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The Origin, Formation and Early History of the Chikunda of South Central Africa1

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  22 January 2009

Allen Isaacman
Allen Isaacman
Affiliation:
University of Minnesota
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Abstract

Although historians have examined the process of pre-colonial political integration, little attention has been paid to the complementary patterns of ethnic and cultural assimilation. The Chikunda, who were initially slaves on the Zambezi prazos, provide an excellent example of this phenomenon. Over the course of several generations, captives from more than twenty ethnic groups submerged their historical, linguistic, and cultural differences to develop a new set of institutions and a common identity. The decline of the prazo system during the first half of the nineteenth century generated large scale migrations of Chikunda outside of the lower Zambezi valley. They settled in Zumbo, the Luangwa valley and scattered regions of Malawi where they played an important role in the nineteenth-century political and military history of south central Africa.

Type
Research Article
Information
The Journal of African History , Volume 13 , Issue 3 , July 1972 , pp. 443 - 461
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1972

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References

2 See, Allen, Isaacman, Mozambique: The Africanization of a European Institution, the Zambesi Prazos 1750–1902 (University of Wisconsin Press, 1972);Google ScholarBronislaw, Stefaniszyn and Hilary de, Santana, ‘The rise of the Chikunda Condottieri’, The Northern Rhodesian Journal, IV (1960), 361–8;Google ScholarLane Poole, E. H., The Native Tribes of the East Luangwa Province (Northern Rhodesia, 1949), 68;Google ScholarTerence, Ranger, ‘Revolt in Portuguese East Africa–The Makombe Rising of 1917’, St. Anthony's Papers–African Affairs,' ed. Kenneth, Kirkwood, xv (London, 1963), 56;Google ScholarHarry, Langworthy, ‘A History of Undi to 1890’ (Ph.D. dissertation, Boston University, 1969), 274–81.Google Scholar

3 The only detailed treatment of the Chikunda is that written by Stefaniszyn and Santana. This provides valuable information about extant groups of Chikunda living in the Luangwa Valley.

4 Johnston, H. H., British Central Africa (London, 1898), 391;Google ScholarDuly, A. W. R., ‘The Lower Shire: Notes on Land Tenure and Individual Rights’, Nyasaland Journal I (1948), 22;Google ScholarJoaquim Norberto Santos, Júnior, Contribuiçāo para o Estudo da Anthropologia de Moçambique-Alguns Tribos do Distrito de Tete (Porto, 1944), 25;Google ScholarRita Ferreira, A., Agrupamento e Caracterizaçāo Etnica dos Indigenas de Moçambique (Lisbon, 1958), 52–3;Google ScholarMary, Tew, People of the Lake Nyasa Region (London, 1950), 31. This confusion is the logical outcome of the failure to examine adequately the complex ethnic and cultural composition of the peoples living along the Zambezi River from Tete to the Indian Ocean. There has been a tendency o designate indiscriminately peoples residing in narrowly defined geographic areas as belonging to a common tribe, without regard to their historical antecedents or to their ethnic and cultural affinity with the neighbouring peoples. The classifications of the Cheringoma, Nhungwe and Anguru as distinct ethnic groups are cases in point.Google Scholar

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8 Arquivo Histórico Ultrarnarino, Moçambique (A.H.U., Moç.), Cx. 2: undated and unsigned but marked Avulso 27; A.H.U., Moç., Cx. 3: Conde Luíz de Menezes to the, King, 4 11. 1730;Google ScholarManuel, Barretto, ‘Informação do Estado e Conquista dos Rios de Cuama, 1667’, Records of South East Africa, ed. Theal, G. M., III (Capetown, 1899), 436–95.Google Scholar

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10 A.H.U., Moç., Cx.: Fr. Fernando Jesús, M.A., 13 Apr. 1752.

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14 In general, the Chikunda constituted between 70 and 90 per cent of the male slave population.

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19 Slave exports until the last decade of the eighteenth century rarely exceeded a few hundred per annum. See A.N.T.T., Ministério do Reino, Maço 604: ‘Memória da Costa da África Oriental’, fol. 17, unsigned, 21 Mar. 1762 (Reprinted in Anais da Junta de Investigações do Ultramar, 9 Tomo 1 (Lisbon, 1954), 245).Google Scholar After a decade of sustained commercial relations with Brazilian slavers at the turn of the century, the number of slaves legally exported barely exceeded a thousand. (See António, Norberto de Barbosa de Villas Boas Truão, Estatística da Capitania dos Rios de Sena no Anno de 1806 [Lisbon, 1889], 14.)Google Scholar

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24 Interviews with Mozesse Domingos, Lole Nhanticole, Alface Pangache, Gimo Tito and Sete Marqueza.

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35 ‘Interviews with Chale Lupia and Chetambara Chenungo and Wilson John (jointly); Femandes, Júnior, ‘Narração’, 22;Google ScholarGamitto, , ‘Escravatura’, 399; A.N.T.T., Ministério do Reino, Maço 604: ‘Memória sobre a Costa de África’, 55–7,Google ScholarAntónio, Pinto de Miranda, undated (reprinted in Relações, 265–8).Google Scholar

36 ‘Interviews with Chale Lupia and Chetambara Chenungo and Wilson John (jointly); Fernandes, Júnior, ‘Narração’, 22;Google ScholarGamitto, , ‘Escravatura’, 399;Google Scholar A.N.T.T., Ministério do Reino, Maço 604: ‘Memória sobre a Costo de África’, 55−7, António, Pinto de Miranda, undated (reprinted in Relações, 265–8).Google Scholar

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38 Uterine brothers and sisters could succeed to an office in the absence of a son, and the initial residence pattern was uxorilocal (Stefaniszyn, and Santana, , ‘Chikunda Condottieri’, 362).Google Scholar

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44 For a detailed discussion of the political organization of the prazos see Isaacman, , The Zambesi Prazos 1750–1902, chapter 3.Google Scholar

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49 Traditions collected in such diverse regions as the Luangwa Valley, Zumbo, Tete and Fort Manning attest to their great skill both as hunters and marksmen.

50 A.H.U., Moç., Cx. 3: Fr. Joaquim des Rita, undated; A.H.U., Moç., Cx. 9: Manoel Francisco, RozÁrio, 1803.Google Scholar

51 Chikunda trading caravans visited both regions regularly by the end of the century. Given the availability of large numbers of elephants, it is likely that they also hunted in the adjacent forests and that the first Chikunda settlements date from this period.

52 For a discussion of the long distance trading systems in the Zambezi region, see Isaacman, , The Zambesi Prazos 1750–1902, chapter 5.Google Scholar

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69 See Isaacman, , The Zambesi Prazos 1750–1902, chapter 9 for an analysis of these conquest states.Google Scholar

70 Although virtually nothing has been written about Matequenha and Canhemba, a wealth of data exists in the Arquivo Histórico de Moçambique about them and their Afro-Portuguese counterparts in the Zunibo Region.

71 Erelsford, W. V., The Tribes of Northern Rhodesia (Lusaka, 1956), 45 and 84;Google ScholarBromsiaw, Stefaniszyn, Social and Ritual Life of the Ambo of Northern Rhodesia (London, 1964), pp. xxi–xxii;Google ScholarLangworthy, , ‘A History of the Undi to 1890’, 278.Google Scholar

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73 Selous, F. C., Travel and Adventure in Africa (London, 1893), 62–3;Google ScholarBrelsford, , Tribes of Northern Rhodesia, 36;Google ScholarStefaniszyn, and Santana, , ‘Chikunda Condottieri’, 363;Google ScholarStefaniszyn, , Social and Ritual Life of the Ambo, 64;Google ScholarHarry, Langworthy, ‘Conflict among rulers in the history of Undi's Chewa Kingdom’, Transafrican Journal of History, 1 (1971), 15–16.Google Scholar

74 Selous, , Travel and Adventure, 57–62;Google ScholarRowley, , Universities Mission, 103;Google Scholar A.H.M., Cx. 4-195, Maço 7: Rufino de Carvalho to Commandante Militar de Chicoa, 19 Feb. 1897; Stefaniszyn, , Social and Ritual Life of the Ambo, 64.Google Scholar

75 Barrie, Reynolds, The Material Culture of the Peoples of the Gwembe Valley (New York, 1968), 17, 59, 75, 183, 189, 194, and 197.Google Scholar

76 The author is currently involved in a detailed study of the patterns of Chikunda migrations, the nature of their interaction with the indigenous Malawian and Zambian peoples, and their important political and military roles in their new homelands.