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Medicine and Religion in Early Dominican Demonology

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  03 April 2018

History Department, Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Mount Scopus 91905, Jerusalem, Israel; e-mail:


The article explores the theories of Roland of Cremona op (†1259), the first Dominican master of theology in Paris and a practising physician, regarding demonic influence on body and soul. Roland uses contemporary neurological theories of voluntary motion and cognition to explain how precisely demons might move the bodily members of possessed subjects, induce seductive images and implant scientific knowledge. The complex interaction of fields of knowledge demonstrated in his unique theories sheds light on the intellectual climate of the early thirteenth century in general, and of the early Parisian Dominican school in particular.

Research Article
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2018 

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1 A partial list includes Newman, Barbara, ‘Possessed by the spirit: devout women, demoniacs, and the apostolic life in the thirteenth century’, Speculum lxxiii (1998), 733–70CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Elliot, Dyan, Fallen bodies: pollution, sexuality, and demonology in the Middle Ages, Philadelphia 1999Google Scholar; Caciola, Nancy, Discerning spirits: divine and demonic possession in the Middle Ages, Ithaca–London 2003Google Scholar; Boureau, Alain, Satan the heretic: the birth of demonology in the medieval West, Chicago 2006Google Scholar; Chave-Mahir, Florence, L'Exorcisme des possédés dans l'église d'occident (Xe–XIVe siècle), Turnhout 2011CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Blumenfeld-Kosinski, Renate, The strange case of Ermine de Reims (c. 1347–1396): a medieval woman between demons and saints, Philadelphia 2015CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Ostorero, Martine and Véronèse, Julien (eds), Penser avec les demons: démonologues et démonologies (XIIIe–XVIIe siècle), Florence 2015Google Scholar.

2 For a study that examines the intellectual and popular field regarding incubi see Van der Lugt, Maaike, ‘The incubus in scholastic debate: medicine, theology and popular belief’, in Biller, Peter and Ziegler, Joseph (eds), Religion and medicine in the Middle Ages, Woodbridge 2001, 6975Google Scholar, and Le Ver, le démon et la vierge: les théories médiévales de la génération extraordinaire: une étude sur les rapports entre théologie, philosophie naturelle et médecine, Paris 2004, esp. pp. 248–63Google Scholar.

3 Even-Ezra, Ayelet, ‘Cursus: an early thirteenth-century source for nocturnal flights and ointments in the work of Roland of Cremona’, Magic, Ritual and Witchcraft xii (2017), 314–30CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

4 Chartularium universitatis Parisiensis, ed. Heinrich Denifle, Emile Chatelain, Charles Samaran and Émile A. van Moé, Bruxelles–Paris 1889‒91, repr. 1964, i, nos 34–6 at pp. 93–5; cf. nos 39–40 at pp. 97–8. See also Tugwell, Simon, Early Dominicans: selected writings, London, 1982, 111 n. 70Google Scholar, and Mulchahey, Marian Michèle, “First the bow is bent in study”: Dominican education before 1350, Toronto 1998, 362Google Scholar.

5 de Frachet, Gerard, Vitae fratrum Ordinis Praedicatorum, ed. Reichert, Benedict M., Monumenta Ordinis Pradicatorum Historica (hereinafter cited as MOPH) i, Louvain 1896, 25–7Google Scholar.

6 On the question of whether Roland actually taught and practised medicine in Bologna or was only well read see Filthaut, Ephrem, Roland von Cremona, O.P., und die Anfänge der Scholastik im Predigerorden: ein Beitrag zur Geistesgeschichte der älteren Dominikaner, Vechta 1936, 1019Google Scholar. For valuable lists of multiple occurrences of citations from Galen, Hippocrates, Constantine the African and Johaninus Johannitius, as well as general references to medical sources see p. 16 nn. 35–6. Roland describes himself as practising medicine. See also de Frachet, Vitae fratrum Ordinis Praedicatorum, 25–7, and Gorochov, Nathalie, Naissance de l'université: les écoles de Paris d'Innocent III à Thomas d'Aquin (v. 1200 – v. 1245), Paris 2012, 372–3, 381, 436–7Google Scholar. On later medical doctors pursuing a second higher degree in theology see Jacquart, Danielle, Le Milieu médical en France du XIIe au XVe siècle (2e supplément au Dictionnaire d'Ernest Wickersheimer), Geneva 1981, 393Google Scholar, and Courtenay, William J., ‘Curers of body and soul: medical doctors as theologians’, in Biller, Peter and Ziegler, Joseph (eds), Religion and medicine in the Middle Ages Woodbridge 2001, 6975Google Scholar.

7 Trivet, Nicolas, Annales sex regum Anglie, ed. Hog, Thomas, London 1845, 211–12Google Scholar.

8 Mulchahey, ‘First the bow is bent in study’, 364.

9 Trivet, Annales, 210–1; Davy, Marie-Madeleine, Les Sermons universitaires parisiens de 1230–1231: contribution à l'histoire de la prédication médiévale, Paris 1931, 272Google Scholar.

10 Filthaut, Roland von Cremona, 22–7; Wakefield, Walter L., Heresy, crusade and inquisition in southern France, 1100–1250, Berkeley 1974, 209–10Google Scholar; Parmeggiani, Riccardo, ‘Rolando de Cremona (†1259) e gli eretici: il ruolo dei Frati Predicatori tra escatologismo e profezia’, Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum lxxix (2009), 2384Google Scholar.

11 ‘vix possunt separari a scientia sua, sicut patet in quibusdam, qui ab Aristotele non possunt in theologia separari’: Davy, Les Sermons universitaires parisiens de 12301231, 292.

12 On Roland's commentary on Job see Dondaine, Antoine, ‘Un Commentaire scripturaire de Roland de Crémone: le livre de Job’, Archivum fratrum praedicatorum xi (1941), 109–37Google Scholar. It is currently being edited by Luc Ferrier from Biblothèque nationale de France, Paris, ms Lat. 405. As for the Summa, Biblothèque Mazarine, Paris, ms 795 (13th century) contains books 1, 2, and 3; Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Rome, ms Barb. Lat. 729 (13th–14th century) books 1, 2 and parts of 3; and Biblioteca nationale, Conventi Sopressi de ordinare, Florence, ms 282 contains books 2 and 3. Biblioteca civica, Bergamo, ms Civ. 6.129 (Δ 9.13) contains only book 3, which was transcribed in Aloyso Cortesi, Summa Magistri Rolandi Cremonensis O.P. Liber Tercius, Bergamo 1962. On the dating of the Summa see Filthaut, Roland von Cremona, 50; Cremascoli, Giuseppe, ‘La “Summa” di Rolando di Cremona, Il testo del prologo’, Studi Medievali xvi (1975), 825–76Google Scholar; and Lottin, Odon, ‘Roland de Crémone et Hugues de Saint-Cher’, Revue de théologie ancienne et médiévale xii (1940), 136–43Google Scholar.

13 On William of Auvergne's demonology see de Mayo, Thomas B., The demonology of William of Auvergne: by fire and word, Lewiston–Queenston–Lampeter 2007Google Scholar.

14 William of Auxerre, Summa aurea 2.5.5, ed. Jean Ribaillier, Paris–Grottaferrata 1980–7, ii. 112.

15 Gerard de Frachet, Vitae fratrum, 80. For other instances see pp. 85, 124–5, 159.

16 Temkin, Owsei, The falling sickness: a history of epilepsy from the Greeks to the beginnings of modern neurology, Baltimore 1994, 89 at n. 185Google Scholar and passim regarding antiquity, and n. 51, where the resistance of ancient Greek medicine to magic beliefs is noted as nowadays praised as one of its greatest achievements. For a story that employs this dichotomy to oppose Arab and Frankish medicine during the Third Crusade to demonstrate cultural superiority see Woodings, Ann F., ‘Medical resources and practices of the crusaders states in Syria and Palestine, 1096–1193’, Medical History xv (1971), 268–77 at pp. 270–1Google Scholar. Van der Lugt cites Bernard de Godron as dividing physicians, theologians and the common people according to their explanation of the incubus: physicians argue that it is a phantasm; theologians, a demon; and the people, a mysterious old lady: ‘The incubus’, 176.

17 Rider, Catherine, ‘Demons and mental disorder in late medieval medicine’, in Katajala-Peltomaa, Sari and Niiranen, Susanna (eds), Mental (dis)order in later medieval Europe, Leiden 2014, 47–69 at pp. 52–5Google Scholar.

18 Anglicus, Gilbertus, Compendium medicinae Gilberti anglici tam morborum universalium quam particularium nondum medicis sed et cyrurgicis utilissimum, Lyon 1501, fo. 102vGoogle Scholar. See also Handerson, Henry E., Gilbertus Anglicus: medicine of the thirteenth century, Cleveland 1918Google Scholar, and McVaugh, Michael R., ‘Who was Gilbert the Englishman?’, in Brown, George Hardin and Voigts, Linda Ehrsam (eds), The study of medieval manuscripts of England: Festschrift in honor of Richard W. Pfaff, Tempe 2011, 295324Google Scholar.

19 Gilbertus Anglicus, Compendium medicinae, 103r.

20 Temkin, The falling sickness, 118–33. On the late English reception of Gilbert's account of epilepsy see Keiser, George R., ‘Epilepsy: the falling evil’, in Matheson, Lister M. (ed.), Popular and practical science of medieval England, East Lansing 1994, 219–44, esp. pp. 227ffGoogle Scholar.

21 Guillelmi Alverni Opera omnia, Paris 1674, i.1040–1Google Scholar; Caciola, Discerning spirits, 149–50 and passim.

22 ’Hoc autem dixi propter quosdam homines dampnatos et reprobos, qui derident sanctissima verba evangelii, quod evangelium loquitur falsum, quando dicit quod homines spinnantes cadebant et erant demoniaci’: ms Barb. Lat. 729, fo. 84b.

23 For an analysis of commentaries on the Gospels by Origen, Jerome and others, and the ancient Christian approach towards epilepsy in general, see Kelley, Nicole, “‘The punishment of the devil was apparent in the torment of the human body”: epilepsy in ancient Christianity’, in Moss, Candida R. and Schipper, Jeremy (eds), Disability studies and biblical literature, New York, NY 2011, 205–21, esp. pp. 215ffCrossRefGoogle Scholar.

24 ‘Putant enim quod demon non possit facere signas vel accidentia epilepsie in aliquo qui non est epilepticus’: ms Barb. Lat. 729, fo. 84b.

25 ‘Sed hic notandum est quod aliquando creditur de aliquibus quod sint demoniaci, et sunt melancolici vel etiam epileptici, et aliquando creditur de aliquibus quod sint epileptici et sunt demoniaci, sicut et mihi accidit. Quia habui quemdam iuvenem in cura, et cadebat et spinnabat, et omnia accidentia epileptici videbantur mihi fuisse in illo. Unde iam non dubitavi an esset epilepticus, et agressus sum curam secundum artem traditam a maioribus, et purgavi eum bene et custodiebam eum in dieta. Et post medicinas et purgationes dixerunt mihi qui stabant secum in infirmaria quod cadebat decies in die. Quod non solet esse in illa passione, et forte antequam fieret ei aliqua medicina vix cadebat in mense semel. Et missi eum ad terram nativitatis sue. Unde a confratre suo qui stabat in eadem domo audivi quod demon postea manifestavit. Simile vidi oculis meis alibi’: ibid. fo. 84a–b.

26 Constantine suggests smelling the fumes of burned goat horns, eating a goat liver or wearing goat skin: an epileptic will fall immediately. Another test that he recommends is whispering a certain name in the patient's ears: a demonic would immediately fall as if dead for about an hour and then would answer any question: Pantegni, Practica 5.17, consulted in the edition in Omnia opera Ysaac … cum quibusdam alijs opusculis, Lyon 1515, 99Google Scholar.

27 ‘Mentitus fuit Aristoteles de hac passione et putavit quod non posset fieri talis passio ex humore, quia ita subito replet ventriculos cerebri, sed putavit quod ex ventositate. Si tantus philosophus dubitavit de tali passione, non est mirum si multi alii dubitant, et etiam herrant circa eam’: ms Barb. Lat. 729, fo. 84b. Roland does not reveal here his specific sources for Galen and Aristotle's views.

28 Rider, ‘Demons and mental disorder’, 56. Roland does not refer to Avicenna's Canon here and Filthaut does not name him among the medical authorities cited in the Summa. A critical edition together with a systematic mapping of Roland's medical sources – much desired – could however shed light on the question.

29 For a detailed survey see Frampton, Michael, Embodiments of will: anatomical and physiological theories of voluntary animal motion from Greek antiquity to the Latin Middle Ages, 400 bc–ad 1300, Saarbrücken 2008Google Scholar.

30 ‘Cum diabolus intrat corpus alicuius, videmus quod impedit motus voluntarios, et ducit eum qui possidet malo velle suo, ut non vult. Sed rationem non impedit, sicut didici a sancto homine religioso qui vexabatur a demone, et aliquando erat in suo sensu, et tunc dicebat mihi. Unde quando vexabatur nullam habebat potestatem sui corporis’: ms Barb. Lat. 729, fo. 84b.

31 ‘Constat quod diabolus quando ita vexat hominem movet nervos et musculos. Sed quomodo potest movere, cum vires motive que sunt in nervis et musculis non sunt appropriate suo imperio anime, ut cum anima, nisi sit impedimentum, velit nervos et musculos movere, et membra moventur? Forte dicet quod talis motus non est voluntarius sed violentus. Non movet ergo vires, sed membra per violenciam. Ad hoc ergo oportet quod intret corpus? Nonne posset ita bene facere si esset extra corpus? Immo videtur quod melius. De hac materia paro intelligimus. Tamen dicimus quod non posset illo modo vexare si esset extra sicut est intra. Quia si esset extra, anima posset imperire viribus motivis et posset libere loqui et multa alia que nollet diabolus. Sed cum est intra facit quasdam quasi oppilationes, ne imperium anime veniat ad spiritus et ad nervos. Postea impedita influentia ab anima super vires motivas et super nervos et musculos, agitat membra vexati per violentiam, et sicut permittitur ei a deo’: ibid.

32 ‘Oppilatio principalium ventriculorum cerebrum cum diminutione sensus quousque natura se expediat … humor humidus ventriculos cerebri replens animales operationes impediens … panniculos replens et oppilat originem nervorum’: Gilbertus Anglicus, Compendium medicinae, fo. 109r.

33 Ibid. fos 109v–110r.


34 ‘Et potest fieri ut diabolus etiam faciat quod illi maxime vexantur in plenilunio, quos vexat, ut faciat apparere evangelium falsum, et faciat dominum derideri quasi inexpertum artis medicine, et etiam ut faciat infamari creaturam scilicet lunam, eo quod tales concitet morbos’: ms Barb. Lat. 729, fo. 84b.

35 For brief accounts of Roland's doctrine of the soul see Dag N. Hasse, Avicenna's De anima in the Latin West, London 2001, 34–42, and Bieniak, Magdalena, The soul-body problem in Paris ca. 1200–1250: Hugh of St. Cher and his contemporaries, Leuven 2010, 2831Google Scholar.

36 Cf. Latinus, Avicenna, Liber de anima seu sextus de naturalibus IV–V 5.8, ed. Van Riet, Simone, Leiden 1968, 182Google Scholar; O'Neill, Inez Violé, ‘Diagrams of the medieval brain: a study in cerebral localization’, in Cassidy, Brendan (ed.), Iconography at the crossroads, Princeton 1993, 91106Google Scholar; and Kemp, Simon, Cognitive psychology in the Middle Ages, Westport 1996, 4557Google Scholar.

37 ms Barb. Lat. 729, fo. 84a.

38 ‘Bene video quod propter permissionem dei demones possunt inflamare aliquem ad luxuriam alio modo quam per ostensionem figurarum mulierum. Et est iste modus vehementior et periculosior … Et forte ita tactus fuit Paulus … et sancti qui erant in deserto, et beatus Benedictus, ita quod disposuerunt redire ad seculum et fornicationem … Ipsi [i.e. demones] bene sciunt que sunt illa que irritant luxuriam. Illa possunt spargere intra humores et membra … Et quando sancti molestantur tali peste, nec ieiunia vel vigilie aliquid valent … Sola miseria dei est imploranda, et fortasse per aliquas consolationes vel exercitia’: ibid. fo. 83a.

39 On medical recommendations of exercise see Sotres, Pedro Gil, ‘The regimens of health’, in Grmek, Mirko D. and Fantini, Bernardino, Western medical thought from antiquity to the Middle Ages, trans. Shugaar, Antony, Cambridge 1998, 291–318, esp. pp. 305–7Google Scholar; and Van-Dam, Fabiola I. W. M., ‘Permeable boundaries: bodies, bathing and fluxes’, in Baker, Patricia A., Nijdam, Hand and van 't Land, Karine (eds), Medicine and space: body, surroundings and borders in antiquity and the Middle Ages, Leiden 2012, 117–43 at p. 127Google Scholar.

40 ‘Ad secundo obiectum dicimus, quod diabolus potest representare formam mulieris vel aliam ymaginative vi anime. Duobus modis potest hoc fieri. Primo modo quia potest aliquod corpusculum plasmare sicut posset et aliquis homo. Non tamen ideo est ipse creator, sicut nec illi qui faciunt ymagines. Et potest illud corpusculum facere ita ut sit illius figure, cuius figure est vel fuit illa mulier quam vidit te diligere. Et hoc vidit per signa exteriora. Et potest illud corpusculum formare aliquo pulcro colore et ponere ipsum in ventriculo ymaginationis, ut illud corpusculum secundum suam figuram et suum colorem immutet spiritum ymaginabilem, et illa forma representetur ymaginative vi. Sed quomodo ponet illud corpusculum intra ventriculum ymaginationis? Ego dico quod sicut ipse posset formare aliquod corpus de aere, et inspirare ipsum aerem et colorare, et ita de multitudine fumositatum et superfluitate nutrimenti cerebri, vel etiam de parte ipsius spiritus ymaginarii posset ipse formare illud corpusculum. Et fortasse in die aliquando hoc facit, sed non ita bene posset in die sicut in nocte, quia tunc quiescunt vires animales que in die suis motibus impdirent plasmationem illam’: ms Barb. Lat. 729, fo. 83b.

41 ‘Preterea quandoque homini representatur in nocte multitudo magna mulierum. Tot formas tantum diversas non potest diabolus simul indicere [read: induere]. Item representat infinitos homines et mulieres simul. Si dicat quod unus demon induit unam formam corporalem, sed oportet quod induat corpus ut probatum est, et alius demon induit aliam. Quomodo ergo poterunt stare tot corpora induta a demonibus in tam parvo ventriculo cerebri ymaginario? … Forte dicet sicut quidam dicunt, quod una sola forma quam induit diabolus potest facere apparere tot formas ymaginabiles in ymaginativa, quia una forma imprimatur in spiritu ymaginativa. Sed spiritus ille dilatabitur, et in qualibet particula illius spiritus ymaginabilis apparet tota illa ymago. Contra. Ymago illa que representatur ymaginationi est in spiritu ut in subiecto. Ergo diviso subiecto dividitur forma. Ergo non representabitur illa forma per aliquam partem spiritus tota ymaginationi, sed membratim incisa. Ymaginativa est quoddam speculum, et in spiritu ymaginabili est forma que representatur illi speculo. Sed intelligamus unicum speculum materiale hic ante nos, et opponatur ei aliqua forma que debeat in eo resultare. Si quis divideret illam formam, numquid apparet ipsa integra in speculo? Nequaquam, sed divisa et mutilata. Preterea quis divideret illum speculum? Si dicat quod aliquis fumus, quod aliquando aliquis habet in nocte aliqua plures fumos quam in alia. Et tamen non videret illam multitudinem. Forte dicet quod in qualibet particula spiritus ymaginabilis est tota illa forma, sicut patet in speculo aliquo cum opponitur ei aliqua forma, et integrum est. Tunc apparet tantum una forma in speculo. Si autem speculum divideretur, tot forme apparent in illo quot partes facte essent in speculo. Hoc verum est quod dicit, sed nihil ad rem proponitam. Ipse enim spiritus ymaginabilis non est speculum, sed est sicut corpus representans speculo formam corporalem. Ipsa autem vis ymaginativa est ipsum speculum, in quo representantur ymagines, quas deferet vel opponit spiritus ymaginarius. Sed si posset mihi ostendere quod vis ymaginativa scinditur in tot partes, tunc haberent locum suum simile. Sed quia hoc non posset, ideo non habet locum’: ibid. fos 82b–83a.

42 Aristotle, Generation of animals 1.22, trans. Arthur L. Peck, London 1943, 117.

43 ‘Ad quarto quesitum dicimus quod ex una sola forma mulieris vel viri potest fieri quod representabuntur ymaginative quasi infinite … aliquis homo videt aliquam multitudinem hominum simul et mulierum, et si non vidit, ymaginavit. Et licet per aliquas occupationes exteriores recedant ille forme actuales ab ymaginativa, tamen in illa relinquunt vestigia sua. Cum autem ymaginatione actualiter representatur una, reducuntur illa vestigia ad actum, sicut dicitur quod ova [ms Mazarine 795: illa] generat pisces, et illa sola [ms Mazarine 795: que] sperma masculini piscis tangit’: ms Barb. Lat. 729, fo. 84a.

44 ‘De demonibus dicitur quod subito possunt et ualde cito instruere hominem in aliqua scientia, et quod possent in breuissimo tempore docere loycam [read: logicam] uel astronomiam. Unde dicitur quod aliqui se dederunt demonibus ad obediendum eis, ut docerent eos, et cito facti sunt sapientes. Unde quidam dicebant hoc esse verum de Boetio, quia cito didicit philosophiam. Et ad hoc dicitur, quando aliquis ad[d]iscit aliquam scientiam’: ibid. fo. 87b.

45 ‘Unde Boetius dicit de se, dicuntur me polluisse conscientiam meam doctrina uillissimorum spirituum. Et beatus Petrus in Libro Clementis dicit quod Symon Magus ita habebat demones. Et etiam de Aristotele dicitur’: ibid. For Boethius see ‘Nec conueniebat uilissimorum me spirituum praesidia captare’, in Boethius, Anicius Manlius, De consolatione philosophiae: opuscula theologica, ed. Moreschini, Claudio, Munich–Leipzig 2005, prose 1.4.39, p. 17CrossRefGoogle Scholar. It has not been possible to trace a source for such a rumour about Aristotle.

46 For the Ars notoria and similar practices see Véronèse, Julien, L'Ars notoria au moyen âge: introduction et édition critique, Florence 2007Google Scholar; Kieckhefer, Richard, Forbidden rites: a necromancer's manual of the fifteenth century, University Park, Pa 1997, 293Google Scholar; Fanger, Claire, ‘Sacred and secular knowledge systems in the “Ars Notoria” and the “Flowers of Heavenly Teaching” of John of Morigny’, in Kilcher, Andreas B. and Theisohn, Philipp (eds), Die Enzyklopädik der Esoterik: Allwissenheitsmythen und universalwissenschaftliche Modelle in der Esoterik der Neuzeit, Paderborn 2010Google Scholar; and Boudet, Jean-P. and Véronèse, Julien, ‘Si volueris per demones habere scientiam: l'experimentum nigromantie attribué à Michel Scot’, in Histoire et historiographie au moyen âge: mélanges offerts à Michel Sot, Paris 2012, 691702Google Scholar.

47 ‘Sed uidetur quod non possit esse quod ita doceant subito, quia quomodo potest doceri aliqua scientia, uerbi gratia geometria, nisi addiscendo principia et conferendo ad conclusiones? Sed constat quod diabolus non potest inspirare scientiam. Ergo oportet quod uocaliter doceat, ergo oportet quod incipiat a principiis, et procedit per ordinem ad conclusiones. Et si non per ordinem non est scientia’: ms Barb. Lat. 729, fo. 87b.

48 ‘Sed quare docebat citius quam aliquis magister, de scientis demonstratiuis dico, cum non sit ibi nisi unus modus ad[d]iscendi, ut iam dixi? Si dixeris citius docebat demon quia magis erit sedulus, et plura dicet quam magister, hoc non est, quia magister potest dicere tot et tanta, quod discipulus non poterit capere medietatem. Et poterit esse ita sedulus circa discipulos, quod discipulus non poterit sustinere illam sedulitatem. Nihil ergo uidetur quod subito doceant homines, quod bene concedo’: ibid.

49 On such non-magical techniques and visual aids see Carruthers, Mary, The book of memory: a study in medieval culture, New York 1990Google Scholar.

50 ‘Unde possunt facere aliqua signa, in quibus de facili multa retinentur in memoria, sicut et Tullius docet in Rhetorica, et dicitur quod Plato fecit artem memorie. Et alio modo ipsi sciunt quomodo spiritus ymaginarius artificio possit aptari, ut homo melioris sit ymaginationis, et similiter de spiritu memoriali, ut homo sit magne memorie. Hec enim accidunt ex dispositionibus corporalibus. Sciunt aliqua cibaria ex quibus spiritus generantur subtiles, ut homo sit acuti ingenii, quia quedam scientie sunt que requirunt magnam memoriam et ymaginationem, ut sunt leges seculares. Et etiam quadriuiales scientie requirunt bonam ymaginationem, propter figuras. Quedam autem scientie [sunt], que requirunt potius acutum intellectum, ut lo[g]yca et theologia, et diuersis diuersa conueniunt’: ms Barb. Lat. 729, fo. 87b. On dietary recommendations for strengthening the memory in Roland's times see da Signa, Boncompagno, ‘On memory’, trans. Gallagher, Sean, in Carruthers, Mary and Ziolkowski, Jan M. (eds), The medieval craft of memory: an anthology of texts and pictures, Philadelphia 2003, 103–17 at p. 109Google Scholar.

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