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The Nationalist Revolution in Eritrea

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 November 2008

Extract

Now in its third decade, the nationalist revolution in Eritrea is Africa's longest conflict, and one whose nature is often misunderstood by friend and foe alike. Its supporters see it as an anti-colonial campaign, the same as that waged by people elsewhere for independence. Certainly, colonialism has something to do with it, since Eritrea itself was its creation. However, Eritrean nationalism did not emerge as a reaction to the colonial situation. It made its appearance after the collapse of Italian rule, when the fate of the former colony hung in the balance. The issue that proved the catalyst was Ethiopia's determination to absorb Eritrea, as she was soon to do with the collaboration of many of the inhabitants. These peculiar origins have been cited as good reasons for dismissing Eritrean nationalism as a sham, even though the events of the last 25 years offer ample proof to the contrary.1 This article offers a summary view of the conflict's history, and makes an attempt to distil the essence of the movement which is still fighting Ethiopia.2

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1988

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References

Page 51 note 1 On this debate, see Yohannes, Okbazghi, ‘The Eritrean Question: a colonial case?’, in The Journal of Modern African Studies (Cambridge), 25, 4, 12 1987, pp. 643–68.Google Scholar

Page 51 note 2 See also Markakis, John, National and Class Conflict in the Horn of Africa (Cambridge, 1987).Google Scholar

Page 53 note 1 Composed of representatives from the United States, U.S.S.R., Britain, and France, the Commission visited Libya and Somalia as well.

Page 53 note 2 Trevaskis, G., Eritrea: a colony in transition (London, 1960), p. 130.Google Scholar

Page 54 note 1 For a review of the bibliography relevant to this period, see Markakis, John, ‘No Longer a Hidden War: recent writings on the Eritrean nationalist struggle’, in The Journal of Modern African Studies, 19, 2, 06 1981, pp. 362–6.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Page 55 note 1 ‘Statutes of the Eritrean Liberation Movement’, 1982, in Arabic. A copy of this two-page mimeographed document is in the author's possession.

Page 55 note 2 Wolde Ab Wolde Mariam, the foremost Christian spokesman for independence, was an exception. He agreed to become the E.L.M. representative in Cairo.

Page 58 note 1 Spencer, John H., Ethiopia at Bay: a personal account of the Haile Sellassie years (Algonac, Michigan, 1984), p. 123fn.Google Scholar

Page 60 note 1 The son of a minor functionary, Isayas abandoned university study in 1966 to join the E.L.F.

Page 60 note 2 Ramadan and Isayas were in the first group trained in China.

Page 60 note 3 These goals are listed in a document entitled ‘Principles of the Eritrean Democratic Working Peoples Party: its purpose and strategy’, in Arabic, dated 1 January 1980.

Page 61 note 1 Idris Mohammed Adam, for example, retained enough support among his Beni Amer kinsmen, to gain election as chairman of the 19-member revolutionary council in 1971.

Page 66 note 1 To some it indicated that the Eritreans have no prospects at all of ever reaching their goal. Such a view is put forth in Erlich, Hagai, The Struggle Over Eritrea, 1962–1978 (Stanford, 1982).Google Scholar

Page 67 note 1 The talks were mainly of an academic nature, as the Russians tried to convince the Eritreans that since capitalism had not developed in Eritrea, it was impossible to speak of nationalism. When the visitors declared that Eritreans were engaged in an anti-colonial struggle, their hosts replied that since capitalism had not developed in Ethiopia either, that country could not be considered a colonial power.

Page 67 note 2 Neither Front ever disclosed information about its strength. The numbers cited here are interpolations of varied estimates.

Page 67 note 3 The story of the T.P.L.F. appears in Markakis, op. cit. ch. 9.

Page 69 note 1 Among the casualties probably were two key members of the leadership, whose deaths were revealed during the 1987 congress. They were Ibrahim Aafa and Mesfin Hagos, both members of the politbureau and its military committee. The former, a one-time sailor in the Ethiopian navy, was the E.P.L.F.'s foremost military strategist.