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Some Effects of the War upon Japanese Society

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  23 March 2011

Frederick S. Hulse
Frederick S. Hulse
Affiliation:
Colgate University
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Extract

Until 1945, the Japanese nation had never suffered a really major defeat. Humiliations, actual as well as imaginary, had been imposed, but never outright and final loss of a war, never invasion and occupation since the descent of the Yamato people themselves from the high plain of heaven. Her remoteness in fact, and in the calculation of her leaders, her unique polity under the rule of a dynasty established for ages eternal in the minds of her people had saved Japan on each previous threatening occasion. But this time there was no escape. Japan lost the war, and all Japanese know that she lost. Just as, at an earlier date, the country provided a unique laboratory for the student of social stability and of cultural integration–a much neglected laboratory, unfortunately–so, now Japan offers the opportunity for a study of society under the most extreme forms of stress. What have been the effects of war, of catas-trophically losing war, upon Japanese society?

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Articles
Information
The Journal of Asian Studies , Volume 7 , Issue 1 , November 1947 , pp. 22 - 42
Copyright
Copyright © The Association for Asian Studies, Inc. 1947

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References

2 It must be recognized that authorities differ, to some extent in viewpoint but even more in terminology, in their discussions of Japanese social structure and culture. The account given in the next few pages summarizes the author's ideas, deriving both from personal observation and from reading. In all essentials they are the same as already recorded in his paper, “A sketch of Japanese society,” Journal of the American Oriental society, 66 (1946), 219–29.Google Scholar

3 See Hulse, F. S., “Status and function as factors in the structure of organizations among the Japanese,” American anthropologist, 49, (1947), 154–57.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed

4 See Haring, D. G., “Religion, magic and morale,” Japan's prospect (Ed. Haring, D. G.. Cambridge, 1946), chap. 4, especially pp. 220–24.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

5 Many scholars reject the idea that the concept of mana is useful in an analysis of Japanese culture. It is true that they have no term in their own language to express this concept: the word kami refers to a person or object possessing a certain dread power, not to the power itself. But the existence and multiplicity of kami imply the existence of the power. For the sacred power of the sword, see Sansom, G. B., Japan, a short cultural history (New York, 1943). 262–63.Google Scholar

6 See Embree, J. F., Suye Mura, a Japanese village (Chicago, 1939), chap. 4.Google Scholar

7 See Gorer, G., Japanese character structure (New Haven, 1942).Google Scholar

8 Ibid..

9 Norman, E. H., Japan's emergence as a modern state (New York, 1940), especially chap. 2.Google Scholar

10 Utley, F., Japan's feet of clay (New York, 1937), chap. 4.Google Scholar

11 Reischauer, E. O., Japan, past and present (New York, 1946), chap. 9, especially pp. 120 and 127.Google Scholar

12 Kempei is sometimes translated as gendarmerie, sometimes as military police. A branch of the armed forces, their function was to maintain security, especially military security. The concept of military security, of course, enlarges during any time of strife, and the activity of the kempei grew apace from 1931 on. Considerable jealousy existed between them and the regular police as a result.

13 Factual data for the war period is derived both from verbal and documentary information received by the author while in Japan, and from news reports from that country.

14 See Hulse, F. S., “Status and function as factors in the structure of organizations among The Japanese,” American anthropologist, 49, (1947), 154–57.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed

15 Ibid..

16 The new method, adopted for the purpose of making the rationing system easier, has had, in fact, a truly revolutionary effect economically. For landlords, it certainly is inconvenient.

17 Hulse, F. S., “Technological development and personal incentive in Japan,” Southwestern journal of anthropology, 3 (1947), 124–29.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

18 Benedict, R.. The chrysanthemum and the sword (Boston. 1946), 137.Google Scholar

19 Benedict, , op. cit., pp. 125–29.Google Scholar

20 A direct appeal to the top. over the heads of intermediate officialdom, was always possible in Japan. But it involved giving up one's life, which discouraged appellants considerably. See Benedict, R., op. cit., pp. 66–67.Google Scholar

21 In both cases, of course, the proportion was very small indeed.

22 Hulse, F. S., “Status and function as factors in the structure of organizations among the Japanese,” American anthropologist, 49 (1917), 154–57.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

23 Farley, M. S. “Pyamy factories,” Far Eastern survey, (1937), no. 6.Google Scholar

24 Hulse, F. S., “Technological development and personal incentive in Japan,” Southwestern journal of anthropology, 3 (1947), 124–29.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

25 About one-tenth of the women, but no man, spoke of the Kamikaze corps as Japan's greatest strength during the war.

26 It is perhaps not out of place to mention that the Premier of Japan, at the time of writing, is a Chrisitan.