Hostname: page-component-76fb5796d-dfsvx Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-04-25T16:28:06.310Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

A NOMADIC STATE? THE ‘BLEMMYEAN-BEJA’ POLITY OF THE ANCIENT EASTERN DESERT

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  10 February 2021

Julien Cooper*
Affiliation:
Research Centre for History and Culture, Beijing Normal University & UIC

Abstract

Ancient nomadic peoples in Northeast Africa, being in the shadow of urban regimes of Egypt, Kush, and Aksum as well as the Graeco-Roman and Arab worlds, have been generally relegated to the historiographical model of the frontier ‘barbarian’. In this view, little political importance is attached to indigenous political organisation, with desert nomads being considered an amorphous mass of unsettled people beyond the frontiers of established states. However, in the Eastern Desert of Sudan and Egypt, a pastoralist nomadic people ancestrally related to the modern Beja dominated the deserts for millennia. Though generally considered as a group of politically divided tribes sharing only language and a pastoralist economy, ancient Beja society and its elites created complex political arrangements in their desert. When Egyptian, Greek, Coptic, and Arab sources are combined and analysed, it is evident that nomads formed a large confederate ‘nomadic state’ throughout late antiquity and the early medieval period — a vital cog in the political engine of Northeast Africa.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © The Author(s), 2021. Published by Cambridge University Press

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

Footnotes

This research is supported by the project ‘Nomadic Empires: A World-Historical Perspective’, which is funded by the European Research Council under the European Union's Seventh Framework Program (FP/2007-2013) / ERC Grant Agreement no. 615040.

References

1 Rilly, C., ‘Languages of ancient Nubia’, in Raue, D. (ed.), Handbook of Ancient Nubia (Berlin, 2019), 131–5Google Scholar.

2 See Plumley, J., ‘An eighth-century Arabic letter to the king of Nubia’, Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, 61:1 (1975), 7CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Huntingford, G., Historical Geography of Ethiopia (Oxford, 1989), 42–3Google Scholar.

3 The most extensive studies of the late antique Blemmyes are Dijkstra, J., Philae and the End of Ancient Egyptian Religion: A Regional Study of Religious Transformation (298–642 CE) (Leuven, Belgium, 2008)Google Scholar; and Updegraff, R., ‘The Blemmyes I: the rise of the Blemmyes and the Roman withdrawal from Nubia under Diocletian’, in Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt, Volume X, Book I (New York, 1988), 4497Google Scholar.

4 This paper avoids the problematic word ‘chiefdom’ due to its implied status in political evolutionary models and value judgments on the perceived ‘complexity’ of these polities. See McIntosh, S., ‘Pathways to complexity: an African perspective’, in McIntosh, S. (ed.), Beyond Chiefdoms: Pathways to Complexity in Africa (Cambridge, 1995), 130Google Scholar.

5 For the appearance of polities on the Middle Niger before and after Islam, see McIntosh, R., Ancient Middle Niger: Urbanism and the Self Organising Landscape (Cambridge, 2005), 510Google Scholar.

6 M. Davies, ‘The archaeology of clan- and lineage-based societies in Africa’, in P. Mitchell and P. Lane (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of African Archaeology (Oxford, 2013), 727–33.

7 S. di Lernia, ‘Spatial, temporal, and archaeological frameworks of North African rock art’, in B. David and I. McNiven (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of the Archaeology and Anthropology of Rock Art (Oxford, 2019), 110–11.

8 See McIntosh, S. and McIntosh, R. ‘From stone to metal: new perspectives on the later prehistory of West Africa’, Journal of World Prehistory, 2:1 (1988), 89–133CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

9 See D. Mattingly, ‘The Garamantes and the origins of Saharan trade’, in D. Mattingly et al. (eds.), Trade in the Ancient Sahara and Beyond (Cambridge, 2017), 1–52.

10 D. Sneath, The Headless State: Aristocratic Orders, Kinship Society and Misrepresentations of Nomadic Inner Asia (New York, 2007), 43–91; J. Morton, Descent, Reciprocity and Inequality among the Northern Beja (unpublished PhD thesis, University of Hull, 1989), 50–1.

11 Al-Yaqubi noted that the Beja are ‘subdivided into tribes and clans, as is customary among the Arabs’; see G. Vantini (ed. and trans.), Oriental Sources Concerning Nubia (Heidelberg, 1975), 71–2. Gabila derives from the standard Arabic word for ‘tribe’, qabila.

12 K. Sethe, Urkunden des Alten Reichs, Volume I (Leipzig, 1933), 111; K. Sethe, Die Ächtung feindlicher Fürsten, Völker und Dinge auf altägyptischen Tongefäßscherben des Mittleren Reiches: nach den Originalen im Berliner Museum (Berlin, 1926), 34–5, 37, 39–40; Koenig, Y., ‘Les textes d'envoûtement de Mirgissa’, Revue d’Égyptologie, 41 (1990), 105–6Google Scholar.

13 Manzo, A., ‘The territorial expanse of the Pan-Grave culture thirty years later’, Sudan & Nubia, 21 (2017), 98112Google Scholar.

14 Scharff, A., ‘Ein Rechnungsbuch des königlichen Hofes aus der 13. Dynastie (Pap. Boulaq Nr. 18)’, Zeitschrift für Ägyptische Sprache, 57 (1922), 5168CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

15 L. Habachi, The Second Stela of Kamose and his Struggle against the Hyksos Ruler and his Capital (Glückstadt, Germany, 1972), 48; V. Davies, ‘Kush in Egypt: a new historical inscription’, Sudan & Nubia, 7 (2003), 52–4.

16 T. Eide, T. Hägg, R. H. Pierce, and L. Török (eds.), Fontes Historiae Nubiorum, Volume II (Bergen, 1996), no. 78 (hereafter FHN II).

17 K. Zibelius-Chen, ‘Ein weiterer Beleg zum sprachlichen Kontinuum des Medja-Bedja (Tu-bedauye)’, in G. Moers et al. (eds.), Jn.t ḏr.w: Festschrift für Friedrich Junge (Göttingen, 2006), 729–33.

18 H. Cuvigny, ‘Papyrological evidence on “barbarians” in the Egyptian Eastern Desert’, in J. Dijkstra and G. Fisher (eds.), Inside and Out: Interactions between Rome and the Peoples on the Arabian and Egyptian Frontiers in Late Antiquity (Leuven, Belgium, 2014), 187–8.

19 S. Burstein, Agatharchides of Cnidus: On the Erythraean Sea (London, 1989), 108–9. Note that the original ethnonym is ‘Trogodytes’, not ‘Troglodytes’; see note 21.

20 H. Cuvigny, ‘L'élevage des chameaux sur la route d'Edfou à Bérénice d'après une lettre trouvée à Bi'r Samût (IIIe siècle av. J.-C.)’, in D. Agut-Labordère and B. Redon (eds.), Les vaisseaux du désert et des steppes: Les camélidés dans l'Antiquité (Camelus dromedarius et Camelus bactrianus) (Lyon, 2020), 171–80.

21 R. H. Pierce, ‘A Blemmy by any other name…: a study in Greek ethnography’, in H. Barnard and K. Duistermaat (eds.), The History of the Peoples of the Eastern Desert (Los Angeles, 2012), 230.

22 L. Casson, Periplus Maris Erythraei, Text with Introduction, Translation, and Commentary (Princeton, 1989), 51.

23 G. Möller, ‘Mḫbr = Μɛγάβαρος’, Zeitschrift für Ägyptische Sprache, 55 (1918), 79–81.

24 Pierce, ‘Blemmy by any other name’, 237.

25 A. Manzo, ‘New Eastern Desert Ware finds from Sudan and Ethiopia’, in A. Lohwasser and P. Wolf (eds.), Ein Forscherleben zwischen den Welten: zum 80. Geburtstag von Steffen Wenig (Berlin, 2014), 237–52.

26 Translation in Vantini, Oriental Sources, 160. Ibn Hawqal describes the ‘Bazin’ (Kunama) and ‘Bariya’ (Nara) on the Baraka. The Gash River (Dujn or Dukn in these geographies) was also the home of ‘sedentary Beja’.

27 T. Eide et al. (eds.), Fontes Historiae Nubiorum, Volume III (Bergen, 1998), no. 301 (hereafter FHN III).

28 U. de Villard, Storia della Nubia Cristiana (Rome, 1938), 59.

29 G. Lassányi, ‘On the archaeology of the native population of the Eastern Desert in the first–seventh centuries CE’, in H. Barnard and K. Duistermaat (eds.), The History of the Peoples of the Eastern Desert (Los Angeles, 2012), 248–69.

30 FHN III, no. 300.

31 The difference in the name's transcription is due to the rendering in the Meroitic alpha-syllabary. For the Berenike inscription, see Ast, R. and Rądkowska, J., ‘Dedication of the Blemmyan interpreter Mochosak on behalf of King Isemne’, Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik, 215 (2020), 147–58Google Scholar.

32 Rilly, ‘Language’, 1177.

33 Ast and Rądkowska, ‘Dedication’, 147–58.

34 FHN III, no. 309.

35 FHN III, nos. 311 and 313.

36 Recorded in R. Payne Smith, The Third Part of the Ecclesiastical History of John Bishop of Ephesus (Oxford, 1860), 325; see also J.-B. Chabot, Chronique de Michel le Syrien, Volume II (Paris, 1910), 300.

37 FHN III, no. 319.

38 Obłuski, A., ‘Ethnic Blemmyes vs. political Blemmyes’, Mitteilungen der Sudanarchaeologischen Gesellschaft, 24 (2013), 144–5Google Scholar.

39 Worp, K., ‘BGU III 972 + P.Ross.Georg.V 41 Fr.iv, v’, Zeitschrift für Papryologie und Epigraphik, 61 (1985), 94Google Scholar.

40 Manassa, C., ‘An enigmatic site near Debabiya: Desert and Nilotic interconnections during the Late Roman Period’, Journal of Ancient Egyptian Interconnections, 5:4 (2013), 24–7Google Scholar.

41 See FHN III, 1121.

42 FHN III, nos. 331 and 335.

43 FHN III, no. 339.

44 FHN III, no. 336.

45 H. Winkler, Rock-Drawings of Southern Upper Egypt I: Sir Robert Mond Desert Expedition: Preliminary Report (London, 1937), 13; de Villard, Storia della Nubia Cristiana, 30–1.

46 Papyri explicitly mention the practice of camel branding using both Greek and ‘Arabic’ letters (likely Nabataean or other North Arabian scripts); see J. de Jong, ‘Arabia, Arabs, and “Arabic” in Greek documents in Egypt’, in S. Bouderbala, S. Denoix, and M. Malczycki (eds.), New Frontiers in Arabic Papyrology (Leiden, 2017), 16–7.

47 P. Červiček, Felsbilder des Nord-Etbai, Oberägyptens und Unternubiens (Wiesbaden, Germany, 1974), abb. 27 (Abraq), abb. 59 (Aigat), abb. 404 (Atawni, Edfu), abb. 426 (Wadi Mia), and abb. 490 (N. Aswan); Raven, M., ‘The temple of Taffeh, II: the graffiti’, Oudheidkundige Mededelingen uit het Rijksmuseum van Oudheden, 79 (1999), 98Google Scholar; M. Farkas and Z. Horváth, ‘Catalogue’, in U. Luft (ed.), Bi'r Minayh: Report on the Survey 1998–2004 (Budapest, 2010), 68, 84, 87, 297–8. For Rawai, see The Griffith Institute, University of Oxford, Douglas Newbold Files, ‘History and archaeology of the Beja tribes of Eastern Sudan’, Volume 1, 126; and for Hankaloweb, see F. Hinkel, Archaeological Map of Sudan, Volume VI (Berlin, 1992), 327. For Wadi Hammamat and Hagandieh (Edfu), see W. Resch, Die Felsbilder Nubiens (Graz, Austria, 1967), Tf. 1, 27. At Bir Salala, see Bent, J., ‘A visit to the Northern Sudan’, The Geographical Journal, 8:4 (1896), 341CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

48 Vantini, Oriental Sources, 162.

49 FHN III, no. 339; Ast and Rądkowska, ‘Dedication’, 151.

50 FHN III, no. 339.

51 E. Bernand, ‘Nouvelles versions de la champagne du roi Ezana contre les Bedja’, Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik, 45 (1982), 108.

52 See Dijkstra, Philae, 161–3.

53 FHN III, no. 317.

54 Dijkstra, Philae, 160–3; A. Obłuski, The Rise of Nobadia (Warsaw, 2014), 188–90; FHN III, 1150n777.

55 For ‘treaties’ between the Blemmyes and the Romans, see FHN III, no. 293 (336 CE); FHN III, no. 295 (330s CE); no. 318 (452 CE); and no. 328 (298 CE).

56 Dijkstra, Philae, 154–70; Obłuski, Rise of Nobadia, 188–90.

57 Following Mayerson, P., ‘The use of the term “phylarchos” in the Roman-Byzantine East’, Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik, 88 (1991), 291–5Google Scholar.

58 T. Power, The Red Sea from Byzantium to Caliphate (AD 500–1000) (Cairo, 2012), 135–7.

59 J. Hagen, ‘Districts, towns and other locations of medieval Nubia and Egypt, mentioned in the Coptic and Old Nubian texts from Qasr Ibrim’, Sudan & Nubia, 13 (2009), 118.

60 Sandars, G. and Owen, T., ‘Note on ancient villages in Khor Nubt and Khor Omek’, Sudan Notes and Records, 32 (1951), 326–31Google Scholar.

61 Norris, T., ‘The Futūḥ al-Bahnasā’, Quaderni di studi arabi, 4 (1986), 7186Google Scholar.

62 Zaborski, A., ‘Notes on the medieval history of the Beja tribes’, Folia Orientalia, 7 (1965), 289307Google Scholar.

63 Translation in Vantini, Oriental Sources, 624–5. This arrangement is even proposed etymologically. The word Hadarib likely means ‘Sons of the Chief’ from had'a ‘chief, sheikh’; see A. Zaborski, ‘Beja Hadarab and Hadendowa – a common etymology’, in A. Avram, A. Focs¸eneanu, and G. Grigore (eds.), A Festschrift for Nadia Anghelescu (Bucharest, 2011), 572–6.

64 D. Morin, ‘Beni ᶜAmər’, in S. Uhlig (ed.), Encyclopaedia Aethiopica, Volume I (Wiesbaden, Germany, 2003), 527–9.

65 G. Dahl and A. Hjort af Ornäs, Responsible Man: The Atmaan Beja of North-eastern Sudan (Stockholm, 1991), 23–9.

66 Kheir, ‘Ibn Sulaym’, 55–65.

67 Translation in Vantini, Oriental Sources, 115, 131.

68 Power, Red Sea, 138–40.

69 For this name as a misspelling or Arabization of a Beja name Olbab (generous), see Morin, D., ‘Mimetic traditions in Beja poetry from Sudan’, Research in African Literatures, 28:1 (1997), 33Google Scholar.

70 On Hadarib in this period, see Power, Red Sea, 169–75.

71 Ibn al-Furat in Vantini, Oriental Sources, 535.

72 See Epiphanius, FHN III, no. 305; Olympiodorus, FHN III, no. 309; and Cosmas, Topography Chrétienne, Volume II, trans. W. Wolska-Conus (Paris, 1973), 11, 21.1–5.

73 For raids against the Egyptian New Kingdom, see B. Trigger et al., Ancient Egypt: A Social History (Cambridge, 1983), 258–62.

74 See R. Updegraff, A Study of the Blemmyes (unpublished PhD thesis, Brandeis University, 1978), 46–162.

75 S. Sidebotham, Berenike and the Ancient Maritime Spice Route (Los Angeles, 2011), 221.

76 G. Hatke, Aksum and Nubia (New York, 2013), 67–139.

77 Bernand, ‘Nouvelles versions’, 105–14; and the Panegyrici Latini, FHN III, no. 279.

78 Hatke, Aksum and Nubia, 44–51.

79 In the Nubian context, see G. Emberling, ‘Pastoral states: toward a comparative archaeology of early Kush’, Origini: Preistoria e protostoria delle civiltà antiche, 36 (2013), 148.

80 See Cuvigny, ‘L'élevage’, 171–80; Manzo, A., ‘Late antique evidence in Eastern Sudan’, Sudan & Nubia, 8 (2004), 81Google Scholar.

81 Ast and Rądkowska, ‘Dedication’, 147–58.

82 See H. Barnard, Eastern Desert Ware: Traces of the Inhabitants of the Eastern Deserts in Egypt and Sudan during the 4th–6th Centuries CE (Oxford, 2008), 1–6.

83 G. Lassányi, ‘Tumulus burials and the nomadic population of the Eastern Desert in late antiquity’, in W. Godlewski and A. Łajtar (eds.), Between the Cataracts: Proceedings of the 11th Conference for Nubian Studies, Warsaw University, 27 August–2 September 2006, Part II (Warsaw, 2010), 595–606.

84 See Sadr, K., Castiglioni, A., and Castiglioni, A., ‘Deraheib: die goldene Stadt der Nubischen Wüste’, Mitteilungen der Sudanarchaeologischen Gesellschaft, 9 (1999), 52–7Google Scholar.

85 O. Crawford, The Fung Kingdom of Sennar (Gloucester, 1951), 104–6. The tenth-century Persian geography, the Ḥudūd al-ʿĀlam, also mentions ‘the residence of a Beja King’ in a section of damaged text, see V. Minorsky, Hudūd al-ʿĀlam: The Regions of the World (Karachi, 1980), 164.

86 Obłuski, ‘Ethnic Blemmyes’, 144–5; T. Sakamoto, ‘Qurta, une ville commerciale du roi Kharamadoye?’, Göttinger Miszellen, 251 (2017), 95–106.

87 D. Welsby, The Medieval Kingdoms of Nubia (London, 2002), 17. Some historians are more disparaging, having described Blemmyean polities as ‘political entities pretending to the status of “kingdom”’; see T. Papadopoullos, Africanobyzantina (Athens, 1966), 20–2.

88 Dijkstra, Philae, 163–6.

89 FHN III, no. 328. For Mandulis, see Zaki, G., ‘Le dieu mandoulis de Paptoûlis à Talmis’, Revue d'égyptologie, 60 (2009), 184–5CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

90 FHN III, nos. 300, 310, 311, 312, and 313.

91 Dijkstra, Philae, 9–11.

92 Vantini, Oriental Sources, 79, 103.

93 Vantini, Oriental Sources, 630–1.

94 G. Oman, V. Grassi, and A. Trombetta, The Book of Khor Nubt: Epigraphic Evidence of an Islamic-Arabic Settlement in Nubia (Sudan) in the III–IV Centuries A.H./X–XI A.D. (Naples, 1998), 116.

95 R. Werner, Das Christentum in Nubien (Berlin, 2011), 419–20. There is even a Christian text in Beja language, see Wedekind, K., ‘More on the Ostracon of Browne's “Textus Blemmyicus”’, Annali, 70 (2010), 7381Google Scholar.

96 FHN III, no. 334; see also nos. 310–13.

97 Edwards, D., ‘Meroe and the Sudanic kingdoms’, The Journal of African History, 39:2 (1998), 177CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Howley, K., ‘Sudanic statecraft?: political organization in the early Napatan period’, Journal of Ancient Egyptian Interconnections, 7 (2015), 3041Google Scholar.

98 McIntosh, ‘Pathways to complexity’, 14–16.

99 FHN III, no. 319.

100 Pekka Hämäläinen defines this type of polity as ‘a power regime that revolved around a set of mobile activities: long distance raiding, seasonal expansions, transnational diplomatic missions, semi-permanent trade fairs, recurring political assemblies and control over shifting economic nodes’; see Hämäläinen, P., ‘What's in a concept?: the kinetic empire of the Comanches’, History and Theory, 52:1 (2013), 85CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

101 For varying definitions, see Honeychurch, B., ‘Alternative complexities: the archaeology of pastoral nomadic states’, Journal of Archaeological Research, 22:4 (2014), 292–3CrossRefGoogle Scholar.