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The Yunnan Myth

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  23 March 2011

Warren B. Walsh
Affiliation:
Syracuse University
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Extract

The diplomats, business men and publicists who were actively engaged in the penetration and exploitation of China during the latter part of the nineteenth century most frequently offered economic explanations for their actions. References to the commercial opportunities to be found in China appear with almost wearisome repetition in diplomatic correspondence, in treaties and conventions and in the press. Armed with a more complete knowledge of the situation, recent commentators upon European imperialism in China have been prone to discount this interest, and it is true that the China trade did receive notice that was out of proportion to its importance. However, the wisdom of hindsight may sometimes be misleading and unless we know the general opinion of the China market as it was expressed in the eighteen-eighties and eighteen-nineties the strong interest displayed both by governments and individuals in tapping that market is largely incomprehensible to us.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © The Association for Asian Studies, Inc. 1943

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References

1 E.g., at the time when British publicists and others were emphasizing that Britain supplied 80% of the imports into China, took 50% of the exports from China, and carried 69% of the total tonnage shipped from Chinese ports, China ranked 17th on the list of British customers. British exports to China amounted to less than 16% of her exports to the United States, and her total trade with China was less than 10% of the trade with her colonies. Ireland, A., Chirm and the Powers (Boston, 1902)Google Scholar, appendix; Fraser, J. B., “Our trade with western China,” Contemporary review (London, 1866), 73Google Scholar (1898) 236.

2 Vide Christian, J. L., “Trans-Burma trade routes to China,” Pacific affairs, 13 (June, 1940). 173191CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hanotaux, G., et Martineau, A. (eds.), Histoire des colonies françaises et de l'expansion de la France dans le monde (six vols., Paris, 19291932) vol. 5, 380Google Scholarsqq.; Roberts, S. H., History of French colonial policy (two vols., London, 1929) vol. 2, 422Google Scholarsqq.

3 The full story of this trip is to be found in Colquhoun, A. R., Across Chrŷse (two vols., New York, 1883).Google Scholar Shorter accounts appeared in several geographical journals.

4 Colquhoun, A. R., “Exploration through the south China borderlands, from the mouth of the Si-kiang to the banks of the Irawadi,” Proceedings of the royal geographical society (New monthly series, London, 1879–), 4 (1882), 713–30Google Scholar, esp. 719–21. Colquhoun estimated the population of Yunnan at four million.

5 Colquhoun, , op. cit., p. 46.Google Scholar

6 Ibid., pp. 190–91.

7 Ibid., pp. 194 sqq.

8 Ibid., p. 238. But he admitted (p. 196) that “except in the cities, the mass of the people is made up of a number of aboriginal tribes …” which he described as being poorer than the Chinese. Also (p. 199), he remarked that Chinese officials were very loath to allow mining, and admitted (p. 200) that he had examined no mines and had made only casual inquiries about them from caravans which he had met. Of such wishful thinking was the Yunnan Myth built.

9 Anon., “Trade routes to China and the French occupation of Tonkin,” Quarterly review (London, 1809– ), 156 (1883), 492–530. The reports were: (1) Baber, E. C., Travels and researches in western China (London, 1882)Google Scholar; (2) von Richthofen, F. F., Recent attempts to find a direct trade-route to southwestern China (London, 1874)Google Scholar; and (3) Colquhoun's Across Chryse.

10 Parliamentary papers (London, 1791– ). China #1, 1886 (C. 4655), pp. 41–43, #63. This is one of the indispensable British “Blue Books.” They will hereafter be cited by title and command number only.

11 Bourne, F. S., “Report of a journey in southwestern China,” China #1, 1888 (C. 5371), p. 1.Google Scholar Bourne set out on his mission before the end of October. Because much of his memoranda was destroyed in the anti-foreign riots in Chungking in 1886, the bulk of his report was not received in London until 1887. Mr. O'Conor's concern over the French treaty is typical of both British official and unofficial attitudes in this period.

12 Ibid., p. 5.

13 Little, A. J., “The geography and trade of western China,” Journal of the Manchester geographic society (Manchester, 1885), 3 (1887), 16Google Scholar; 1–13; p. 10 sqq. Hereafter cited as JMGS.

14 Anon., “Our new eastern province,” Blackwood's Edinburgh magazine (Edinburgh, 1817– ), 139 (1886), 279 sqq.

15 Colquhoun, A. R., “The railway connection of Burmah and China,” JMGS, 3 (1887), 712Google Scholar; 141–54. This time Colquhoun estimated the population at between seventeen and eighteen millions.

16 Douglas, R. K., “Our commercial relations with China,” Scottish geographical magazine (Edinburgh, 1885–), 7Google Scholar (1891) 1, 11–26.

17 Anon., “Western China: its products and trade,” Quarterly review, 171 (1890), 205–34. Both this review and the one cited previously were strongly in favor of a vigorous British policy in southwestern China. The eight sources upon which this review was based were: “Report of Mr. Davenport upon the trading capabilities of the country traversed by the Yunnan mission, (Cmd. Paper, 1877)”; “Foreign Office report on the trade of Ichang in 1888 (1889)”; Gill, W., The river of golden sand (London, 1880)Google Scholar; Rocher, E., La province Chinese du Yunnan (Paris, 1879)Google Scholar; H. S. Hallet, “Address to the Birmingham Chamber of Commerce on 26/May/1887 upon ‘Burma, our gate to the markets of central and western China’ (London, 1887)”; Little, A. J., Through the Yangtze gorges (London, 1888)Google Scholar; A. H. Exner, China; Skizgen von Land und Leute mit Besonderer Beruchsichtung comcrziellen Verhältnisse; and E. C. Baber, “Travels, etc.”

18 Hosie, A., Three years in western China (London, 1890), p. 205.Google Scholar

19 Siam #1, 1892 (C. 6558).

20 Gundry, R. S., “Trade with southwest China,” Saturday review of politics, literature, science and art (London, 1856– ), 81Google Scholar (1896), 369–70.

21 C, A. R.olquhoun, “Railway connection of India and China,” Asiatic quarterly review (London, 18661890).Google Scholar From 1891 to 1912 this was published at Woking under the title of The imperial and Asiatic quarterly review and oriental and colonial record. It is hereafter cited as AQR. 3rd series, 6 (1898), 35–61.

22 Colquhoun quoted Hosie's statement which has been referred to above. It would appear that Colquhoun was unaware of the true import of Hosie's opinion.

23 Colquhoun, , loc. cit., p. 42Google Scholar; v. also his China in transformation (New York and London, 1898), p. 118.

24 de la Grandière and de Lagree were instrumental in establishing the French protectorate over Cambodia. The latter, together with Gamier, carried out an exploration of the Mékong River, which by demonstrating its deficiencies turned their minds to the Red River. Dupuis was an arms merchant who made the first commercial ascent of the Red River. Together, their reports and promotional efforts—Gamier captured the citadel at Hué—had much to do with the taking of Tonkin by the French.

25 Walsh, Warren B., “European rivalries in southwestern China, 1885–1898.” Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Harvard University, 1935.Google Scholar

26 Rocher, E., La province Chinoise du Yvn-Nan (two vols., Paris, 18791880).Google Scholar

27 Journal officiel de la République Française, (Paris, 1869– ) 28/January/1890, pp. 485–86.

28 “Rapport de la commission technique des Chemin des fer au Tonkin,” Journal officiel, 29/August/1888, pp. 3962–67.

29 Revue Française de l'étranger et des colonies et exploration gazette géographie (Paris, 1885– ). 9 (1889), 684–8 5. Up to 1897, this was the chief organ of the French colonial party.

30 d'Orleans, H., Around Tonkin and Siam (London, 1894).Google Scholar

31 Ibid., pp. 414–15.

32 A boundary convention and a commercial convention negotiated by M. Auguste Gerard. The latter paved the way for the railway concessions later exacted by France.

33 The Foreign Office sent M. Rocher, its most experienced consul in China and author of the work referred to above, to accompany the Mission.

34 Brenier, H., “Rapport général de la mission Lyonnaise d'exploration en Chine,” Questions diplomatiques et coloniales. Revue de politique extérieure, (Paris, 1897–), 2Google Scholar (1898), 585–613. This was the organ of the French Colonial party after 1897. Vide also Yu-Tong, Kia, Essai d'un aperçu historique des relations politiques (industrielles, commerciales, religieuses) de la France et de la Chine depuis le XVIIe siècle jusqu'à nos jours (Paris, 1920)Google Scholar; and Revue Française, 21, 460–67. The latter is a résumé of the correspondence sent by the Mission to the Journal des débats. I have drawn this summary largely from the last-mentioned source.

35 Proceedings of the royal geographical society, 4 (1882), 713–30.

36 China #1, 1886 (C. 4655), p. 40, #61; pp. 41–48, #63.

37 China #1, 1888 (C. 5371), pp. 66. sqq.

38 Colquhoun, A. R., “The railway connection of Burmah and China,” JMGS, 3 (1887), 712Google Scholar; 141–54.

39 Hosie, A., op. cit., pp. 206–07.Google Scholar

40 Colquhoun, A. R., “Railway connection of India and China,” AQR, 3rd series, 6 (1898), 3561.Google Scholar

41 Foreign Office report, (1898), #458. The Panthay Rebellion of 1870–73 was the stock reason given by all investigators to account for the sparse population of southwestern China.

42 Kia, , op. cit., pp. 125, 130, 131.Google Scholar

43 Baber, E. C., Travels and researches in western China (London, 1882).Google Scholar This was summarized in an anonymous article in the Quarterly review, 156 (1883), 492–530, pp. 500–501.

44 Hosie, A., “A journey in southwestern China from Ssu-Chuan (Szechwan) to western Yunnan,” Proceedings of the royal geographical society, 8 (1886), 6CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 371–85. This is a popularized condensation of his official report which appeared in China #2, 1885 (C. 4247).

45 Hosie, , loc. cit., p. 381. Most of the reports on the China market distinctly imply that the Chinese were so “struggling.”Google Scholar

46 Hosie, A., Three yean in western China, pp. 207Google Scholarsqq.

47 JMGS, 3 (1887), 7–12; 141–54, p. 148.

48 AQR, 3rd series, 6 (1898), 35–61, p. 47.

49 Colquhoun, A. R., China in transformation, p. 110.Google Scholar

50 Anon., “Trade with central and southern China,” Scottish geographical magazine, 15 (1899), 1, 13–28. Although this is unsigned, it was probably written by Mr. Bourne and seems to be a condensation of his consular report of the same title. Cf. Foreign Office report #458 (1899).

51 Little, , be. cit., p. 9.Google Scholar

52 Little, A. J., Through the Yangtze gorges (3rd and rev. ed., London, 1898), pp. 810.Google Scholar The first edition appeared in 1888. This is a sort of a combination of a trade and travel book which contains an account of Little's persistent and successful attempts to establish steam navigation to Chungking. On his second attempt (1898) he ascended the river to Chungking in a small steamboat. His persistent advocacy of this played a major part in the negotiation of the Anglo-Chinese Chungking Agreement of 1890. Cf. Walsh, W. B., op. cit., pp. 99Google Scholarsqq.

53 Kia, , op. cit., pp. 126–31.Google Scholar

54 Leroy-Beaulieu, , La rénovation de l'Asie, (3rd ed., Paris, 1901), p. 439.Google Scholar

55 Ibid., pp. 436–56, passim. His opinion is also to be found in his article in the Economiste Française. The gist of the latter is most conveniently given in a British Parliamentary paper, “Trade and shipping of southeastern Asia” (1901), (C. 324).

56 Fraser, J. B., “Our trade with western China,” Contemporary review, 73 (1898), 235–40, p. 239.Google Scholar

57 Jamison, J. W., “Report on the trade of Yunnan,” Parliamentary paper, 1899 (C. 9083), p. 1.Google Scholar