Hostname: page-component-5c6d5d7d68-wbk2r Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-08-29T23:26:32.389Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

European Reactions to the Homestead Act

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  03 February 2011

Folke Dovring
Folke Dovring
Affiliation:
University of Illinois
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Extract

Contemporary reaction to the Homestead Act was complex in the United States, and the judgment of posterity has included much negative criticism. Whatever the real merits and defects of the Act, its impact on public opinion in Europe was not necessarily in keeping with the facts as they unfolded in America. European reactions to the famous Act are much less known than is the case with American public and expert opinion on the same subject. Standard literature on emigration and on the American image in Europe invariably stresses political freedom and economic opportunity as main motives for emigration. The Homestead Act is in most cases mentioned only in passing, as one among several factors in the motivation of prospective emigrants. In some cases it is claimed to have been a major motive but without evidence to bear out how important it was.

Type
Land Policy after the Homestead Act
Information
The Journal of Economic History , Volume 22 , Issue 4 , December 1962 , pp. 461 - 472
Copyright
Copyright © The Economic History Association 1962

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 See Shannon, Fred A., “The Homestead Act and the Labor Surplus,” The American Historical Review, XLI, No. 4 (July 1936), 637–51CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Paul W. Gates, “The Homestead Law in an Incongruous Land System,” ibid., pp. 652–81. See also, for example, Sheldon, Addison E., Land Systems and Land Policies in Nebraska (Lincoln, Neb.: Nebraska Historical Society, 1936), pp. 75–93 and 301–8Google Scholar, and Lokken, Roscoe L., Iowa Public Land Disposal (Iowa City, la.: State Historical Society of Iowa, 1942), p. 128Google Scholar.

2 Hinte, J. van, Nederlanders in America (Groningen: P. Noordoff, 1928), T. 2, p. 130.Google Scholar

3 Report on the Population of the United States at the Eleventh Census: 1890 (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1897), p. 2Google Scholar, Table 121. See also, “Immigration into the United States, showing number, nationality, sex, age, occupation, destination, etc., from 1820–1903,” Monthly Summary of Commerce and Finance (Washington: United States Treasury Department, Bureau of Statistics), X (June 1903), 4333–444Google Scholar; Commons, John R., “Immigration and its Economic Effects,” Industrial Commission Reports, XV (1901), 293–743Google Scholar, and E. Dana Durand, “General Statistics of Immigration and Foreign-Born Population,” ibid., pp. 257–91.

4 Jerome, Harry, Migration and Business Cycles (New York: National Bureau of Economic Research, 1926), pp. 77Google Scholaret seq., especially p. 81, Table 18.

5 The Russian empire had, of course, vast frontier areas of its own; in this sense, see, for example, Slavinski-, Nikola-, Piśma ob Amerikě i russkikh pereselentsakh (S. Petersburg: Knizhnaia magazina dlia inogorodnykh, 1873), pp. 17Google Scholaret seq. There were in fact similar conditions on the Balkans and in the Danubian countries.

6 Schrier, Arnold, Ireland and the American Emigration 1850–1900 (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1958), p. 19Google Scholar and passim. Johnson, Cf Stanley C., A History of Emigration from the United Kingdom to North America, 1763–1912 (London: George Routledge, 1913) pp. 38Google Scholaret seq., on instances where British landlords deliberately helped in emigration from congested areas—to improve their own rental income.

7 Among such warnings see, “Landverhuizing naar de Vereenigte Staten van Noord-Amerika,”De Economist (Amsterdam), 1869:2, pp. 638–82Google Scholar, especially pp. 677 et seq.; Ed. Pelz, , “Ueber Auswanderung,” Deutsche Auswanderer-Zeitung (Bremen) 1864, No. 47–49Google Scholar, and several among the German emigrant advisory booklets. A similar note repeatedly in the Welsh letters: The Welsh in America. Letters from the Immigrants. Edited by Conway, Alan (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1961), pp. 126Google Scholar, 129. Cf. also Shepperson, W. S., British Emigration to North America. Projects and Opinions in the Early Victorian Period (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1957)Google Scholar.

8 Blegen, Th. C., Norwegian Migration to America 1825–1860 (Northfield, Minn.: The Norwegian American Historical Association, 1931)Google Scholar; idem, Norwegian Migration to America. The American Transition (Same place and publisher, 1940); Semmingsen, Ingrid Gaustad, “Utvandringen til Amerika 1866–73,” Historisk tidsskrift (Oslo) 31:4, 1938, 237–79Google Scholar; idem, “Norwegian Emigration to America during the Nineteenth Century,” Norwegian-American Studies and Records, XI (1940), 66–81;Google ScholarStephenson, George M., “The Background and the Beginnings of Swedish Immigration, 1850–1875,” American Historical Review, XXXI (July 1926), 708–23CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Lindberg, John S., The Background of Swedish Emigration to the United States (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1930)Google Scholar, especially chs. 4 and 5; Scott, Franklin D., “The Causes and Consequences of Emigration in Sweden,” The Chronicle, A Quarterly Publication of the American Swedish Historical Foundation (Philadelphia), II, No. 1 (Spring 1955), 2–11Google Scholar; idem, “American Influences in Norway and Sweden,” Journal of Modern History, XVIII (1946), 37–47.Google Scholar

9 Blegen, Th. C., The America Letters (Oslo: Avhandlinger utgitt av Det norske Videnskabs-Akademi, 1928), 2:5Google Scholar; Semmingsen, Ingrid Gaustad, “Utvandringen, Amerikabrevene og norsk samfundsutvikling i det 19 århundrede,” Samtiden (Oslo) 1941, pp. 335Google Scholaret seq.

10 Land of Their Choice. The Immigrants Write Home. Edited by Th. Blegen, C. (Minneapolis: The University of Minnesota Press, 1955)Google Scholar.

11 Stephenson, George M. (ed.), “Typical America Letters,” Yearbook, of the Swedish Historical Society of America, VII (1921–1922), 52–98Google Scholar; idem (ed.), “Hemlandet letters,” ibid., VIII (1922–1923), 56–152; Conrad Peterson (ed.), “Letters From Pioneer Days,” ibid., IX (1923–24), 45–117; Pihlblad, C. Terence (ed.), “America Letters 1879–1887,” The Chronicle, A Quarterly Publication of the American Swedish Historical Foundation (Philadelphia), 1 No. 2 (Summer 1954), 6–11Google Scholar; I, No. 3 (Autumn 1954), 10–15; Stephenson, George M., “When America Was the Land of Canaan,” Minnesota History, X (September 1929), 237–60Google Scholar; Amerikabreven. Utgivna och kommenterade av Otto Rob. Landelius. Förord av Vilhelm Moberg. (Stockholm: Natur och Kultur, 1957)Google Scholar; När svenska-Amerika grundades. Emigrantbrev med kommeutarer av Albin Widén (Borås: Vasa Orden av Amerika, 1961)Google Scholar.

12 Emigrationsutredningen. Bilaga 7. Utvandrarnes egna uppgifter. (Stockholm: P. A. Norstedt och Söner, 1908)Google Scholar. Letters No. 171–213 (pp. 130 et seq.) are from persons emigrated 1860–1890.

13 Thörn, Olof, “Glimpses from the activities of a Swedish emigration agent,” The Swedish-Pioneer, X (1959), 3–24, 52–64Google Scholar.

14 Thus, as late as in the eighties, Nya Stockholm, nybildadt skandinaviskt nybygge i Nord-Amerikanska Western. 160 acres land fritt till hvarje person, fyid 18 år. (Enköping: 1886)Google Scholar. See O. F. Ander's bibliography (note 20 below), p. 41.

15 For instance, Struve, Gustav von, Wegweiser für Aswanderer (Bamberg: Buchner, 1866), pp. 18Google Scholaret seq.; Lucy, Eynar de in a mixed chronicle in Journal d' agriculture pratique (Paris), 34:2 (1867)Google Scholar. Cf. also the German edition of Edward Young's report (see below, note 16), pp. 154 et seq.

16 Edward Young, Special Report on Immigration (U. S. Congress. House. 42nd Congress, 1st Sess., House Executive Document No. I, 1871 (second ed., 1872); idem, Spezieller Bericht über Einwanderung in die Vereinigten Staaten (Washington, 1872)Google Scholar; idem, Rapport spécial sur l'immigration (Washington, 1872)Google Scholar; Handbook for emigrants to the United States, Prepared by the American Social Science Association (New York, 1871), pp. 110Google Scholaret seq. Cf. also, for example, Hansen, Marcus L., “Official Encouragement of Immigration to Iowa,” Iowa Journal, XIX (April 1921), 159–95Google Scholar; “An Invitation to Immigrants” (excerpts from the official Iowa emigrant bulletin by Fulton, A. R.), The Palimpsest (Iowa City), XVIII (July 1937), 226–42Google Scholar; Blegen, Th. C., “Minnesota's Campaign for Immigrants,” Yearbook, of the Swedish Historical Society of America, XI (1926), 3–83Google Scholar; Schell, Herbert S., “Official Immigration Activities of Dakota Territory,” North Dakota Historical Quarterly, VII (October 1932), 5–24Google Scholar.

17 Blegen, Th. C., Norwegian Migration to America. The American Transition (Northfield, Minn.: The Norwegian American Historical Association, 1940), p. 410Google Scholar. The Homestead Act had been publicized at length in Dreutzer's circular for emigrants which came in an enlarged edition in 1864 (p. 412); when one writer questioned its truthfulness, Morgenbladet printed the whole text of the Act, in 1867 (p. 459). Cf. also Stephenson, George M., “Some footnotes to the History of Swedish Immigration from about 1855 to about 1865,” Yearbook of the Swedish Historical Society of America, VII (1921–1922), 33–52Google Scholar, about anti-emigration propaganda in the press and from the pulpits.

18 Dovring, Karin, Road of Propaganda, The Semantics of Biased Communication (New York: The Philosophical Library, 1959)Google Scholar, especially p. 10, also pp. 12, 15, 21 and passim.

19 See Rynning, Ole, Sandfaerdig Beretning om Amerika til Oplysning og Nytte for Bonde og Menigmand…. (Christiania, 1838)Google Scholar. Translated and edited by Blegen, Theodore C. (Mianeapolis: The Norwegian American Historical Association, 1926)Google Scholar, Editor's preface.

20 Bibliography on Swedish emigrant guide books in Ander, O. Fritiof, The Cultural Heritage of the Swedish Immigrant. Selected References (Rock Island, Ill.: Augustana Library Publications, 1956), No. 27, pp. 36–45Google Scholar, including all the Swedish-language offers of railroad land. Analyses of certain among the guide books in Ångström, Mártha, “Swedish Emigrant Guide Books of the Early 1850's,” American Swedish Historical Foundation Yearbook. (Philadelphia, 1947), pp. 22–48Google Scholar, and Swanson, Roy W., “Some Swedish Emigrant Guide Books of the Second Half of the Nineteenth Century,” Yearbook of the Swedish Historical Society of America, XI (1926), 103–24Google Scholar.

21 Thus, in Reiersen, J. R., Veiviser for norske emigranter til De forenede nordamerikanske stater og Texas (Christiania: G. Reiersen, 1844), p. 44Google Scholar: “Other initial costs 500 dollars.”

22 Most of the land offerings by railroads printed in languages other than English were published in America and may thus have aimed at immigrants already in the country rather than at prospective ones in Europe. A number of those in Swedish, for instance were, however, printed in Sweden; see the bibliography by O. F. Ander (note 20 above).

23 Howard, James, “Things in America,” The Fanner's Magazine (London), LII (1866:2), 506Google Scholaret seq., which also mentions the Homestead Act (p. 512) and supposes that this will tempt many English farmers. Otherwise the same magazine has very little about emigration and about American affairs on the whole in the years after the Civil War.

24 Sering, Max, Die landwirtschaftliche Konkurrenz Nordamerikas in Gegenwart und Zukunft (Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot, 1887)Google Scholar, especially p. 119; idem, “Die deutsche Einwanderung in die landwirtschaftlichen Distrikte Nordamerikas,” Deutsche Wirtschafts Zeitung, 1906, pp. 193Google Scholaret seq., 251 et seq., especially p. 195; Ottolenghi, C., “Le migrazioni del lavoro agli Stati Uniti d'America,” Giornale degli economisti, 2 ser., year 10, XVIII (April 1899), 15–42, 230–39Google Scholar; Francois, G., “L'emigration aux Etats-Unis.” Journal des économistes, séi. 5, T. 40 (December 1899), pp. 395–98Google Scholar; Emigrationsutredningen. Bilaga 14, Småbruksrörelsen i främmande länder (Stockholm: P. A. Norstedt and Söner, 1909), pp. 51Google Scholaret seq. (in analysis of U. S. land legislation, by A. K. Eckerbom). Contrasting views were also set forth, among which Philippovich, Eugen v., “L'émigration européenne,” Revue d'économie politique, IV (1890), 341–73Google Scholar, in which U. S. land policy is said to be the least striking among the causes for emigration. American settlement policy, including the Homestead Act, was cited in the French debate about land policy in Algeria in an anonymous article. “La colonisation comparée en Algérie et aux Etats-Unis,” L'économiste francais (Paris), September 11, 1875, pp. 324–26Google Scholar, quoting the French edition of Edward Young's report (see note 16 above).

25 “Overzigt over de hedendaagsche landverhuizing,” De Economist (Amsterdam), 1869:2, p. 630Google Scholar.