¹ Now El-Qawa.

² Beltrame, G., whose personal knowledge of the Shilluk was gained in the later 1850s, described this people as: ‘il popolo più turbulente, più audace, più traditore, più ladro di tutta la vallata del Bahr el-Abiadh’, Il Fiume Bianco e i Denka (Verona, 1881), 83.Google Scholar

³ Later nineteenth-century Shilluk history is included by Hofmayr, W. in Die Schilluk: Geschichte, Religion und Leben eines Niloten-Stämmes (Mödling, 1925).Google Scholar The period 1861–76 is covered in detail by Douin, G. in Histoire du règne du Khédive Ismail III (Cairo, 1936–1941).Google Scholar

⁴ Tonga, the uppermost Shilluk village lies about forty miles to the east of Lake No. Muomo lies just to the north of the town of Kaka, at about II° N.

⁵ This accords with Hofmayr's estimation of Shilluk chronology which, unless stated otherwise, is the chronology followed for the period up to 1820.

⁶ Thibaut, G., ‘Voyage au Fleuve Blanc’ ed. D'Escayrac, de Lauture. Nouvelles Annales des Voyages (Paris, 1857), 13.Google Scholar

⁷ von Heuglin, M. T., Reise in das Gebiet des Weissen Nil und seiner westlichen Zuflüsse 1862–4 (Leipzig, 1869), 74.Google Scholar

⁸ Pallme, I., Travels in Kordofan (London, 1844.), 147–52. Pallme's account of the Shilluk is, unfortunately, largely based on hearsay, and most problematic (see below, p. 417 n. 64).Google Scholar

⁹ Lienhardt, G., ‘The Shilluk of the Upper Nile’ in Forde, D. (ed.), African Worlds (London, 1954), 144.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Hofmayr, , 30–1. The regalia comprised a silver-inlaid stool and the ‘mar’, a magic silver object whose exact nature is impossible to discover as it has long been lost.Google Scholar

¹¹ Lienhardt, , 144.Google Scholar

¹² Evidence for this early Shiluk history is taken from the following works: Westermann, D., The Shilluk People, their Language and Folklore (Berlin, 1912), 162–4;Google ScholarCrazzolara, J. P., The Lwoo, part I, ‘Lwoo Migrations’ (Verona, 1951), 37–44.Google Scholar

¹³ The earliest Shilluk ‘kings’ emerge from Hofmayr's account as figures of folklore. They are associated with tales of migration, and are alleged not to have died but rather to have vanished without trace. Later kings have grave-shrines. It must however be admitted that ‘early’ shrines may have been piously fabricated long after the deaths of the kings they commemorate. This certainly did happen when Fadiet, a twentieth- century Reth, built a temple to the shadowy fourth king Nyidoro, to ‘settle’, as it were, the dispute among his people as to whether this king had existed or not. Hofmayr, , 63.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Hofmayr, , 69.Google Scholar

¹⁵ The Tabaqat of Wad Dayfallah, an indigenous Funj source, is a biographical dictionary of Sudanese scholars and saints, compiled by a faqih of Halfaya on the main Nile during the second half of the eighteenth century, but incorporating earlier material. See: Hillelson, S., ‘Tabaqat Wad Dayf Allah: studies in the lives of scholars and saints’, Sudan Notes and Records, VI (1923),Google Scholar and Crawford, O. G. S., The Fung Kingdom of Sennar (Gloucester, 1951), 160.Google Scholar

¹⁶ James, Bruce, Travels to Discover the Source of the Nile, IV (Edinburgh, 1905), Book viii, 479.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Ibid. ‘…El-aice (is) the capital of that region from which the Shillook come… the inhabitants are all fishermen and have a number of boats like canoes in which they sail up and down to the cataracts.’ As will be noted, the reference to Shilluk canoes is most significant.

¹⁸ Holt, P. M., ‘Funj Origins: a critique and new evidence’, J. Afr. Hist. IV (1–), 1963. Bruce's published text is difficult to handle, for, even in references to the contemporary situation, he confounded ‘Shillook’ with ‘Funge’ to some extent. For he believed that a raid on the contemporary pattern, by Shilluk using ‘incredible fleets’ of canoes, had led to the foundation of Sennar. His account is puzzling, yet clearly based upon the memory of traditions learned in Sennar itself.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Browne, W. G., Travels in Africa, Egypt and Syria (London, 1799), Appendix, 560.Google Scholar

²⁰ Ibid. ‘… When transporting Mohammedans across the ferry, they occasionally exhibit the importance which their situation gives them. After the Muslim has placed himself in the boat they will ask him:“Who is the master of the river?” “Ullah or rubbani”… “God is the master of it” (is the reply). “No”, answers the Shilluk, “you must say that such a one (naming his chief) is the master of it, or you shall not pass.’”

²¹ Linant de Bellefonds, A., ‘Journal of a Voyage on the Bahr Abiad or White Nile’, tr. Leake, J. M., J.R.G.S. 11 (1832), 180. The reference, recorded originally in 1827, is to a recent massacre of sixty traders at this ferry.Google Scholar

²² Burckhardt, J. L., Travels in Nubia (London, 1822), 277. Burckhardt's informants in Shendy blamed the ‘robberies and rapacity of the Arabs (sic) of Shilluk' for the interruption of this route. This contradicts Browne's more circumstantial account which makes it clear that the inhabitants of the town called ‘Shilluk’ were infidels.Google Scholar

²³ Typical perhaps were the arms of a party of wood-cutters in the Eleis region during the later 1830s; the leaders had double-edged swords; the rest of the party were armed only with shield and javelin. von Russegger, J., Reisen in Europa, Asien und Afrika, 11 (Stuttgart, 1843), 64.Google Scholar

²⁴ Selim, Capitan, ‘Voyage aux sources du Nil Blanc’, ed. Jomard, , Mem. Soc. Géog. de Paris, XVIII (1842), 13.Google Scholar

²⁵ This was a tree of the local riverbanks with extraordinary light, fungus-like wood. An ambatch canoe big enough for three could, when dry, be carried by one man with perfect ease.

²⁶ Brun-Rollet, A., Le Nil Blanc et le Soudan (Paris, 1855), 48;Google ScholarPoncet, J., ‘Notice Géographique et Ethnographique sur la Région du Fleuve Blanc et sur ses Habitants’, Nouvelles Annales des Voyages (Paris, 10 1863), 23;Google Scholar and von, Heuglin, 93.Google Scholar

²⁷ Werne, F., Expedition to Discover the Sources of the White Nile, 1 (London, 1849), 287;Google Scholarvon, Heuglin, 93.Google Scholar

²⁸ References to canoes other than Shilluk canoes in the White Nile region are extremely rare. However the Anuak of the Sobat, closely related to the Shilluk in language and custom, are known to have made high-quality ‘ambatch’ canoes which the Shilluk regularly purchased. Crazzolara, , 51.Google Scholar

²⁹ von, Heuglin, 85. Here is made an isolated reference to Dinka canoe building.Google Scholar

³⁰ Thibaut, , 20.Google Scholar

³¹ A description of a Shilluk ambush is given by Brun-Rollet, , op. cit. 47–50.Google Scholar

³² Bayard, Taylor, Life and Landscapes from Egypt to the Negro Kingdoms of the White Nile (London, 1854), 331 and 342.Google Scholar

³³ Linant, de Bellefonds, 180–1.Google Scholar

³⁴ This was the opinion of Selim Capitan, of Linant de Bellefonds, and of Brun-Rollet.

³⁵ The settlement or podh is the largest sub-grouping in Shilluk society. In the 1940s, when Shilluk population was probably below the early nineteenth century level, individual settlements averaged several hundred adult male inhabitants each. See Howell, P. P., ‘The Shilluk Settlement’, S.N.R., 1941.Google Scholar

³⁶ Knoblecher, MS., Biblioteca Palatina Vindobonensis Codex. 14152, Vienna,Google Scholar and G., Schweinfurth, The Heart of Africa: three years travels and adventures in the unexplored regions of Central Africa 1868–71 (London, 1873), 85. Both Knoblecher and Schweinfurth estimated the Shilluk population as upwards of one million. This seems too high. Brun-Rollett, who had a closer personal knowledge of the Shilluk than the other travellers mentioned, had made an earlier and more cautious estimate of 200,000, excluding the population of the Sobat villages. Op. cit. 93.Google Scholar

³⁷ Schweinfurth, , 85.Google Scholar

³⁸ Baker, S. W., Ismailia: A Narrative of the Expedition to Central Africa for the Suppression of the Slave Trade, organised by Ismail, Khedive of Egypt, 1 (London, 1874), 178.Google Scholar

³⁹ Survey of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, ed. Gleichen, (London, 1905). Information on the Shilluk was provided for this survey by the missionaries P. L. Banholzer and J. K. Giffen. For this survey, the Shilluk population was estimated at less than 40,000. This is far below the most cautious nineteenth-century estimate.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Grain raids on the sedentary Arab villages, though less spectacular than cattle raids, must have been important as a source of food. Bayard, Taylor gave an account of such raids, op. cit. 342.Google Scholar

⁴¹ The Shilluk village on Aba island which Bayard Taylor visited was inhabited not simply by young warriors, but by old men, women and children as well. This suggests that its population was more permanent than seasonal, as does the fact that the visit was made in January, before the start of the spring raiding season proper. Taylor, , 329–43.Google Scholar

⁴² Some Shilluk seem to have used the Sobat as a highway for well-organized long distance raiding. A party of Shilluk raiding canoes was sighted on the Sobat by d'Antonio, P. Terranuova, ‘Relation d'un Voyage au Fleuve Blanc’, Nouvelles Annales des Voyages, (Paris, 1859), 26.Google Scholar

⁴³ Poncet, , 17–18.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Schweinfurth, , 88.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Traditionally the Shilluk obtained some iron from Dinka and Nuer, who in turn obtained it from Jur and Bongo iron-smelters. Another source of iron was Kordofan. (Westermann, , Introd., xxxi). It is not known how long these trading patterns had been in existence, as they were only recorded at the end of the nineteenth century. Baker, in 1870, commented on the remarkable Shilluk eagerness to purchase iron (op. cit. 114).Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Sennar merchants kept slave agents at Eleis to buy up Shilluk goods. Werne, , 99–100.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Werne, , 99–100;Google Scholarvon, Russegger, 63. Brun-Rollet gives a lone reference to an individual Shilluk taking ivory to Eleis.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Werne, , 99–100;Google ScholarPallme, , 151.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Brun-Rollet, , 47–50.Google Scholar The Baggara who met with Selim Capitan on his first exploratory voyage seem to have paid tribute regularly for some time to a local Shiluk chief. Selim, , 17.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Poncet described Shilluk trade thus: ‘En temps de paix, qui n'est durable que pendant la lune du mois qu'elle a été faite, ils font le souk (marché) avec les Abu-Rof, les Selem et les Dinka…’ Op. cit. 23–4.

⁵¹ Poncet, , 16.Google Scholar

⁵² Petherick, J., Egypt, the Sudan and Central Africa (London, 1861), 354–6.Google Scholar

⁵³ J., and Petherick, B., Travels in Central Africa and Explorations of the White Nile Tributaries 1 (London, 1869), 4. Here it is alleged that the Reth took one-tenth of the spoil, leaving the other nine-tenths to be shared among the attendant settlement chiefs, in proportion to the number of men who had accompanied them into battle. As it is likely that the Reth was accompanied only by settlement chiefs from the Fashoda region, this does not seem excessive.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ The wars recorded by Hofmayr in his history of the Shilluk kings are chiefly wars with the Dinka.

⁵⁵ Ogot, B. A., ‘Kingship and Statelessness among the Nilotes’ in The Historian in Tropical Africa, ed. Vansina, , Mauny, , Thomas, (London, 1964), 294 and 299.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Hofmayr, , 72–4. Tokot is the ninth Shilluk Reth according to Hofmayr's king-list, but the sixth according to Crazzolara's king-list.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Djellabas were Muslim Sudanese small-scale traders who operated in small groups or even singly. They would travel hundreds of miles in search of quite modest trading opportunity.

⁵⁸ This was a frequent pattern in Muslim trade with pagan tribes. When trading with the fragmented Nuba peoples, Kordofan djellabas would always attempt to seek out a local chief.

⁵⁹ The earliest known record of contact between djellabas and the Shilluk heartland is set into Linant de Bellefond's account of his abortive journey up the White Nile in 1827. At Wad Shellai he learned that Sheikh Ahmed Bedaoui of El Obeid was ‘said to have frequent contact with the Shilhouks’, and was thus the man from whom to obtain a safe-conduct into Shilluk territory (op. cit. 182).

⁶⁰ ‘… die Nuba keine Freunde von lange Excursionen sind. Eine Reise von zwei Tilgemarschen ist bei ihnen eine wichtige Unternehmung.’ Rüppell, W. P. E. S., Reisen in Nubien, Kordofan und dem peträischen Arabien (Frankfurt am Main, 1829), 160.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Burckhardt omitted ivory from his careful list of Kordofan goods reaching Shendy, and also noted the low contemporary demand for ivory in Cairo.

⁶² Rüppell, , 147.Google Scholar

⁶³ Pallme, , 285.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Pailme described the Shilluk, by hearsay, as the inhabitants of a ‘bush’ region of the interior, haunted by troops of elephants: a region most unlike the populous Shilluk heartland, which can never have been good elephant country. However, Pallme's account does contain certain correct details, and he may have been describing chiefly those Shilluk who had migrated to a hunting and brigand life in the interior, just as others had migrated down the ‘Bahr Schelouk’. Pallme, , 147–54.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Werne, , 288.Google Scholar It is noted here in particular that a camel-train from Khartoum had recently reached Fashoda. However the links with Kordofan seem to have remained the stronger. In the 1850s it was alleged that the Kordofan traders were monopolizing the Shilluk royal ivory trade to the detriment of the Khartoumers. Terranuova, d'Antonio, 10.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Brun-Rollet, , 53.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ ‘Denab’ was the djellaba nickname for Fashoda. It means ‘the long tail’, i.e. ‘the long line of tukls’.

⁶⁸ Linant, de Bellefonds, 178.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Werne, , 288.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Hill, R. L., Egypt in the Sudan 1820–81 (London, 1959), 60–2.Google Scholar

⁷¹ Linant, de Bellefonds, 173.Google Scholar

⁷² In 1837, von Russegger reported that armed parties of lumberjacks were already accustomed to venture a day's march above Eleis; he compared the fate of the Shilluk as their ‘primeval forest’ fell to the axe, with that of the American Indians in ‘The Last of the Mohicans’ (von, Russegger, 65).Google Scholar By the early 1870s, the river banks around Wad Shellai had been denuded, and the shipyard moved upstream to Aba Island. (Schweinfurth, , op. cit. II, 56–7).Google Scholar

⁷³ On the first expedition, Turkish gifts to the Reth, and a request to meet him were countered by the appearance of a sham king, and the gift of a few thin oxen (Selim, , 23–4.Google ScholarThibaut, , 35).Google Scholar

⁷⁴ This was reported by Werne, not always the most reliable of gossips. He claimed to have met the three members of the embassy, half-starving in the Khartoum streets (op. cit. 144−5).

⁷⁵ Lejean, who reached the White Nile in 1860, alleged that even in his day no European could state with certainty that he had met the real Reth and not his counterfeit (op. cit. 67).

⁷⁶ Nyidok, who died in February 1859 (Beltrame, G., Di un Viaggio sul Fiume Bianco nell'Africa Centrals (Verona, 1861), 10) seems to have been Reth of the Shilluk over most of the relevant twenty years.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Nyidok granted Ambrose Poncet permission to hunt elephant in Shilluk country. But on the advice of his council, permission was swiftly withdrawn. The reason given was that ‘Turki’ might well use hunting as a pretext ‘pour s'emparer de ses Etats’. Poncet, , 21–3.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Hofmayr's twentieth-century informants associated Nyidok's reign with only two events of any note: war with the Dinka, and an impudent raid on the royal cattle herd made by a son of the previous king. (Clearly, Turkish sailing ships were not incorporated into Shilluk folk-memory.) Hofmayr, , 101.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Brun-Rollet, , writing in 1843, referred to an ‘Arab’ community of immigrants living near the Reth's palace. Op. cit. 94.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ Brun-Rollet mentioned visiting djellabas, but did not identify them with the resident immigrants.

⁸¹ ‘Tous lea mécontents de la Nubie et du Kordofan qui fuient l'oppression Turque.’ de Pruyssenaere, E., ‘Vingt-six lettres’, ed. Wauwermans, , Bull. Soc. Royale Géog. d'Anvers (1930), 205.Google Scholar

⁸² Gray, R., A history of the Southern Sudan 1839–1889 (London, 1961), 76. It is of interest to note that the massed Shilluk canoe attacks on trading vessels seem only to have been made in the years after the war with Muhammad Kheir.Google Scholar

⁸³ Petherick, , Egypt, the Sudan etc., 351–4.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Terranuova d'Antonio made the complaint that from the Shilluk: ‘… on ne peut pas acheter de dents d'éléphants, parce que le gouvernement local en défend le commerce; elles se vendent toutes à des négociants du Kordofan, en présence des agents du roi du pays, qui prélève un tribut sur cette marchandise’ (op. cit. 10).

⁸⁵ Petherick, , Egypt, the Sudan etc., 351.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ Brun-Rollet mentioned illicit up-country trade between Shilluk and djellaba (op. cit. 99). And Fr. Kirchner's MS. (quoted by Gray, , op. cit. 34) indicates that in the late 1850s there were djellabas at Wau, south of Fashoda.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ Kaufmann, A., Das Gebiet des Weissen Flusses und dessen Bewohner (Brixen, 1861), 57 and 59.Google Scholar

⁸⁸ This is suggested in Beltrame's description of the Kaka slave trade (Il Fiume Bianco etc., 94). Indeed the ecology of most of Shilluk country would suggest that its ivory would within a short time be virtually exhausted.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ Beltrame, , 74;Google ScholarLejean, , 66.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ Beltrame, , 93. In this case, the immigrants were a group of Tegali djellabas.Google Scholar

⁹¹ Lejean, , 64;Google ScholarGray, , 76.Google Scholar

⁹² These restrictions irked traders, and were bemoaned by European observers like Beltrame: ‘ … Il meschino commercio… non é possibile che progredisca perché é strozzato da monopoli del Monarca e dei membri del Consiglio di Stato, dalle proibizioni d'esportazione e d'importazione, e dalla capricciosa mutabilità degli ordini…’, Il Fiume Bianco etc., 74–5.Google Scholar

⁹³ Evans-Pritchard, E. E. summed up anthropological evidence to date in his Frazer Lecture, The Divine Kingship of the Shilluk of the Nilotic Sudan (Cambridge, 1948).Google Scholar

⁹⁴ Evans-Pritchard, , 16.Google Scholar

⁹⁵ The safe-conduct given to caravans approaching as well as within Shilluk territory was noted by Pallme, , 153Google Scholar and by Lejean, , 65.Google Scholar

⁹⁶ The tribute in cattle was mentioned by Brun-Rollet, , op. cit. 99.Google Scholar It was still in force at the beginning of the twentieth century. See Tappi, C., ‘Notes Ethnologiques sur les Chillouks’ in Bull. Soc. Khéd. de Géog. (Cairo, 1903), 121.Google Scholar

⁹⁷ This custom was in force at the turn of the century: “ … Pour le Ret ses sujets sont appelés à travailler tour à tour.’ Tappi, , 122.Google Scholar

⁹⁸ Brun-Rollet, , 96.Google Scholar

⁹⁹ ‘…quant il lui faut quelque chose, ou qu'il veut transmettre quelque ordre, il envoie un de ses hommes de Fachoda: celui-ci va porter l'ordre au chef, et le chef convoque ses hommes, lesquels obéissent parfaitement aux ordres reçus’, Tappi, , 122.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ de, Pruyssenaere, 209.Google Scholar

¹⁰¹ Evans-Pritchard, , 14.Google Scholar

¹⁰² Tappi, , 121.Google Scholar

¹⁰³ Poncet, , 19;Google ScholarBeltrame, , 78.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁴ ‘Ce souverain n'a pour hommes d'Etat qu'un simple conseil, formé des chefs des villages voisins de Denab’, Poncet, , 19.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁵ Such a crisis was posed by the Turco-Egyptian expedition of 1839–40. A deputation of settlement chiefs was sent to meet Selim Capitan (Selim, , 23–4).Google Scholar

¹⁰⁶ Petherick, , Travels in Central Africa etc., 4.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁷ Knoblecher MS., ‘Die Einigkeit und politische Verbindung unter einem König, der sie durch Ortschafts-vorsteher, deren Deputierte sich alle drei Wochen bei ihm sammeln, regiert, macht sie stark und ihren Feinden fürchterlich.’

¹⁰⁸ The following information on the ‘Bang Reth’ as an institution is taken from Pumphrey, M. E. C., ‘The Shilluk Tribe’, Sudan Notes Records (1941), 14–16.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁹ Members of the Bang Reth were regarded as the king's ‘own children’, to the extent that his marriage to any female relative of a member of the ‘Bang Reth’ was forbidden as incestuous.

¹¹⁰ It is difficult to estimate the fighting strength of the Bang Reth. In the 1850s the palace at Fashoda was alleged to have quarters for a bodyguard of 200 (Poncet, , 20).Google Scholar

¹¹¹ Tappi, as late as the turn of the century, noted that a conflict between two settlements, Touallong and Wau, was kept in low key, with no fatalities, because of the general fear that the Reth, if he heard of the squabble, might descend and deliver punishment by raiding the cattle of both sides (Tappi, , 124–5).Google Scholar

¹¹² Pumphrey, , ‘The Shilluk Tribe’, Sudan Notes Records (1941), 19.Google Scholar

¹¹³ Poncet, , 20. This account of the Reth's treasure is of course hearsay. As Poncet himself pointed out, the treasure house was held to be sacred and only those whom the king favoured could be allowed to see it.Google Scholar

¹¹⁴ Kaufmann, , 57. The guns were probably low-quality muskets; the king is said to have bought powder and shot for them. So while giving him some advantage over his own subjects, they would have given him little over the better armed Muslim traders.Google Scholar

¹¹⁵ Kaufmann, , 56Google Scholar and de, Pruyssenaere, 210.Google Scholar

¹¹⁶ Petherick, , Travels in Central Africa etc., 3.Google Scholar

¹¹⁷ de, Pruyssenaere, 10.Google Scholar

¹¹⁸ ‘…an annual tax consisting of one tenth of the yearly produce of grain and cattle is scrupulously imposed and levied’ (Petherick, , op. cit. 3).Google Scholar The grain tax is also mentioned by de, Pruyssenaere (op. cit. 210).Google Scholar

¹¹⁹ As recorded, this attitude stands in marked contrast to that of twentieth-century Shilluk who, on learning of the death of their king expressed their grief in the bleak cry ‘piny bugon’, i.e. ‘There is no land!’ But a twentieth-century Reth no longer had the power to be obstreperous. Howell, and Thomson, , ‘The Death of a Reth of the Shilluk and the Installation of his Successor,’ Sudan Notes Records (1946), 8.Google Scholar

¹²⁰ Poncet, (op. cit. 20)Google Scholar and Petherick, (Travels in Central Africa etc., 4) both give hearsay descriptions of this court.Google Scholar

¹²¹ Petherick in 1853 noted that the Shilluk of Kaka possessed high-quality iron spears and were decked out in a mass of ornaments. In its riot of local colour this account lies in marked contrast to both previous and subsequent descriptions of the Shilluk, in which the keynotes are poverty, drabness and nudity (Petherick, , Egypt, the Sudan etc., 352–3).Google Scholar

¹²² The most northerly Shilluk, living in continuous contact with the Muslim world, may be excepted. The Shilluk of the Eleis region came to accept Egyptian coins (Taylor, : p. 339).Google Scholar And some of the northerly Shilluk seem to have collected gum-arabic for sale. Trémaux, P.: Voyage en Ethiopie au Soudan Oriental et dans la Nigritie, II (Paris, 1862), 54.Google Scholar

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¹²⁴ Petherick, , Egypt, the Sudan etc. 345;Google ScholarKaufmann, , 62;Google ScholarBeltrame, , Il Flume Bianco etc., 89.Google Scholar

¹²⁵ Kaufmann, , 62.Google Scholar

¹²⁶ Beltrame, , Il Flume Bianco etc., 86.Google Scholar

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¹²⁸ The Reth was allegedly paid so much per hundred on slaves the Shilluk brought into Kaka market. Beltrame, , 90.Google Scholar

¹²⁹ Beltrame, , Il Flume Bianco etc., 86.Google Scholar

¹³⁰ Kaufmann, , 62.Google Scholar