This paper illustrates the Japanese cultural policy towards the Philippines through the example of the New Philippine Cultural Institute, an educational institution created by the Japanese military to inculcate the Filipino youth with patriotism and to nurture the future leaders of the “New Philippines”. This organization developed later into a volunteer army which showed determination to fight against the returning U.S. forces.

One field of study which still remains unexplored in connection with the Japanese occupation is to examine the Japanese army's view of events by using Japanese military records. This paper gives an outline of records relating to the occupation of the Philippines found at the Military Archives of the National Institute for Defense Studies in Tokyo, and discusses their historical significance.

During the period between the opening of the war in Europe in September 1939 and the attack on Pearl Harbor and Malaya in December 1941, the British sought to limit Japanese penetration into Southeast Asia, while guarding, insofar as they could, against any Japanese advance. The policy applied to East Timor. But the Portuguese were touchy about interference and apprehensive about Macau.

The article examines the intent of the Japanese for their Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere. It relies on documents that the Japanese government prepared in September 1942 which set forth prospective policy towards Thailand as a member of the Co-Prosperity Sphere. The proposals in these documents specified the political and diplomatic relations Japan expected to have with Thailand, and they were very specific regarding Japan's control over Thailand's economy as a part of the Co-Prosperity Sphere. The documents indicate that the Japanese were aiming at establishing a well-organized, well-regulated sphere as a unity under the direction of Japan. The organic nature that the Japanese envisioned for the Co-Prosperity Sphere was patterned on the same organic unity that they had applied to building and controlling their empire between 1895 and 1940.

Phra Sarasas, author of My Country Thailand, a historical work critical of the Thai monarchy, claimed to have shaped the 1932 overthrow of the absolute monarchy in Siam. He became Minister of Economic Affairs briefly in 1937, and promoted the pro-Japanese cause in Thailand with sufficient enthusiasm to be accused of war crimes after the Japanese surrender, but escaped prosecution when the Thai Supreme Court ruled that the War Crimes Act was illegal. His limited political career never matched his aspirations and Phra Sarasas remained a marginal figure, but his life and work nevertheless throw an interesting light on events during this formative period of modern Thai history.

World War II may have ended fifty years ago, yet it is clear that numerous evaluations, interpretations, and assessments made by historians and scholars on this period in Southeast Asian history have not sufficiently reflected the intrinsic values of the wartime events, personalities, and developments involved. This is particularly true in the case of two wartime leaders in Thailand — Field Marshal Phibunsongkhram and Pridi Phanomyong. The article attempts to re-assess and update both their place in Thai history and their contributions to the socio-political development of the country.

The study describes an asymmetric relationship between Vietnamese Caodaists, followers of the Cao Dai religion, and the Japanese during World War Two. The Caodaists maintained a pro-Japanese stance throughout the occupation, based on their judgement that they could in this way advance the nationalist cause and achieve independence from French rule. The position of the Caodaists immediately after the end of World War Two was adversely affected as a result of their wartime collaboration.