiciens de la Sainte-Chapelle du Palais (Paris, 1910), esp. chapters 1–2 (up to 1500). The plainchant repertory of the Sainte Chapelle has never been studied comprehensively.Google Scholar

115 also Wright, see, Music al the Court of Burgundy, 141, 145. Georges Doutrepont, La littérature française à la cour des ducs de Bourgogne (Paris, 1909; repr. Geneva, 1970), 45, notes the presence of a manuscript containing an Office for St Louis in 1404. Philip the Bold and Duchess Margaret had a great devotion to St Louis, and Duchess Agnes, for the soul of her husband Robert, duke of Burgundy, founded a chaplaincy for St Louis in 1316 with a daily Mass (d'Arbaumont, Essai, 44). See Hintzen, De kruistochtplannen, 137, who points out that Philip the Good owned a life of St Louis by Joinville, and discusses his library of crusading literature on pp. 136–7. Tourneur, ‘Les origines de l'Ordre’, concludes that the idea of creating a Burgundian chivalric order dates back to Philip the Bold under the influence of Philippe de Mézières. Hintzen, De kruistochtplannen, also gives much fourteenth-century background. Also see Vaughan, Richard, Philip the Cood, chapter 11, ‘Burgundy, France and the Crusade: 1454–64’, 334ff.Google Scholar

116 The texts of the Crown of Thorns Office are edited in AH, xlv 2 (1904), 16–18; the texts and music are modelled on the St Dominic Office. See Judith Blezzard et al., ‘New Perspectives on the Feast of the Crown of Thorns’, Journal of the Plainsong and Mediaeval Music Society, 10 (1987). 23–47, and Marcy J. Epstein, ‘Ludovicus decus regnantium: Perspectives on the Rhymed Office’, Speculum, 53 (1978), 283–334 (pp. 298–307). The Office for St Louis, by the Dominican Arnaut de Prat, also has a verse modelled on a Dominic antiphon (ibid., 293, note 30).Google Scholar

117 Victor Leroquais, in Le bréviaire de Philippe le Bon, 2 vols. (Brussels, 1929), confirms that this breviary, Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale, MS 9848, which dates from between 1455 and 1466, follows the liturgy of Notre Dame of Paris and not of the Sainte Chapelle. The relationship between the liturgy of Notre Dame of Paris and that of the Dominicans is still a matter of controversy; see Wright, Craig, Music and Ceremony at Notre Dame of Paris, 500–1550 (Cambridge, 1989), 80–1; no study has been made of the Dominicans and the liturgy of the Sainte Chapelle in particular; some individual Offices are discussed in Taylor, ‘Rhymed Offices’.Google Scholar

118 These will be discussed in a forthcoming study on the Order of the Golden Fleece and the Dominicans.Google Scholar

119 Du Fay's Missa Sancti Jacobi is edited in Guillelmi Dufay opera omnia, ii, no. 2, and discussed in Fallows. Dufay, 29–30, 168–73.Google Scholar

120 Planchart, ‘Guillaume Dufay's Masses’, 28–30.Google Scholar

121 Fallows, Dufay. 217.Google Scholar

122 Planchart restates the argument in ‘Guillaume Du Fay's Benefices’, 128–9. Cf. Fallows, Dufay, 30. Alleluia Hispanorum clarens stella is not among the verses edited by Karlheinz Schlager, Alleluia-Melodien I-II, Monumenta monodica medii aevi, 7–8 (Kassel, 1968–87), since Planchart's argument was first published.Google Scholar

123 On the Dominicans in Paris, see Epstein, ‘Ludovicus decus regnantium’, 284–5.Google Scholar

124 Only the first antiphon for first Vespers and the Magnificat antiphon are given for St James, on f. 341.Google Scholar

125 Cf. O lux et decus Hispaniae (AH, xxvi (1897), 129).Google Scholar

126 Planchait, ‘Guillaume Du Fay's Masses’, 29. Planchait does not say whether the responsories he mentions in the paragraph preceding his example are rhymed or not.Google Scholar

127 See Van den Gheyn, Catalogue des manuscrits, i, and AH.Google Scholar

128 Pierre d'Ailly, bishop of Cambrai and cardinal, was treasurer of the Sainte Chapelle in Dijon in 1394 and figures prominently in Du Fay's early life, but he died in 1420 (see Fallows, Dufay, 16–18, 20, 241).Google Scholar

129 No Propers are attributed to Du Fay in Trent 88, but some have attributions in other sources: Os iusti, introit for St Francis; Os iusti, gradual for St Anthony of Padua and St Francis; Anthoni compar, Alleluia verse for St Anthony of Padua; Desiderium anime, tract for St George; Confirma hoc, offertory for the Holy Ghost; and Veni sancte, Alleluia verse for the Holy Ghost. Planchart points out differences between the texts of these Propers and those found in the cathedral's liturgical books. Additional differences can be signalled. The gradual and verse Os justi and Alleluia verse O patriarcha pauperum for the octave of St Francis are not found in liturgical books from the cathedral (cf. Planchart, ‘Guillaume Du Fay's Benefices’, 144); the St Anthony Mass beginning Scitote quoniam was used as a votive Mass at the cathedral – that is its rubric in the cathedral's printed missal of 1507 (cf. ibid., 146); the introit Dum sanctificatus and Alleluia verse Emitte spiritum of the Holy Ghost Mass were not known at the cathedral (ibid., 149). A printout of the Mass Propers in manuscripts from Cambrai cathedral can be obtained on request from this author. Cf. Gerber, ‘The Manuscript Trent, Castello del Buonconsiglio, MS 88’, chapter 6, on polyphonic Proper settings, esp. Table III (pp. 163–7), giving the clefs, ranges, chant ranges and mensurations for each Proper item in Trent 88, and pp. 169–77 on cyclic unity in the Propers, which Gerber believes to be the work of several composers.Google Scholar

130 On St George, see Celletti, Maria Chiara, ‘Giorgio, santo, martire’, Bibliotheca sanctorum (Vatican City. 1961–70), vi (1965), cols. 512–31.Google Scholar

131 This document was already listed in the inventory of 1572 (cod. 35, no. 3, f. 223) as ‘Une rolle en parchemin superscript Rolle de l'institution, ordonnance et statuti de l'ordre d'Angleterre dit St George, et de la Garretiere’. Cod. 42 in the modern archive contains the Statutes of the Orders of the Golden Fleece, St Michael and the Garter. The last-mentioned was established in 1351: the 25 knights also wore a gold collar with a pendant of St George fighting the dragon; there were 25 knights in the Order of the Golden Fleece at first as well.Google Scholar

132 The duke of Bedford, husband of Philip the Good's sister, did join the Order of the Garter, but Philip the Good would not. Excerpt given in Christyn, Jurisprudentia, i, 428: ‘Eventus propemodum fidem superai: quoniam Occanum ingredi opus fuit, praeternavigare Hispaniam, et inde Mediterraneo secundum longitudinem emenso Constantinopolim appellerei neque id solum, sed insuper adversus Bosphorum (sancii Georgii brachium vocant) superare: atque Inde mare majus, Pontum videlicet Euxinum ingredi (cujus mille milliarum circuitus est) et ex eo Danubium trajicere, qui illic in ejusdem Valachiae finibus sese in mare exonerat.‘Google Scholar

133 See Reiffcnberg, , Histoire, pp. 55–8, on the 1468 discussion of offering the collar of the Order of the Golden Fleece to Edward, king of England, and p. 62, on Charles becoming a member of the Order of the Garter on 13 May 1469; on 27 October that year Edward asked to have the collar of the Order of the Golden Fleece brought to him. A statue of St George is singled out among the relics of the Order displayed at the chapter held in the church of Our Lady in Antwerp in 1555. See Donnet, Fernand, Le chapitre de la Toison d'Or tenu en l'église Notre Dame en l'an 1555 lors du second séjour du Roi Philippe II en la ville d'Anvers (Antwerp, 1924). 61; on the ceremonies, see esp. pp. 64–9, though polyphony or instrumental music arc nowhere mentioned.Google Scholar

134 D'Arbaumont, Essai, 56–7.Google Scholar

135 On St Maurice, see Henggeler, Rudolf, ‘Maurizio e compagni, santi, martiri ad Agatino’, Bibliotheca sanctorum, ix (1967), cols. 193–204.Google Scholar

136 Warmington, Flynn, ‘The Mass of the Ceremony of the Armed Man: The Altar and the Sword’. paper presented at the conference ‘Continuities and Transformations in Musical Culture, 1450–1500: Assessing the Legacy of Antoine Busnoys’, University of Noire Dame, 9 November 1992, and forthcoming in the proceedings. She discusses Giovanni Rucellai's Zibaldone quaresimale, ff, 47–47^v. On the Christmas sword ceremony, see Heimpel, Hermann, ‘Königlicher Weihnachtsdienst im späteren Mittelalter’, Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters, 39 (1983), 131–206; also see Cornides, Elisabeth, Hose und Schwert im päpstlichen Zeremoniell von den Anfängen bis zum Pontifikat Gregors XIII., Wiener Dissertationen aus dem Gebiete der Geschichte, 9 (Vienna, 1967).Google Scholar

137 In 1378, just before his death, Charles IV honoured the relics of the Passion at the Sainte Chapelle in Paris. On Charles IV, his relics, the Holy Lance and its cult and liturgy, see Karlheinz Schlager et al., ‘Das Offizium der Heiligen Lanze’, Jahrbuch des Historischen Vereins für Mittelfranken, 92 (1984–5), 43–107.Google Scholar

138 See Hintzen, , De kruistochtplannen, 149, on the presentation of the sword in 1461; also Cornides, Rose und Schwert, 95–6. Reiffenberg, Histoire, 37–41, makes no mention of it.Google Scholar

139 Cod. 35, no. 1, ff. 136ff. (now missing): ‘Oraison latine prononcée par celui qui apporta à Philippe le Bon l'Epée bénile par Pope Pius II’, and ff. 145ff. (also missing): ‘Autres memoires touchant cette ceremonie pratiquée par les princes’.Google Scholar

140 A canonical house was there in 1468/9. On the house, see Wright, Craig, ‘Dufay at Cambrai: Discoveries and Revisions’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 28 (1975), 208–12 (p. 211 and the map on p. 212). The miniature of Emperor Charles IV reading the seventh lesson from the Gospel at Christmas Matins in Cambrai in 1377 is in Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, MS fonds français 2813 (fourteenth century), f. 467^v, col. 2.Google Scholar

141 A town in the canton of Valais, 20 km. south of Montreux on the route over the St Bernard Pass.Google Scholar

142 Longinus was asked by Pilate to pierce Christ; afterwards he became Christian when he saw the sun go dark.Google Scholar

143 Cf. the discussion on St Michael below.Google Scholar

144 On the Holy Lance, see Trnek, Helmut, ‘155. The Holy Lance’, Kunsthistorisches Museum Vienna. The Secular and Ecclesiastical Treasures: An Illustrated Guide (Vienna, 1991), 160–4. It is mentioned throughout the thirteenth-century Office of the relics of the Sainte Chapelle in Paris. See Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale, MS IV 472, ff. 32ff. Schlager, ‘Das Offizium’, includes an edition of texts and music. Some texts are also edited and discussed in Carolus Marbach, Carmina scriplurarum (Strasbourg, 1907; repr. Hildesheim. 1963), 546–8.Google Scholar

145 Cf. Michel Andrieu, Le pontifical romain au moyen-âge, i: Le pontifical romain du XIIe siède, Studi e testi, 86 (Vatican City, 1938), 253.Google Scholar

146 On 8 October 1434 Amadeus VIII founded the Augustinian Order of St Maurice (Fallows, Dufay, 218; cf. Planchart, ‘Guillaume Du Fay's Benefices’, 163).Google Scholar

147 Julian of Speyer (d. 1285), to whom the Offices for Sts Francis and Anthony of Padua are attributed, was the choirmaster of Louis VIII and probably also of Louis IX. Sec J. E. Weis, Julian von Speier: Forschungen zur Franziskus- und Antoniuskritik, zur Geschichte der Reimoffizien und des Chorals, Veröffentlichungen aus dem Kirchenhistorischen Seminar München, 3 (Munich, 1900), 5.Google Scholar

148 Rob C. Wegman, ‘Busnoys’ “Anthoni usque limina” and the Order of Saint-Antoine-en-Barbefossein Hainaut', Studi musicali. 17 (1988), 15–31 (pp. 17–19): a confraternity for St Anthony was transformed into a chivalric Order in 1420. On Offices for St Anthony in the Burgundian library, see Wright, Music at the Court of Burgundy, 141, 144, 147.Google Scholar

149 Vellus Cedeonis is edited in AH, xlii (1903), 125–6. It is found in a sixteenth-century Bohemian manuscript, Prague, University Library, MS VII.A.13, which is unfoliated. Like the other sequences in the manuscript, it has no rubric. The manuscript is described in Václav Plocek, Catalogus codicum notis musicis instructorum (Prague, 1973), i, 244–9. (I thank Andreas Haug and Hana Vlhová for sending me information about the manuscript.) AH lists Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, MS 11857 as another source for the sequence.Google Scholar

150 On these Propers, see Duffy, Kathy, The Jena Choirbooks and the Liturgy at the Caule Church in Wittenberg under Frederick the Wise, Elector of Saxony' (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Chicago, in progress), and Jürgen Heidrich, Die deutschen Chorbücher aus der Hofkapelle Friedrichs des Weisen, Sammlung musikwissenschaftlicher Abhandlungen, 84 (Göttingen. 1993). The relics in the castle church included a thorn from the Crown of Thorns acquired in 1343 and a piece of the Holy Lance. The two Josquin L'homme armé Masses survive in other Jena choirbooks, which Duffy believes were produced for the castle church, and a letter of 1543 recommending that another establishment should follow the liturgical practices of the castle church in Wittenberg urges that a L'homme armé Mass should be sung on St Michael's Day (see below on St Michael). The Mass Propers in Jena include a cycle for the year and commons, some of which served as votive Masses; all are cantus firmus pieces with the cantus firmus in the tenor or paraphrased in the discantus. I am grateful to Kathy Duffy for sharing the results of her research with me.Google Scholar

151 These include the Missa Sancti Jacobi by Du Fay and the Marian Mass by Libert. Libert was master of the boys at Cambrai cathedral in 1424. His Mass Propers cannot be for any particular feast celebrated at the cathedral; the sequence is also not from the cathedral (Ave mundi gaudium is in a fourteenth century Franciscan prosar, Paris tat. 1339; cf. AH, xxxvii (1901). 70–1). Libert's Mass is edited in Sechs Trienter Codices, ed. Rudolf von Ficker and Alfred Orel, Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Österreich, 53 (Graz, 1960), 1–18, and in Early Fifteenth Century Music, ed. Gilbert Reaney, Corpus mensurabilis musicae, 11, 7 vols. (Rome, 1955–6), iii, pp. xviiff., 64–96. Rebecca Gerber argues that such Propers (she discusses many others) were composed only by northern French composers, with the exception of Touront, who may be German (‘The Manuscript Trent, Castello del Buonconsiglio, MS 88’, 147–52), though many of the composers she names also sang in the chapels of popes and antipopes.Google Scholar

152 See the items in the Burgundian library listed in Wright, Music at the Court of Burgundy, 141, 144.Google Scholar

153 The Alcuin votive Masses matching those held in Dijon are the Masses for the Trinity (Sunday), Angels (Wednesday), the Cross (Friday) and the Virgin (Saturday), See Deshusses, Jean, ‘Les messes d'Alcuin’, Archiv für Liturgiewissenschaft, 14 (1972), 7–41, for the best edition to date.Google Scholar

154 It is possible that the votive Masses were used earlier at the court, because the inventory of the Burgundian library of 1420 contains ‘a small quire of parchment … in which there are many Masses, and which begins with La messe de la Trinité and finishes with Confitebor tibi in populis [Psalm 56. 10, which has different liturgical uses]‘. See Wright, Music at the Court of Burgundy, 145.Google Scholar

155 See Fallows, , Dufay, 61–2, and Planchart, ‘Guillaume Du Fay's Masses’. 35–6, on Moribus et genere and other works by Du Fay for Sts Francis and Anthony in Modena, Biblioteca Estense e Universitaria, MS α.X.1.11, which also contains an antiphon by Du Fay for St George. Moribus et genere is edited in Guillelmi Dufay opera omnia, i, no. 19.Google Scholar

156 Marix, Histoire de la musique, 152.Google Scholar

157 See Haggh, Barbara, Gilles Carlier and Guillaume Du Fay, ‘Recollectio festorum beate Marie virginis’: History, Analysis, and Edition (forthcoming).Google Scholar

158 Chant from the Kyrie de angelis appears in some of the L'homme armé Masses. See Lockwood, ‘Aspects’. On St Michael, see Christian de Merindol, ‘Saint Michel et la Monarchie Française à la fin du moyen âge dans le conflit franco-anglais’, La ‘France Anglaise’ au moyen âge, Actes du 111e congrès national des sociétés savantes, Poitiers 1986: Section d'histoire médiévale et de philologie, 1 (Paris, 1988), 513–42; and Marcel Baudot, ‘Diffusion et évolution du culte de Saint Michel en France’, Millénaire monastique du Mont-Saint-Michel (Paris, 1966-), iii (1971), 99–112 (pp. 106ff.).Google Scholar

159 Cod. 42 contains the statutes of the Orders of the Golden Fleece, St Michael and the Garter. Heiffenberg, Histoire, 234, 249, 252, notes that Anthony, bastard of Burgundy, while prisoner of the king of France, took off the collar of the Order of the Golden Fleece to wear that of St Michael, which he later gave back.Google Scholar

160 In 1310/11. Philip the Fair donated two thorns and pari of the Cross to the chapel; in 1360, a daily Mass for the archangel was instituted (Merindol, 'Saint Michel“, 516–17).Google Scholar

161 See Poisot, , Essai sur les musiciens bourguignons,Google Scholar

162 Merindol emphasizes the fact that Michael, George and Maurice are the saintly protectors of knights, and notes the presence of a jewel in the Burgundian inventory of 1420 with images of the Annunciation, Charlemagne, George, Louis and Denis as well as the sword of St George (p. 528), See Merindol, ‘Saint Michel’, 525, on the French devotion to Sts George and Michael.Google Scholar

163 Chief among other documents in the archives of musical interest is an original charter of the Court of Love founded by Philip the Bold in his hôtel in Paris on 14 February 1401 (Cod. 51; Ruwet, Les archives, 795). A transcription of this document with commentary is Arthur Piaget, ‘Un manuscrit de la “Cour Amoureuse de Charles VI”, Romania. 31 (1902). 597–603. Also see Potviri, Charles, ‘La charte de la Cour d'Amour de l'année 1401’, Bulletin de l'Académie Royale de Belgique, 3rd series, 12 (1886). 191–220. On the Court of Love, see Wright. Music at the Court of Burgundy, 134–7.Google Scholar

164 See, for example, Jan Smeken's Gedicht op de feesten ter eere van het Gulden Vlies le Brussel in 1516, ed. Gilberc de Groote (Antwerp, 1946). This poem repeatedly mentions trumpeters, as well as the Mass of St Andrew (p. 15), ‘song and play’ around the dinner table (p. 16), the Requiem Mass and offertory procession (p. 18), Vespers and Mass of Our Lady, the Vespers including ‘song and play’ (p. 19); the Mass of the Holy Ghost is not mentioned, however. Court accounts give evidence that two Antwerp singers were invited especially for the's Hertogenbosch meeting in 1481 (Georges Van Doorslaer. ‘La chapelle musicale de Philippe le Beau’, Revue belge d'archéologie et d'histoire d'art, 4 (1934), 21–57, 139–65 (p. 34)), and that the Bergen op Zoom singer Claes van Lier (fl. 1492–1504) was present for the meeting in 1501 (ibid., 40; on Lier, see, most recently, Wegman, ‘Music and Musicians’, 244). Other accounts describe extensive repairs made to the organ of the chapel of the court of Holland in The Hague for the meeting of the Order of 1456 (see C. Lingbeek-Schalekamp, Overheid en muziek in Holland tot 1672, Poortugaal, 1984, 195–6). I am grateful to Rob Wegman for these references.Google Scholar