La política, siendo en esencia el arte de gobernar, es inseparable de cualquier régimen; la encontramos en la quietud de los despotismos orientales y en el tumulto de las modernas democracias. Consiguientemente, el político aparece en todos los pueblos y en todos los tiempos.

Ya el venerable Aristóteles decía que el hombre es “un animal político”, en el sentido de que nace con irresistible tendencia a vivir en sociedad, a organizarse en ciudades (polis), para cuya existencia es indispensable alguna clase de gobierno.

Las ideas corrientes acerca de la política y los políticos, son profundamente erradas. Se cree que son algo abominable que debe desaparecer, sin comprender su necesidad imprescindible.

Since his death in 1949, the prestige of the eminent Mexican painter José Clemente Orozco has continued to grow as his artistic stature becomes more measurable. For this reason, if for no other, the early formative years of his career when the stylistic foundations of maturity were laid demand now more than ever careful scrutiny and evaluation. Among the early works of this artist none, in our opinion, is of greater interest and few are of higher quality than a collection of water colors known to students of Orozco as the House of Tears. In spite of their importance, however, these pictures have received only casual treatment from most writers. This essay embodies the earnest hope that our analysis of certain problems involved in the sources and style of House of Tears may at least kindle broader interest in the series as a whole.

Brazil has been a classic example of plantation society. In recent years, however, a new Brazil has been emerging in a process vividly described by Charles Wagley as "the Brazilian Revolution", by which the old society has been transformed as new groups have gradually risen from industry, commerce, the professions, and the bureaucracy, until the overall Brazilian society no longer bears the stamp of plantation society.

In this paper an attempt will be made to show how the plantation developed into the organizing force of Brazilian society throughout the Colonial and Empire periods by extending its form and control patterns to the larger society which surrounded it. By the end of the nineteenth century, due to a series of crises, economic, social, and political, the classic plantation system underwent modifications which, if they had gone unchecked, would have strengthened it more than ever.

For more than a decade, enormous attention has been given by academic economists, researchers, and policy makers to the problem of economic growth of the less-developed countries. The aspirations of leaders and the people of these countries for accelerated economic progress which has been characterized by the apt phrases the “revolution of rising expectations,” and the “New Awakening,” have played a major role in this new orientation in economic thought and action. Another interesting fact is that governments have emerged as consciously active “agents of change” carrying a heavy responsibüity for the success or failure of development programs.

O papel da familia extensa patriarcal é largamente conhecido através os estudos históricos e sociológicos da civilização brasileña anterior á presente fase de intensa urbanização e desenvolvimento econômico. Os cronistas, historiadores, demógrafos, os cientistas naturais ou simples viajantes que visitaram o país desde o período colonial deixaram-nos informes e observações sobre aquele tipo de familia. Foi, porém, Gilberto Freyre quem dedicou urna atenção especial a instituição, analisando-a desde os seus primordios até os mais ayancados estágios da sua decadencia na obra cíclica que a mesma consagrou e que se representa de modo específico nas monografías Casa Grande e Senzala, referente ao período da completa predominancia da plantation agucareira e do apogeu do patriarcalismo rural, Sobrados e Mocambos, relativa a época da diversificagáo da sociedade colonial com o crescimento e ascengáo política e social das populações urbanas, e, por último, Ordem e Progresso, a análisis das mudangas ligadas a desintegração do sistema escravagista desde a Lei do Ventre Livre aos primordios da República de 1889. Freyre e outros chamaran atengáo para a influência desse padráo fundamental sobre outros tipos de familia ainda existentes na sociedade brasileira.

If the happenings in twentieth-century Mexican art could be translated into musical notation, the score would resemble a movement of a symphony with two major themes. The original theme, that of a Revolutionary art for the masses, was stated loudly and boldly at the opening of the movement. Slowly a counter-theme, that of a conservative art for the middle-class, began to emerge. The strains of the second theme have been especially perceptible since 1940; the two melodies have woven together in a counterpoint pattern for twenty years. Gradually, the conservative theme is becoming predominant over the everweakening notes of the radical one.

The most widely-professed fact in the field of Latin American politics is unquestionably the dominant role of the president. The task facing Latin Americanists is not the defense of this theme but the elaboration of it. One of the most confining factors — so often lamented at conferences where these matters are discussed — is the lack of information in depth concerning all of the revelancies of power structure. This is particularly evident in appraising cultural factors although it must be admitted that much excellent work is now being done. A very challenging problem in the area of comparative government is involved, a problem admitting of some of the methodological uneasiness associated with that branch of political inquiry. Obviously, in the study of Latin American politics one may proceed with greater assurance with the “variations on a theme” technique than would be possible in many other areas; however, some disillusionment and appreciable inaccuracies lie in wait if one submits to this temptation too extensively.

Los años posteriores a la segunda guerra mundial han sido testigos de un creciente interés por el estado de los países subdesarrollados del mundo. Estos países — históricamente sujetos a condiciones extremas de pobreza y estancamiento — comenzaron a esforzarse con inusitada energía por mejorar su situación dentro de la realidad económica prevalente. Al mismo tiempo, los países desarrollados — especialmente Estados Unidos — acusaron una mayor preocupación por el bienestar de los pueblos de las regiones poco avanzadas, provocada en gran parte por las profundas implicaciones planteadas por la “revolución de crecientes esperanzas” dentro de la situación global del panorama internacional.

The United States Government, over the past several years, has endeavored to utilize its abundance of agricultural commodities for the promotion of economic development in certain foreign locales. The disposal of surplus food and fiber products purportedly serves the dual purpose of alleviation of domestic over-production and assistance to underdeveloped countries engaged in a struggle for economic advancement. The two programs which attempt an integration of surplus disposal with foreign economic assistance are Section 402 of the Mutual Security Act and the Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance Act (PL 480).

Food is one of the most basic resources which the land, aided by man, can bring forth. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the effectiveness and viability of Brazil's food resources as reflected in the actual process of supplying food to consuming centers. In other words, how efficiently is man utilizing his food resource base? Is enough food being produced? And, equally important, is there adequate means for getting the food to the consumer?

Latin-American education today bears more resemblance to its ineffective past than to the great and good plans which its educators have regularly got incorporated into law. For two generations all the southern republics have passed constitutional provisions guaranteeing free and compulsory education. Haiti has carried such a provision in its legal code since 1871, yet today 92 per cent of its people are illiterate.

The percentage figure ranges somewhat lower for the other countries, but the basic situation remains the same. As H. W. Spiegel reported in The Brazilian Economy: “At present no more than one-third of Brazil's child population attends school. Schools, including the elementary, are overcrowded. Teachers are scarce. Education opportunities for higher training are poor and expensive. During 1940 to 1944, seventyeight per cent of the immigrants were literate; in 1940 only thirty-two per cent of the native Brazilians were literate.”

Elihu Root has sometimes been referred to as a U.S. Secretary of State who specialized in Latin-American affairs. It is difficult to determine whether this specialized interest was Root's personal choice or was forced upon him by the growing complexity of inter-American affairs during the administration of Theodore Roosevelt. One need not make a choice as to the major source of Root's interest in Latin America, for his policy reflects a combination of personal interest and circumstance. The most notable illustration of this combination occurred in 1906.

Much has been heard in the postwar years about “Hemispheric Solidarity.” In popular belief, this concept not only has concerned matters of security for the Western Hemisphere but frequently has been extended to cover practically all of the international relations of the American states. Particularly, there has been the widespread assumption that the Latin-American states form a bloc in the United Nations — and, incidentally, a bloc of twenty votes in the pocket of the United States.

The growing frequency of conflicts in the Caribbean and Central America reveals some new and significant aspects of the old problem of intervention. Failure to recognize these new and significant aspects accounts for much of the confusion evident at the Meeting of Consultation of the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the American States held at Santiago de Chile, in 1959.

A number of strains have been placed upon the principle of nonintervention and it is important at the outset to note the forces behind them. Two developments which have been proceeding in opposite directions are basic here. The first of these is the mounting exactitude and breadth of the non-intervention doctrine itself. It has been applied to collective action as well as action by individual states; to indirect action such as diplomatic protests and economic pressure as well as to more direct action.

Nous sommes fiers de notre élite intellectuelle. Nous apprécions ses connaissances littéraires, artistiques, techniques. Nous tirons legitime vanité de ses productions intellectuelles.

Il a été donné plus d'une fois de dresser le bilan de nos productions intellectuelles. II y a, par exemple, d'Ulrick Divivier la BibliographieGenérale et Méthodique D'Haiti (2 volumes, Port-au-Prince, Imprimerie de l'Etat, 1941, 315 et 411 pages), des Anthologies de Poésie et de Prose Haitiennes et l'important travail de Max Bissainthe Dictionnaire de la Bibliographie Haitienne (The Scarecrow Press, Washington D. C, 1052 pages, 1951) qui constituent des homages éloquents á notre intelligenzia, durante les 150 ans et plus d'Indépendance.

There is a newly-respectable school of economics which claims that a little inflation is a good thing and necessary to sustain a high rate of economic growth. It has not even been deterred by the experience of the recession of 1958, by which time normal market forces had been tampered with to such an extent that the United States was treated to the novel and startling spectacle of continued inflation in the midst of a downturn in the productive sectors of the economy. These same economists view inflation not only as a good thing in the developed, industrialized nations, but as practically a necessity in the underdeveloped countries. They thus give aid and comfort to those elements in the underdeveloped areas which are attempting to find an easy solution to the problem of industrial growth, a problem which took the advanced countries many decades and much work and social upheaval to solve.

Margarita Island, Venezuela, located at the southeastern corner of the Caribbean, has been exporting people to mainland Venezuela for over 450 years (Fig. 1). However, over the years the reasons for the migration and the character of the migrants have changed. Within a few years of the island's discovery in 1498, some of the aboriginal inhabitants, the Guayquerí Indians, moved to the mainland. Perhaps this was the result of a falling out with the Spaniards. Others became loyal allies of the Spaniards and accompanied them as auxiliary troops in the Spanish invasions of the mainland. About 1550, some Guayquerí began to move from Margarita into areas along the Paria-Cumaná coast which, as the result of Spanish invasions and slave raids, had lost much of their native Indian population. Eventually, the Guayquerí remaining on the island were almost entirely absorbed into the mestizo population of Margarita. The islanders — Margariteños now — continued migrating to the mainland.

The per capita availability of fisheries products in El Salvador is about 3.3 pounds per annum. The level, while low, is not out of the ordinary for tropical America. Seafood in particular, but animal protein in all forms, is little consumed by the great bulk of the population. It is the better endowed economic classes and the fishermen who account for most of the consumption of fisheries products. Other groups, chiefly urban, regard fish and crustaceans as luxuries, ordering or serving them mainly during religious and other festive occasions.

Conozco pocos estudios sobre lo que contenían las librerías o bibliotecas durante la colonia y será de no poco interés, para los que escriben sobre la historia de Charcas, el conocer algunos catálogos completos de tales repositorios. Por el momento, doy cuenta de dos de ellos.

Creio na existencia de um ciclo folclórico da Guerra da Tríplice Alianga, Guerra do Paraguai ou aínda Guerra Grande (1865-1870). Ñao por haver colhido dados de campo expressamente a respeito, pois Ñao tomei essa deliberacáo durante os dois anos que vivi em Asunción (1950-1951). Mas devido às fontes bibliográficas que reúno, dia a dia. Se isoladas não são realmente expressivas, em conjunto, Ñao obstante, revelam-nos, inequívocamente, dito ciclo. Mediante o alarme déstes fatos — um simples síntoma — chamo a atenção dos estudiosos, sugerindo- Ihes a importância de urna pesquisa a fundo, não só nãs bibliotecas como entre informantes.